few days. Its good disposition towards us continues. The late failure
of payment in the Caisse d'Escompte, an institution similar to the
Bank of England, occasioned partly by its having gone too far in
assisting the government with money, and the inability of the
government to support their credit, though extremely desirous of doing
it, is a fresh proof that our not obtaining a further loan was not
occasioned by want of good will to assist us, as some have unjustly
supposed, but by a real want of the means. Money is at present
unaccountably scarce here; what is arrived and expected in Spain since
the peace it is thought will set things right. The government has
proposed a second lottery for this year, by which they borrow
twentyfour millions, and it is filled readily. This helps, and the
Caisse d'Escompte goes on again with its operations, but it is said
the interest paid by the lottery plan is nearly seven per cent.
I have received the duplicates of your Excellency's letter, of the
15th of July, to the Commissioners, which is very satisfactory,
though it came to hand but lately. The first sent, via New York, has
not yet appeared. I have sent copies of it to the Hague and Madrid.
The substance is published in several papers.
I have acquainted the Minister of Sweden, that I have received the
ratification of the treaty, and he has written to me that he shall be
in town in a few days, when he will make the exchange. The conclusion
of the Danish treaty waits only for the commission and instructions
from Congress. The Ambassador of Portugal informed me lately, that his
Court had our proposed plan under consideration, and that we should
soon hear from them. I sent it to Congress by Barney, and hear the
ship is arrived. A commission and instructions will be wanting for
that also, should the Congress be disposed to conclude a treaty with
that nation.
I see by the public prints, that the Congress have ratified the
contract I made with the Minister here, respecting the loans and aids
we had received, but the ratification itself, though directed to be
sent me, has never come to hand, and I am often asked for it. I beg it
may be forwarded by the first opportunity.
There has been with me lately M. Pierre du Calvet, a merchant of
Montreal, who, when our army was in Canada, furnished our generals and
officers with many things they wanted, taking their receipts and
promissory notes for payment; and when the English repossessed the
country, he was imprisoned, and his estate seized, on account of the
services he had rendered us. He has shown me the originals of his
papers, which I think are genuine. He produced also a quantity of
Congress paper, which he says he received in payment for some of the
supplies, and which appeared to me of our first emissions, and yet
all fresh and clean, as having passed through no other hands. When he
was discharged from prison, he could not obtain permission to go into
the United States to claim the debt, but was allowed to go to England;
and from thence he came hither to solicit payment from me. Having no
authority to meddle with such debts, and the sum being considerable, I
refused, and advised him to take passage for America, and make his
application to Congress. He said he was grown old, much broken and
weakened by near three years' imprisonment, and that the voyage from
Canada to London had like to have been too much for him, he being sick
all the way; so that he could not think of another, though distressed
for want of his money. He appears an honest man, and his case a hard
one. I have therefore undertaken to forward his papers, and I beg
leave to recommend them to the speedy consideration of Congress, to
whom I request you would be pleased to present my dutiful respects,
and assure them of my most faithful services.
With great esteem and regard, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
GIACOMO FRANCISCO CROCCO TO B. FRANKLIN.
Cadiz, November 25th, 1783.
Sir,
On the 15th of July last, I had the honor to acquaint your Excellency
of my arrival in Europe, and that I was appointed by his Majesty, the
Emperor of Morocco, bearer of the answer to the Congress, Sovereign of
the Thirteen United States of North America, and that according to my
instructions, I was to meet at Paris the Ambassador, that would be
appointed by the Congress, to sign at the Court of Morocco the treaty
of peace and commerce, agreeably to the proposals made to his Imperial
Majesty, by Robert Montgomery, in his letter dated at Alicant, the 4th
of January, 1783. Since I have been at the Court of Madrid, where I
had some commissions from the Emperor, and to see the execution of
them, I came to this place, from whence I intend to embark in three or
four months for Barbary, unless in the meantime I should receive an
answer from your Excellency, with orders, that Mr Richard Harrison
should give me for my travelling charges fifteen hundred hard dollars,
although the Courts of Europe are accustomed to allow the Ministers of
my master at the rate of ten pounds sterling per day, while they are
in Europe, to defray their expenses, besides presents for their good
offices in those important affairs.
His Imperial Majesty was graciously pleased at my solicitation to
agree at the request of Congress, to grant them a treaty of peace,
(which other powers in Europe could not obtain but after many years)
and my return, without the full execution of his commands, I apprehend
may forever indispose him against the United Provinces.
I remain most truly, Sir, &c.
GIACOMO FRANCISCO CROCCO.
* * * * *
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
Passy, December 15th, 1783.
My Dear Friend,
I am much concerned to find by your letter to my grandson, that you
are hurt by my long silence, and that you ascribe it to a supposed
diminution of my friendship. Believe me, that is by no means the
case, but I am too much harassed by a variety of correspondence,
together with gout and gravel, which induce me to postpone doing what
I often fully intend to do, and particularly writing, where the urgent
necessity of business does not seem to require its being done
immediately, my sitting too much at the desk having already almost
killed me, besides, since Mr Jay's residence here, I imagined he might
keep you fully informed of what was material for you to know, and I
beg you to be assured of my constant and sincere esteem and affection.
