CHANGING POSITION.
The appointment of the black major of infantry, at the time of its
public announcement, created considerable discussion. As the causes
leading to it have never yet been publicly known, to gratify a
legitimate curiosity, we will give it, beginning with the materials
with which he wrought out the claims of his people to the national
consideration. Like every intelligent observer of events, he had noted
that while the rebellion had progressed considerably, the status of
the colored people had shown no decided change. The policy of the
army relative to the slaves was vague and undefined, and, in many
instances, brutal, while the fidelity and devotion of these blacks to
the Union army find no parallel in modern times away from the pages of
romance. No overdrawn picture, but abounding with truthful figures,
while from its background arise countless suggestions to the nation,
was that gracefully presented by Major Nichols in his “Story of the
Great March,” when he said, “The negroes all tell the general that
the falsehoods of the rebel papers never deceived them, and that they
believed his ‘retreats’ sure victories; that they would serve the Union
cause in any way, and in all ways, that they could--as soldiers, as
drivers, or pioneers. Indeed, the faith, earnestness, and heroism of
the black men are among the grandest developments of this war. When I
think of the universal testimony of our escaped soldiers, who enter our
lines every day, that, in the hundreds of miles which they traverse on
their way, they never ask the poor slave in vain for help; that the
poorest negro hides and shelters them, and shares the last crumb with
them,--all this impresses me with a weight of obligation and a love for
them that stir the very depths of my soul.”
Yet these services were not sufficient to save the bondman from being
returned to his abject condition. This is familiar to all, especially
in the early record of the army of the Potomac; and for a long time
during the war these humiliating scenes were being enacted, either
openly or under some constitutional disguise.
The word “contraband” had been spoken into history by the great
radical convert; but neither that, nor the reticence of the president
concerning the status of the blacks seeking the Union lines, gave light
to the dark, deplorable situation.
The president was cognizant of these acts, as he at one time stated;
but apportioning to himself but limited powers under the constitution,
he hesitated to proceed beyond these limits, unless he had the support
of the people. Silently he awaited the time when the country, aroused
to its honor and best interest, would cast out from it this ghoul
that had sustained itself on the life-blood of the nation. He at last
issued his Emancipation Proclamation; yet this could not accomplish
everything. After the capture of Chattanooga, a valiant commander
wrote to Major-General Palmer in Kentucky, “Send the rebel sympathizers
and their negroes down the river, out of the country, and let them seek
a clime more congenial for themselves and their peculiar institution.”
Thus, whether displayed in military parade around Washington, or in
cautious reconnoitrings on the banks of the Mississippi, or in the
brilliant engagement of Chickamauga, to the terrible three days’
struggle but glorious harvest of Gettysburg, the policy of the mighty
armies of the Union converged to the same object--to ignore the negro’s
claims, and send the slave back to his master.
Delany viewed the moral bearing of this tendency upon the future of his
people; he felt that in these repeated acts of injustice the energies
of the blacks were fast being chilled.
On this subject he frequently expressed himself, and persistently urged
measures then untouched as the only means which would insure success.
He said when he made known his plans to his always noble-hearted
friend, Frederick Douglass, he gave him encouragement, adding that he
was no soldier himself, but had given two sons to the war.
There were others to whom he made these measures known, though not the
plans by which he intended placing them before the president, among
them we find the names of John Jones, Esq., of Detroit, his colleague
“in office,” Dr. Amos Aray, once associated with him, Mr. George
Vosburg, a man of sterling worth among his people, Dr. Willis Revels,
of Indianapolis, and others not unknown to fame.
In his zeal he endeavored to induce the leading politicians among
the colored people to unite upon some settled policy by which they
should be governed, and to this end he addressed a letter through a
paper supported by them in New York, invoking a national convention of
the representative men, for the purpose of defining their position in
relation to the war; but it failed to meet the general approbation.
He saw the progress of the war producing contingencies, challenging
policies, demanding of all some definite, immediate action. And
the action of the president, apart from positive constitutional
obligations, was based upon these. Under such circumstances, what need
was most demanded _was reliable, adequate means_. These were best
adapted to the desired end, and suggested by such as applied in person
to the president.
