[Illustration: BATTLE OF MONTEREY GENERAL PLAN]

The opportunities for defence were excellent. Lying encompassed--except

on the north and east--with steep, high spurs of the Sierra Madre, where

the Saltillo road and the small but swift Santa Catarina River debouched

from Rinconada Pass, the city formed a sort of rectangle somewhat more

than a mile in length from east to west and about nine squares wide

at the broadest. Only a short distance from the western end rose high

and steep foothills, and some of these were now crowned with redoubts.

Along the southern side the river and its high, rough bank were almost

a sufficient protection; but they were supplemented with fortified

buildings and yard walls, barricades at the ends of the streets, and for

about half the way a solid parapet.[11.15]

The eastern part of the town was given special attention, for here

entered the principal roads from the north. In the city proper nearly

all the streets ran straight either at right angles or parallel, and

in each of the central ones now rose a double line of overlapping

barricades or breastworks of masonry, provided with embrasures and

with ditches. Outside these a series of redoubts was constructed; and

wherever the enemy seemed likely to come, the houses--almost always

one story high--were loopholed and provided with ammunition. As they

had been constructed very solidly of rubble-work, were protected with

strong doors and iron-barred windows, and had flat roofs (_azoteas_)

defended with sand-bags in addition to their stone parapets, they were

veritable fortresses. At the heart of the town stood the cathedral with

its elaborately carved façade, a chime in one spire and in the other a

clock. This became the general magazine. In front of it was the main

plaza, bounded on the western side by the prison; and beyond the prison

lay the market square.[11.15]

The north side of the town had even stronger protection. Within

12-pounder range of almost every part of the city stood a solid pile of

masonry, twenty-five or thirty feet high, blackened by time. This was

an unfinished cathedral; and, taking it as a donjon, Mejía's engineers

threw round its columns and buttresses a quadrangular bastioned

earthwork, intended for about thirty guns. The high parapet, eleven and

a half feet thick, was faced on both sides with a soft gray tufa, in

which cannon balls were expected to embed themselves. The ditch, though

not wide enough and not completely excavated, was twelve feet deep. A

garrison of four hundred with eight guns occupied the position; and

although the two small magazines were not adequately protected against

falling projectiles, and still other faults could be pointed out by

an expert, this fort, commonly known as the citadel, was a powerful

work, and, standing on a slight elevation, it could sweep the roads and

the plain east and north of the town. A sort of telegraph enabled its

commander, Colonel Uraga, to communicate with headquarters.[11.16]

Plenty of ammunition and an adequate store of provisions were

accumulated. General Requena labored indefatigably in repairing

discarded cannon, and about forty guns were found available. American

deserters, who either had been or had become skilful gunners, were on

hand to point some of them. There was one capital, underlying defect in

the whole plan of defence. To hold all the works firmly required a much

larger garrison than Ampudia had. More or less clearly the mistake was

understood; but the active coöperation of the cavalry and the reserves

was expected to offset it.[11.17]

Santa Anna's policy was not merely to give up indefensible towns, and

he ordered Ampudia to drive away all cattle that the Americans might

otherwise obtain, destroy provisions and make the water supply useless

whenever a place had to be abandoned, besides urging the inhabitants

to leave their homes on Taylor's approach, so as to show the Americans

and the world that Mexico could never be subdued; and Ampudia not only

endeavored to execute these instructions, but adopted measures of his

own to supplement the efforts of his troops. The people were ordered to

intercept messengers and convoys, capture small parties, and in every

possible way imitate the royalists of Spain, who had made the soldiers

of Napoleon so much trouble. Martial law went into effect, and thus

in addition to other advantages the authority of the indifferent or

disloyal governor was obliterated.[11.18]

