Some weeks before the annual meeting of my Union, which took place early
in January, 1897, I applied to various personages, asking for
communications to be read; and I received numerous replies, among them
the following:
Political Department of the Swiss Confederation, Bern
December 10, 1896
My dear Madam:
Your letter of the fifth instant was duly received, and I thank you
most sincerely for the congratulations therein conveyed from the
Austrian Society of the Friends of Peace to the Swiss government.
The Parliament indeed follows with genuine interest the philanthropic
endeavors to spare the civilized world the horrors of war, and it
joins with great sympathy in the demonstrations that aim to make
nations comprehend the priceless advantage of peace.
In expressing to you the best wishes for the complete success of your
general assembly, permit me, my dear Madam, once more to thank you
heartily and to assure you of my distinguished consideration.
The President of the Swiss Confederation
Lachenal
International Peace Bureau
Secretary’s Office
Bern, December 9, 1896
Honored Colleague:
Every isolated effort of the friends of peace resembles those tiny
globules of mist, the condensation of which will afterwards form the
rain for which the caravan is yearning. These particles are not
noticeable; no one heeds them, and when the cooling rain is falling
the atoms that so patiently worked to constitute it are no longer
remembered.
“Who cares for that,” say our faithful prophets, “if only it rains?”
For more than five years the Austrian Society of the Friends of Peace
has been resolutely pushing forward, and its efficacy has been gaining
in breadth without losing anything in depth. It will have a
significant share in the final success of our united effort, and it
desires, just as we all do, nothing else than that the law of
international peace may some day appear as much a matter of course and
as self-originated as the law of gravity and the light of the sun.
In those happy days the peace unions and peace bureaus will exist only
as mere traces in the recollection of a few archivists, who will have
made the discovery that there were, in that strange epoch of cannons,
anti-cannon endeavors also.
Accept for yourself, honored colleague, and for your worthy
fellow-workers, the assurance of my perfect consideration and high
attachment.
Ducommun
Honorary Secretary of the International Peace Bureau
Brussels, Chamber of Representatives
Office of the President, October 13, 1896
My dear Baroness:
I was absent from Brussels when your letter of the fourth arrived, and
I reached home too late to be able to send in season the lines desired
for the meeting.
It is now certain that Brussels will have the sequel of Budapest in
the course of the coming summer. I hope that on this occasion we shall
have the honor of seeing you again. This would greatly delight Madame
Beernaert as well as myself.
Accept, etc.
Beernaert
Nice, December 6
... King Humbert told me that he had heard with great pleasure the
fine results of the Peace Congress in Budapest. “I am for peace,” said
his Majesty; “Italy needs peace, and you see that now a more friendly
understanding with France is coming about.”
My best greetings to all of the old fellow-combatants
S. Türr
At that time somewhat strained relations existed between France and
England. I had learned that Gladstone’s friend, our proved fellow-worker
Philip Stanhope, was introducing an act which had for its object the
improvement of the relations between the two countries. I wrote him
asking for detailed information and received the following reply:
Algiers, December 11, 1896
Dear Frau von Suttner:
I am unfortunate in always being away from home when you do me the
honor of writing me, and so it happens that your letter of November 23
reached me only day before yesterday.
It is correct that I am among those who are at the present time
working for a combination to improve the relations between France and
England. You, who follow with such keen attention the development of
public opinion, are in a position to appreciate the dangerous tendency
in those relations which has recently developed, especially in a
portion of the press. These influences are difficult to resist, and
the work required will demand much time and energy. The
combination[19] of which you have heard is as yet only sketched in
very indefinite outlines; but on the reassembling of Parliament on the
twentieth of January we hope to make some progress, and I will send
you accurate details.
As regards the Venezuelan affair, the treaty in settlement of it has
been definitely concluded between England and the United States; and
we are just in receipt of the news that it has been accepted by the
government of Venezuela. So this question is in a fair way to be
settled by arbitration; and as regards that far greater question,
namely, the conclusion of a general and permanent treaty between the
two powers, President Cleveland in his message to Congress of December
7 announces that the negotiations touching it are on the point of
coming to a favorable and definite conclusion.