He said, that “to wait upon the president at such a time to obtain
anything from him could only be realized by having something, or plan,
to offer the government, or it would be demonstrating an expression of
Mr. Lincoln, with cap in hand, and ask, ‘Mr. President, what have you
to give me?’ when the reply invariably was,’Sir, what have you to offer
me?’”
He saw at one time one of the possible contingencies of the war was an
indication of foreign intervention. The government had its own methods
and measures of meeting this event; but, aside from this, any aid would
be acceptable. Where could this be found? Could it be made available?
and who will offer it? were questions of importance with the government.
In view of the menacing attitude presented by two of the greatest
powers of the world, with a probability of others following them, he
addressed a letter on the subject to the Anglo-African, setting forth
what he considered the best measure to be adopted by the colored people
to the interest of the country in the event of foreign intervention.
Another and most momentous contingency he viewed from his stand-point
was, the probability of the south calling the blacks to arms. This
event, to every intelligent observer of the times, was from the
first of as much importance to the government as that of foreign
intervention. It was not least among the complicated problems awaiting
the solution of the nation; for while all others might be met by the
general usages and laws of war, diplomacy, and force of arms, the last
could only be met by measures at once unprecedented, and peculiar to
the method of meeting belligerents.
To present the means of meeting these ends was certainly of vast
importance to the government.
Thus, in view of the threat of Jefferson Davis to arm the blacks, as
slaves to fight for the establishment of a slave confederacy, he argued
that some means should be devised in order to frustrate this design.
To many of the leading colored men of the North, and the old
abolitionists, this was comparatively an easy task,--having originated
that great scheme known as the Underground Railroad, which, for nearly
forty years had baffled the comprehension of their foes--a scheme so
well devised and skilfully conducted, that from one to forty were
continually being passed out of every part of the far South to Texas,
Massachusetts, and Canada.
These men had the same means of reaching the slaves, and through
this medium could reach them, in order to prevent their joining their
oppressors.
None expected at the beginning of the rebellion that, in its extreme
weakness, the tottering Confederacy would call for aid from those its
very first utterance had sought to consign to perpetual degradation.
And we knew not what temptation would be held out the next hour, in
order to secure the aim of the South. Therefore, can the means be made
available immediately, was a matter of painful anxiety.
At length he determined on the execution of his long-designed plans.
An event renewed his zeal. In January, 1865, he received a despatch
from a friend to go to Indianapolis, as Governor Morton had proposed
to raise two additional black regiments for the service. And this
friend, to whose telegram he responded, had presented his claims to the
consideration of the friends of the movement, hearing that they were
determined, if possible, to secure the appointment of a black officer
for the state, as acting superintendent, commissioned with the rank of
captain.
But intelligence being soon after received from the secretary of war
disapproving of the measure, he immediately returned to Wilberforce
College, where, more fully to identify himself with the interests
of the country, as well as to secure educational advantages for his
children, he had previously removed his family from Canada. Thence he
set out for Washington. During the time he was engaged in recruiting
for the service, he had been a keen observer of measures developed
in the progress of the rebellion. He had been in correspondence with
many of the leading men of both races in the country, and in his own
mind had been deducing measures applicable to the events transpiring
relative to the colored people. Hence his presence in Washington, to
see the chief magistrate, though well aware of the failure of others
of his race who had preceded him there, to accomplish a satisfactory
result. This consideration would have deterred many men, for among
those who had sought the president were men noted for their high
attainments and general popularity. Casting from him all suggestions of
the impossibility of success by the strength of his character, without
aid or adventitious surroundings, he struck out into a path before
untrodden by others of his race.
How it was accomplished we propose to relate, as a part of the
history of the great revolution, and as the crowning act of the noble
president’s life and his great secretary of war.
Said Dr. James McCune Smith of this movement, “Delany is a success
among the colored men;” and subsequent events proved the correctness of
the assertion.