Disloyalty and indifference among the people were combated at the

same time, as Ampudia informed the government, by a twofold policy of

"moderation" and "decisive energy," in which the second ingredient

appeared the more conspicuous. All the citizens of the region received

a summons to come and help defend the nation. Notice was publicly given

that any person voluntarily affording the enemy direct or indirect aid

would be shot; everybody was required to denounce offences of this kind;

and all authorities were ordered to inflict the penalty. A circular in

English inviting Americans to desert met our troops, and the inhabitants

were directed to succor and protect all such repentant foes. Taylor

had but a few regulars, Ampudia proclaimed, and the rest of his army

was "a mob of adventurers without valor or discipline." Moreover the

sacred cause of independence itself appealed for support, and could not

be ignored. "Soldiers," he cried, "Victory or death must be our only

motto." Thanks to this vigorous policy and the increased numbers of the

army at Monterey, by the middle of September the temper of the people

towards the Americans noticeably changed.[11.19]

[AMPUDIA UNDER A CLOUD]

In other respects, however, the General did not feel so well pleased.

In person large and strong, with a soldierly mustache and goatee and a

martial bearing, he figured well on horseback; but he was really small

and mean, and his measure had been taken. His obtaining the command

of the army--first at Matamoros and again recently--through political

intrigue was fairly well understood. Many attributed the disaster

of May 9 to his machinations against Arista. A dominant regard for

personal safety was known to be one of his characteristics. His chief

distinction, said the British minister at Mexico, arose from acts of

violence done in abuse of power, and he now acted out his disposition.

However the general public might be deceived, such a man could not

impress the officers by talking about a sacred cause and "victory or

death"; and old personal animosities against him supplemented the want

of confidence based on public grounds. One of the officers wrote bluntly

to him that the disgust and discouragement produced by the news of his

appointment could be seen plainly on the faces of nearly all. Complaints

against him were forwarded to the government. The press voiced this

hostile sentiment, and fresh enmities were rapidly engendered.[11.20]

Nor did military affairs prosper very well. The funds were scanty, and

that state of things could not fail to cause dissatisfaction. Ampudia's

appointing Ramírez, who understood tactics but not engineering, to

supervise the construction of works met with disapproval. Numerous

changes of policy had a similar reception. At first he adopted Mejía's

plan of attempting nothing serious in the field, and then he decided to

meet the enemy at Marín, some twenty miles from the city. A council was

held; and finally, as most of the officers opposed this project, it was

given up. Then another council decided to abandon certain incomplete

fortifications between the citadel and the western defences; and at

the instance of Ramírez a very important fort, the Tenería redoubt at

the eastern end of the town, was demolished. Such vacillation and such

waste, both moral and material, undermined the courage and confidence of

the garrison and stimulated its dissensions.[11.21]

At Cadereita, August 31, there were a thousand regular cavalry, and

they were ordered to attack five hundred Texan horse then at China; but

they accomplished nothing. The Americans march carelessly and in small

bodies, observers reported; they loosen their arms and stoop down to

drink at the first water; they sleep as if at home; they carry little

ammunition; and their muleteers are hoping the train will be attacked.

With such opportunities the six hundred troopers now under Canales were

expected to do something; but that astute leader merely gave reasons why

they could not. "Nothing, absolutely nothing will either the regular

cavalry or the auxiliaries do against the enemy," exclaimed Ampudia

bitterly; and on September 18 the whole mounted force of about three

thousand meekly retreated to the town, leaving the roads practically

open.[11.21]

[TAYLOR PRESSES FORWARD]

Early on September 12 all the pioneers of Taylor's army advanced from

Cerralvo to prepare the road for his artillery and wagons. Ahead of

them went a strange-looking company. Mounted on quick, tough horses

and marching at will, the men were dressed as they pleased; but they

agreed substantially on leggings, trousers belted round the waist,

coarse red or blue shirts, and either a buckskin cap or a soft felt hat.

Each carried a heavy rifle, a pouch of bullets, a large powderhorn and

a bowie knife, and some had Colt revolvers. At every saddle-bow hung

a braided lariat for a tether; and a bag of parched and pounded corn,

together with whatever else the rider thought he needed, was bound to

the saddle with thongs. This company was Captain McCulloch's rangers--a

part of the First Texas regiment--Taylor's finest body of scouts; and

they, assisted by a squadron of dragoons, covered the pioneers. On

the following three days the First, Second and Field Divisions moved

successively, carrying forty rounds of ammunition and rations for eight

days, besides what went as freight; and only the sick, with a guard of

two Mississippi companies, remained at Cerralvo.[11.22]

The spell of Mexico, that was to charm away so often the pains of a hard

existence, now fell upon the soldiers. The country became more fertile.