So as soon as I reach London for the opening of Parliament, I hope to
be in a position to send you a fuller résumé of this question,—which
we may expect will then be definitely decided,—together with all the
details that you may desire.
Accept, etc.
Philip Stanhope
The contents of these letters have a historical interest, as they show
how leading men in influential positions were all the time working to
bring the postulates of the peace movement to validity. On the other
hand, these varied and occasional fragments from my extensive store of
letters have also a biographical interest, for they mirror the course of
development of that cause which ever more and more was becoming my
vocation, my very life, my “one important thing”! And I was enabled to
find therein such profound contentment for the reason that I knew I was
in harmony with so many and such a rapidly increasing number of noble
contemporaries, and especially in complete unanimity of soul with an
endlessly beloved and loving life companion. Every inward experience and
every outward event aroused in us both the same feelings. And
therewithal was that full consciousness of peace, that absolute sense of
security against all that might happen, which we feel when we know that
there is a heart in whose fidelity we may have absolute confidence, a
breast in which we may find a refuge from all the bitterness of fate—in
a word, the boundless happiness of unconditional unity of love.
On the eleventh of January, 1897, the permanent arbitration treaty,
which had been so long in preparation, between England and the United
States was signed by Ambassador Sir Julian Pauncefote and Secretary of
State Olney. President Cleveland designated the event as the beginning
of a new era of civilization. The golden pen with which the treaty was
signed was deposited in the National Museum. Queen Victoria said in her
address from the throne that she hoped the example would be imitated in
other countries. In the daily press and among the general public the
news attracted no attention whatever.
It is true this first attempt did not come to fruition. The treaty had
to be ratified before it could be made effective. In order that a law
may be passed or an agreement become valid a two-thirds majority in the
American Senate is required. When the arbitration treaty with England
came up for ratification, three votes were lacking of this two-thirds
majority, and thus it was defeated.
This in no respect altered the main significance of the fact that it was
signed by the representatives of both governments; the forces that
brought about the drawing up and signing of the treaty would in time
also overcome the opposition of the Senate.
An insurrection breaks out on the island of Crete. Kanea is burning. The
villages in the vicinity are on fire. Skirmishes between Turks and
Greeks are taking place. Who began it? No matter; the island of Crete
declares that it will shake off the Turkish yoke and join Greece. Street
demonstrations in Athens; tremendous excitement. The Chamber in its
session of February 25 votes to send war ships to Crete.
Something new makes its appearance,—the “Concert of the Powers.” The
powers unite to restore order and quiet in Crete and guarantee Cretan
autonomy.
In the entries in my diary during April, 1897, I find an echo of the way
in which these proceedings were conducted. Let me introduce a few
passages here:
That was an Easter gift!—the outbreak of hostilities between Greece and
Turkey. So then the “Concert of the Powers” was unable or _unwilling_ to
hinder the misfortune? Probably both. In the circles of diplomacy and
the regents neither power nor will are as yet sufficiently developed in
the direction of the spirit of peace; they still remain under the curse
of the thousand-year-old Genius of War.
That the war was so long controlled, that it is now to be localized,
that the “European Concert” will prevent the general conflagration,—this
is a victory of the New. That the war broke out at all, that the powers
look on and hesitate to interfere,—this is a victory of the Old.
It is clearly shown how necessary and advantageous at the present time
an effective European code of laws, a European tribunal, _one_ European
army, would be. The embryo of these things has shown itself, to be sure,
but the development into a strong, healthy, living thing is yet to be.
Yes, tendencies toward a federation of the civilized countries are
included in the “Concert.” If this has gone forward with little harmony
and unsteady step, the fault lies in this fact: it is the might of the
mighty, not the rights of the weak, that they want to support. Much
stress is laid on the consideration that is due the will represented by
the great powers, not on the consideration that should be given the
cause of the weak. Compassion, righteousness, and liberty,—that is the
triad that must lie at the basis of a genuine peace concert!
A picture from the campaign: Wild flight of the Greeks. For miles and
miles around the darkness of the night was illuminated by the flashes of
the shots which the fugitives in wild confusion fired at one another.
Horses, becoming unmanageable under the blows of the whip, dashed off
and overturned the wagons with all their contents. Helpless men and
wailing women everywhere, over whom the fugitives, impelled by despair,
like wild hordes, recklessly trampling everything and everybody under
foot, dashed away through the night....
In the meantime, while the war is raging on one side, in perfect silence
the conflicts obviated by arbitration are increasing in number. The
controversy between the United States and England as to the Guiana
boundary, and a similar controversy between France and Brazil, have been
submitted to arbitration, the former on the fifth, the latter on the
tenth, of April.
A war cloud, however, is rising between Great Britain and the Transvaal.
Will public opinion be influenced strongly enough by our friends in
England to avert the danger?
Egidy writes me that he has applied to the Spanish ambassador in Berlin
with regard to the cry for help from Barcelona.[20]
About that time I received the following letter from Prince Scipione
Borghese, the same who ten years later was to make the great automobile
trip from Pekin to Paris:
London, April 28, 1897
My dear Baroness:
Accept my heartiest thanks for your most encouraging letter, which was
sent to me here from Rome.
The trifling service that I have done for the ideal of peace is only a
shadow compared to what in greatness and brilliancy other and better
men have done for the progress of mankind. In my opinion this
perpetual struggling forward toward a better and more righteous life
must be the end and aim of all our actions.
I am happy to be able to come into direct alliance with you, and I
hope very much to make your personal acquaintance soon.
In the meantime, my dear Baroness, I remain respectfully,
Your most devoted
Scipione Borghese
Our literary labors do not rest. My husband is putting the last touches
to _Sie wollen nicht_, and I am beginning the novel _Marthas Kinder_
(“Martha’s Children”), the second part of _Die Waffen nieder_, having
just finished the translation of an English book, “Marmaduke, Emperor of
Europe.” _Die Waffen nieder_ is appearing in a French translation in the
_Indépendance belge_.
This same translation two years later was issued in book form by Zola’s
publisher, Tasquelles (Charpentier). From the French public came now
many newspaper notices and private letters which showed me that the
theme treated in that book was waking a loud echo among contemporaries
in other countries.
In May, 1897, I received from London, from the ecclesiastical
Arbitration Alliance, a letter asking if I would be willing to present
to the Emperor of Austria a copy of an address which a hundred and
seventy dignitaries of the Church were sending to all rulers. I
assented, and thereupon received the document, a beautifully engrossed
copy of the text in a tasteful roll, with the autograph signatures of
the petitioners. A special copy was provided for every potentate. At the
head of the hundred and seventy names, which comprised only high
ecclesiastical dignitaries, were the Archbishop of Dublin, the bishops
of Ripon, Durham, and Killaloe, Queen Victoria’s chaplain, and others.
I applied at the office of the cabinet for an audience, and it was
granted for the third of June at ten o’clock in the morning. I was
obliged to state the object of my desire in my request for an audience.
On the day set, at the appointed hour, I presented myself in the
imperial palace, accompanied by the vice president of my Union. There
was a perfect swarm of uniforms in the anteroom to the audience chamber.
Generals and staff officers were awaiting their turn to be summoned. We
were not kept waiting long. When the door opened to permit the personage
who had just been with the Emperor to pass out, we were immediately
summoned. This preference was not at all due to the fact that the
presiding officers of the Peace Society were bringing an “arbitration
petition,” but simply because my escort was a prince (at court
everything goes by rank and title).