One broad plain shone with Spanish dahlias, and curious trees and plants

could be seen on all sides. Every few miles a stream of cool, sparkling

water leaped across the road. In the morning a curtain of gray, thinning

little by little, went slowly up at last, and revealed a world of hills,

edged with burnished gold, where one or two, catching the sun aslant on

a bare, crystalline side, would flash out amidst the lingering shadows

in all the colors of a diamond; while, farther on, lilac mountain rose

above lilac mountain and purple range looked over purple range until the

crowning peaks touched the firmament. In one town after another grapes,

figs and pomegranates delighted the eye, and, as an officer quoted to

himself,

"The air was heavy with the sighs of orange groves."

And finally, as night came on, the jagged blue sierras, growing almost

black, were silhouetted perhaps against a pale yellowish-green streaked

with crimson. A spice of danger added zest, for about a thousand Mexican

cavalry hovered constantly in the front, and once near Ramos McCulloch's

rangers got near enough to exchange shots with a party of them. But

Torrejón's men employed themselves principally in driving the Mexicans

from their homes under Santa Anna's and Ampudia's instructions; and

on September 17, after passing through Papagallos, the Americans now

marching with Taylor concentrated near Marín.[11.23]

Very early the next morning a bugle broke the silence of the camp; other

bugles answered it; the drums awoke; the fifes joined in; the army

sprang to its feet. As soon as possible the advance guard moved off. The

First Division followed at eight o'clock, and the others at intervals of

an hour. After sleeping that night at San Francisco the army, completed

by the arrival of the Texas Division, set out again at about sunrise

on the nineteenth. Since reaching Marín Taylor had rather come to the

conclusion that he would scarcely reach Saltillo on time--that first

he would have something to do at Monterey; and this opinion was now

confirmed. At about nine o'clock, accompanied by his staff and an escort

of Texas mounted men, he came to the edge of the plain, and passed on

down the gentle slope of the San Juan valley.[11.21]

In front lay a stretch of broken ground. Beyond it cattle were feeding

peacefully in green fields, and corn was ripening under a hot sun.

Farther away still lay Monterey, the holy city of the frontier, as if

in a niche of the vast sierra, its white houses partly hidden with

green and the spires of its cathedral soaring above; and now and then

the music of a bell, a bugle or a drum came faintly across the plain.

A little at the right could be seen the long, low line of the citadel

wall, surmounted by the dark bulk of the "donjon" and its flag of red,

white and green. But suddenly the tranquillity of the scene was broken.

A white puff rose from the fort, and a 12-pound ball tore up the dirt in

front of the General. Another dropped near him, and a body of Mexican

cavalry advanced. Hays's regiment of horse was ordered to charge; but

seeing the enemy retire as if to lure the Americans under the guns of

the fortress, Taylor recalled him.[11.24]

Meanwhile the rest of our troops, excited by the rolling echoes from

the mountains, pressed on. Some threw away their packs of cards, but

mostly the men joked, laughed, cheered each report from the citadel

guns, and shouted that they were going to a grand fandango at Monterey.

"No one discussed depots of supplies, base of communications, lines

of retreat, or strategic positions," we are told by General S. G.

French, then a lieutenant of artillery; "but every one knew that the

brave old soldier would fight the enemy, wherever he found them, to

the end." The victories at Palo Alto and the Resaca had filled the

men with confidence; and in this happy mood the army encamped about

three miles from the city at Walnut Grove (_Bosque de San Domingo_),

an extensive and beautiful group of pecans and live-oaks, watered by

large, pure springs, where pleasure parties of well-to-do Mexicans were

accustomed to enjoy themselves. The army now consisted, all told, of

some 3080 regulars and 3150 volunteers. About 1350 of the troops were

mounted men; and for artillery there were four field batteries, and

a pair of 24-pound howitzers, but no real siege ordnance except one

10-inch mortar. In the front lay a city of stone, protected with strong

and rather skilfully planned works, and guarded by an army larger than

Taylor's.[11.25]

XII

MONTEREY

September, 1846

[FIRST OPERATIONS AT MONTEREY]

At once American reconnoitring parties accompanied by engineers hurried

out (September 19), and both ends of the city were examined. Despite

the fire of the citadel, particular attention was paid to the western

fortifications, for the idea of turning them had already presented

itself. By ten o'clock that night Brevet Major Mansfield, the chief

engineer, returned to camp with five prisoners to be questioned and with

satisfactory evidence that the Saltillo road could be gained in spite of

the forts; and then a council decided to make the attempt.[12.1]

[Illustration: BATTLE OF MONTEREY DETAILED PLAN]

Evidently, however, this meant a severe struggle. Going three quarters

of a mile west from the main plaza of Monterey by the Saltillo route,

passing a cemetery, and keeping on about a mile and a quarter farther,

one found on a low eminence at the right a dilapidated but massive

stone building known as the Bishop's Palace, close below which stood

now a half-moon battery facing and commanding the town. Beyond this

redoubt, called La Libertad, the eminence became an ascending ridge,

and some three hundred yards from the Palace the ridge ended sharply

as the summit of an extremely steep height known by the Americans as

Independence Hill (_Loma de Independencia_), where a small sand-bag

redoubt had been constructed. Immediately west of this hill, what

was known as the Topo road left the Saltillo highway and struck off

toward one's right, and near the farther edge of this road a spur of

the mountain began to ascend. On the other side of the highway flowed

the Santa Catarina, passing by the city and joining the San Juan

some distance below. Farther to the left and parallel to the river

rose a high, bristling hill named Federation Ridge. At the western

end--the summit--of this ridge, which extended some distance beyond

La Libertad, stood a redoubt occupied by some eighty men; and about

six hundred yards to the east, in a depression of the ridge, was a

substantial masonry fort called El Soldado, armed with two 9-pounders,

which were dragged, before the fighting began, to the redoubt on the

summit.[12.2]

Meantime the Mexicans also were observing. It was generally believed

that Taylor had thirty guns, which meant a hard fight; but the soldiers

were excited and ready for battle. "The enthusiasm is great, the

determination greater, the desire to sacrifice ourselves for the sacred

rights of the nation unbounded," wrote the comandante general of Nuevo

León. But Ampudia--"the Culinary Knight," as Worth called him, who had

fried Sentmanat's head--already trembled. We have food for barely twenty

days, he reported to the government; the troops at San Luis Potosí

are few in number and little inclined to advance; through spies the

enemy are aware of these facts; they will gain the pass between here

and Saltillo, and from that position "it will be almost impossible to

dislodge them."[12.3]

Sunday morning all was bustle in the American camp, and at length,

a little before two o'clock, Hays and about 400 mounted Texans rode

away. A long sky-blue line of infantry followed them, and then another

line of men in dark-blue jackets and trousers with a red stripe down

the leg--Lieutenant Colonel Childs's Artillery Battalion. Blanchard's

Company of Louisiana volunteers, dressed in every sort of clothes and

carrying every sort of weapon, and Duncan's and Mackall's batteries with

their gleaming pieces and clattering caissons completed the detachment,

which included some 2000 men, all told. The rest of the army watched

their departure with keen interest, for their design looked well-nigh

desperate, and yet the fate of the campaign was believed to depend upon

it.[12.4]

Especially they watched the commander. In the usual undress uniform but

on a splendid horse, which he managed with consummate address, rode

Worth. He was a man of average height but noticeably strong, with a

trim figure and a strikingly martial air. Conversing easily with his

staff he seemed the elegant gentleman; but his face was stern, and

his restless dark eyes flashed. In war he found his element; and at

present behind his natural ardor burned a new flame. His withdrawing

from the army in April had injured both his prestige and his relative

position, and his motto now was, "A grade or a grave." His orders were

to turn Independence Hill, occupy the Saltillo highway, and so far as

practicable carry the works in that quarter; and no doubt he intended to

do more rather than less.[12.4]

Soon taking leave of the road, this command plunged into cornfields

and chaparral. Progress was difficult and slow. For the benefit of the

artillery, ditches had to be bridged or filled and brush fences opened.