I had my artistic-looking roll in my hands and a well-prepared speech on
my tongue,—which at the crucial moment completely failed me,—and we
passed through the door, which was held open by an adjutant and closed
behind us. The Emperor was standing by his writing table and he took a
few steps to meet us. After a low, courtly bow, which I am under the
impression was a success, I gave utterance to my desire. My escort added
a few explanatory words, and I handed the Emperor the document; he
received it with a kindly smile. When I told him that the address was
concerning an international arbitration tribunal he replied: “That would
indeed be very fine ...; it is difficult however....” Then a few
questions to us both, the assurance that the document would be carefully
read and considered, an inclination of the head, with a gracious “I
thank you,” and we were dismissed.
Here is the text of the petition which we presented, and which is now
buried in the archives:
To his Majesty Franz Joseph I
Emperor of Austria, Apostolic King of Hungary
King of Bohemia, etc.
Blessing and Grace and Peace!
In common with other organizations of the Christian Church we are
taking the liberty of appearing, in all humility, before your Majesty,
as the monarch of a great and mighty people, for the purpose of
calling your Majesty’s attention to the method of peaceful solution of
such difficulties as may arise between the nations of the earth.
The spectacle which Christian peoples present as they face each other
with portentous armaments, ready at the slightest challenge to go to
war and settle their differences by the shedding of blood, is, to say
the least, a stain on the glorious name of Christ.
We cannot, without the deepest pain, look upon the horrors of war,
with all the evils which it brings in its train, such as unscrupulous
sacrifice of human life, which should be regarded as sacred; bitter
poverty in so many homes; destruction of valuable property;
interruptions in the education of the young and in the development of
the religious life; and general brutalization of the people.
Even when war is avoided, the presence of a powerful army withdraws
vast numbers of men from family life as well as from the productive
occupations of peace; moreover, in order to support this state of
things, heavy burdens must be laid upon the people. It is also true
that the settlement of international differences by force of arms does
not rest on the principles of right and justice, but on the barbarous
principle of the triumph of the stronger.
What encourages us to recommend this matter to your Majesty’s
benevolent consideration is the fact that already so much has been
accomplished; as, for example, in the settlement of the _Alabama_
question by the Geneva Court of Arbitration, or in the deliberations
of the American Conference at Washington, not to mention other
important cases. Happy for the world will be the time when all
international controversies shall find their peaceful solution!
This is what we are earnestly striving for. Regarding the ways and
means for attaining this end we refrain from all special suggestions,
confidently intrusting to your Majesty’s superior intuition and wisdom
all details in the domain of political life.
We offer our prayers that the richest blessings of the Prince of Peace
may rest upon your Majesty’s realm and people, and especially on your
Majesty.
I learned how the petition was presented to the other rulers. Frédéric
Passy presented it to the President of the French republic. In
Switzerland the President received it from Élie Ducommun; the President
of the Confederation declared that the contents of the address
corresponded perfectly with his ideas and those of the Parliament. Dr.
Trueblood, of Boston, undertook the service for America, Marcoartu for
Spain, and the address was presented to the Queen of England by Lord
Salisbury. The Tsar also received it, but I do not know through whom.
The petitioners themselves could scarcely have expected that the action
would have an immediate effect. Words of this kind scattered abroad are
seeds of grain, or, by a better figure of speech, hammer blows. New
ideas are like nails; old conditions and institutions are like thick
walls. So it is not enough to hold up the sharp nail and give it one
blow; the nail must be hit hundreds and hundreds of times, and on the
head too, that it may be firmly fixed at last.