The enemy promptly observed and understood the movement, and a body of

cavalry embarrassed it somewhat. Once they nearly surrounded the General

and his staff, who were some distance in advance; but after a time,

fearing his artillery, they withdrew to the citadel. Ampudia himself

rode to Independence Hill, watched the blue line a while, ordered one

hundred infantry to the summit, and had a 12-pounder and a howitzer

planted there.[12.5]

By six o'clock Worth made nearly or quite seven miles. He was now on

the Topo road; and, halting just beyond the range of the battery on

Independence Hill, he pushed a reconnoitring party toward the Saltillo

highway. Infantry and cavalry had now been posted, however, in that

vicinity. The party was fired upon; and, owing to this, to nightfall

and to the torrents of rain, its purpose was not accomplished until the

lateness of the hour prevented further operations. With great difficulty

the Americans were placed in a fairly defensible position; and without

fires, food, blankets or shelter, they lived through the stormy night as

best they could. By this time the rest of the Mexican cavalry had been

withdrawn from its position between the Bishop's Palace and the citadel,

and a part of it retired into the town.[12.6]

[AT THE WESTERN GATES]

Monday, a day of fate, broke heavy, dark and ominous. Dense clouds

covered the sky, and for a time a thick mist cut off the outlook. By

about six o'clock Worth moved, however, and, saluted occasionally

with harmless grape from Independence Hill, advanced by the Topo

road. Anticipating trouble, he arranged the column so as to be ready

for prompt action. The Texans led; Captain C. F. Smith and the light

companies of the Artillery Battalion, deployed as skirmishers, came

next; Lieutenant Colonel Duncan's battery was third; and the rest of the

command followed. Two or three hundred yards or so from the Saltillo

highway, at a turn round the mountain, some two hundred lancers could

be seen approaching. It was a gallant sight. The horses, though small,

showed plenty of spirit; many of the saddles were silver-mounted; the

cavaliers wore brilliant uniforms, and green and red pennons fluttered

gayly from their poised lances. At the head of the advance rode

Lieutenant Colonel Nájera, a tall, fine-looking trooper with a fierce

black mustache. Smith's corps and a part of the Texas riflemen were

thrown behind a strong fence; Duncan halted and unlimbered; and then,

like a whirlwind, Nájera struck McCulloch.[12.7]

The shock was terrible; and like a lion and a tiger grappling the two

bodies writhed and fought. The weight of the American horses proved

a great advantage, but numbers were on the other side. Nájera, after

running a Texan through with his lance, fell; but a gallant successor

took his place, and the soldiers proved worthy of him. Many lances were

shivered, and others, useless at close quarters, were dropped; but sword

and escopeta served instead. On our part Smith's infantry fired well,

and the Mexicans could not break through the fence.[12.7]

After recoiling a little they formed to charge again. Other troops of

Worth's came up, took post beside the road, and began work. A minute or

two more and Duncan, on higher ground, was firing over the Americans. By

this time Nájera's squadron was nearly accounted for; but behind it were

the rest of Romero's cavalry brigade and a party of infantry. However,

Mackall's battery was now coöperating with Duncan's and both did

splendidly. The Mexican foot withdrew instead of advancing. A part of

the cavalry soon retreated toward Saltillo and a part into the town; and

the brief but important struggle ended. Probably more than one hundred

Mexicans had been killed or wounded, while our own casualties appear to

have numbered about a dozen, and the way to the Saltillo highway lay

open. By a quarter past eight Worth's command was on this road; and

he reflected with exultation that the Mexican line of communication,

supply, reinforcement and retreat had been cut. Nor was that all or even

the best of it, he believed. "The town is ours," he scrawled in pencil

to the commander-in-chief. The battery on Independence Hill now became

active, however; and as Federation redoubt, of which the Americans had

not heard, began to drop round shot among our troops, they had to be

withdrawn about half a mile in the direction of Saltillo.[12.7]

The War with Mexico, Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 23 / 63 段