LIII
SECOND HALF OF THE YEAR 1897
Letter from Count Eugen Zichy · The Eighth Peace Congress at Hamburg ·
Letter from Prince Emil Schönaich-Carolath · Egidy’s début · Regarding
the assassination of Canova · Public meeting in the Sagebiel · Egidy’s
speech · New adherents · Henri Dunant · Appeal to the Oriental peoples ·
Extracts from diary · Bad news from all sides · Attitude of the press ·
The Russian Emperor in Darmstadt · Letter from Marie Büchner · The
Dreyfus affair · Dispatch of the European squadron to the Yellow Sea
The enthusiasm for the peace cause which had flamed up at the Millennial
Festival in Hungary had not proved to be merely a fire in the stubble,
as so many pessimists had predicted it would be. I kept getting news of
the progress and growth of the group in that country. The following
letter bears witness to the opinions of one of the most brilliant
members of the Congress, Count Eugen Zichy:
Vienna, December 4, 1897
My dear Baroness,
Most honored President:
To-morrow our delegations break up, and it has not been my good
fortune, during our several weeks’ _séjour_ here in Vienna, to see
you. Twice I have made the attempt—alas! in vain. You were out of
town—still in the country! So I will at least send you in writing my
hearty respects and greeting. You must have read with delight
Berzeviczy’s utterances in our delegation, and have rejoiced,
likewise, at the reply made thereto by our skillful and masterly
(_takt- und sattelfest_) Minister of Foreign Affairs. Great ideas are
realized only slowly, but a healthy seed always brings healthy fruit,
even if, as often happens, it takes a long time; so it is with the
idea for which you, dear Baroness, and all of us are fighting. _Gutta
cavat lapidem!_ Over and over, and ever unweariedly, we must renew the
battle, and at length it will, it must, win the day; for our aim is
humanitarian,—the welfare of mankind.
And an idea that has this for its only object is not to become
effectual? Impossible! That is the answer that hovers on my tongue,
and “impossible” will at length be the shout of all reasonable human
beings! And we shall be victorious! And the victory will then really
be—universal peace! And even if the present does not recognize it,
posterity will remember with gratitude those who turned the first sod.
I understand that in a few days—I believe about the middle of
December—you are to hold your annual meeting in Vienna. Permit me,
dear Baroness, to send my sincerest respects, and to beg of you to
communicate to our peace friends my warmest greetings and good wishes.
May your work be blessed!
I hope, dear Baroness, that you may for a long time to come have the
most abundant health and strength to share in bringing your work to
completion. And for my own self I desire that you continue to grant me
your favor and good will, which I so highly prize.
May the Angel of Peace be with you and your work!
Your most faithful fellow-worker and admirer
Eugen Zichy
This year the meetings of the peace workers were not held, as
hitherto, in the same place, but in different towns. The Congress met
from the twelfth to the sixteenth of August at Hamburg, and the
interparliamentarians had their sessions a few days earlier in
Brussels.
We took part in the Hamburg gathering. Again we met all our old
friends,—Passy, Türr, Bajer, Émile Arnaud, Dr. Richter, Moneta, Hodgson
Pratt, Ducommun, and others. We had anticipated that the chairmanship of
the Hamburg Congress would be taken by the writer of exquisite verses,
Prince Schönaich-Carolath, but he declined to take it, though he was
suggested for the office. What his reasons were may be seen from the
following letter:
Haseldorf, July 19, 1897
Highly honored, gracious Baroness:
Allow me to thank you cordially for your friendly lines. The
expectation that in all human probability I should be permitted to
greet you in Hamburg has caused me much happiness, even though I look
toward the Congress with a kind of solemn enthusiasm. Your kindly
supposition that I have been intrusted with the chairmanship is in so
far correct that the Hamburg local group at first, as I heard, thought
of conferring that honor upon me. Later, I believe, a more official
personage was found, and this saved me from declining with thanks; for
I have not the gift of speech and the acquaintance with parliamentary
usages requisite for the performance of the duties of such a position.
My wife and I regret that we cannot have the honor of seeing you and
your honored husband at our house; my wife’s health unfortunately
makes it impossible for her to entertain company in Hamburg as she had
hoped. If ever Copenhagen should be selected for a peace gathering, we
shall venture to ask you again, either before or after the Congress,
to honor us with a visit in our more hospitable Danish home.
Begging you to remember me most warmly to the Baron, and with regards
to yourself, gracious and kindly Baroness,
I sign myself yours devotedly
E. Schönaich-Carolath
A new fellow-champion came upon the arena,—Moritz von Egidy. It was a
source of pride and satisfaction to me that I had won him over to take
part in the Congress and to assist our cause by the fascinating power of
his eloquence in the public meeting which had been arranged by the
Congress.