I do not know whether you have been informed, that a Mr Montgomery,
who lives at Alicant, took upon himself, (for I think he had no
authority,) to make overtures last winter in behalf of our States,
towards a treaty with the Emperor of Morocco. In consequence of his
proceedings I received a letter in August, from a person who
acquainted me, that he was arrived in Spain by the Emperor's order,
and was to come to Paris, there to receive and conduct to Morocco the
Minister of Congress appointed to make that treaty, intimating at the
same time an expectation of money to defray his expenses. I
communicated the letter to Mr Jay. The conduct of Mr Montgomery
appeared to us very extraordinary and irregular, and the idea of a
messenger from Morocco coming to Paris to meet and conduct a Minister
of Congress appearing absurd and extravagant, as well as the demand of
money by a person unknown, I made no answer to the letter, and I know
not whether Mr Jay made any to Mr Montgomery, who wrote about the same
time. But I have lately received another letter from the same person,
a copy of which I enclose, together with my answer open for your
perusal, and it is submitted to your discretion whether to forward it
or not. The Mr _Crocco_, who writes to me, having been, as he says, at
Madrid, you possibly may know more of him than I can, and judge
whether he is really a person in credit with the Emperor, and sent as
he pretends to be, or not rather an _Escroc_, as the French call
cheats and impostors.
I would not be wanting in anything proper for me to do towards keeping
that Prince in good humor with us, till the pleasure of Congress is
known, and therefore would answer Mr Crocco if he be in his employ;
but am loth to commit myself in correspondence with a _Fripon_. It
will be strange if, being at Madrid, he did not address himself to
you.
With great and unalterable regard, I am ever, my dear friend, yours
most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO GIACOMO FRANCISCO CROCCO.
Passy, December 15th, 1783.
Sir,
I have just received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me
the 25th past. I did indeed receive your former letter of July, but
being totally a stranger to the mentioned proceedings of Mr
Montgomery, and having no orders from Congress on the subject, I knew
not how to give you any satisfactory answer, till I should receive
further information; and I communicated your letter to Mr Jay,
Minister of the United States for Spain, in whose district Mr
Montgomery is, and who is more at hand than I am for commencing that
negotiation.
Mr Jay, who is at present in England, has possibly written to you,
though his letter may have miscarried, to acquaint you, that Mr
Montgomery had probably no authority from Congress to take the step he
has done, and that it was not likely that they, desiring to make a
treaty with the Emperor, would think of putting his Majesty to the
trouble of sending a person to Paris to receive and conduct their
Minister, since they have ships, and could easily land him at Cadiz,
or present him at one of the Emperor's ports. We have, however,
written to Congress, acquainting them with what we had been informed,
of the good and favorable disposition of his Imperial Majesty, to
enter into a treaty of amity and commerce with the United States, and
we have no doubt but that, as soon as their affairs are a little
settled, which, by so severe a war carried on in the bowels of their
country, by one of the most powerful nations of Europe, have
necessarily been much deranged, they will readily manifest equally
good dispositions, and take all the proper steps to cultivate and
secure the friendship of a monarch, whose character I know they have
long esteemed and respected.
I am, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, December 25th, 1783.
Sir,
Not having heard of the appointment of a new Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, I take the liberty of addressing this despatch directly to
your Excellency. I received by Captain Barney a letter from the late
President, directed to the Commissioners, dated November the 1st, with
a set of instructions, dated the 29th of October, a resolution of the
same date respecting Hamburg, and another of the 1st of November,
relating to Captain Paul Jones, all which will be duly regarded.
Captain Jones, in passing through England, communicated these papers
to Mr Adams then at London. Mr Adams, disappointed in not finding
among them the commission we had been made to expect, empowering us to
make a treaty of commerce with England, wrote to me, that he imagined
it might be contained in a packet that was directed to me, and
requested to be immediately informed, adding, that in case no such
commission was come he should depart directly for Holland; so I
suppose he is now there. Mr Laurens is gone to England, with an
intention of embarking soon for America. Mr Jay is at Bath, but
expected here daily. The English Ministers, the Duke of Manchester and
Mr Hartley, are both at present in Parliament. As soon as either of
them returns, we shall endeavor to obtain an additional article to the
treaty, explaining that mentioned in the instructions.
The affairs of Ireland are still unsettled. The Parliament and
volunteers are at variance; the latter are uneasy, that in the late
negotiations for a treaty of commerce between England and America, the
British Ministers had made no mention of Ireland, and they seem to
desire a separate treaty of commerce between America and that kingdom.
It was certainly disagreeable to the English Ministers, that all their
treaties for peace were carried on under the eye of the French Court.
This began to appear towards the conclusion, when Mr Hartley refused
going to Versailles, to sign there with the other powers our
definitive treaty, and insisted on its being done at Paris, which we
in good humor complied with, but at an earlier hour, that we might
have time to acquaint Count de Vergennes before he was to sign with
the Duke of Manchester.
The Dutch definitive treaty was not then ready, and the British Court
now insists on finishing it either at London or the Hague. If,
therefore, the commission to us, which has been so long delayed, is
still intended, perhaps it will be well to instruct us to treat either
here or at London, as we may find most convenient.
The treaty may be conducted, even there, in concert and in the
confidence of communication with the Ministers of our friends, whose
advice may be of use to us.
With respect to the British Court, we should, I think, be constantly
upon our guard, and impress strongly upon our minds, that though it
has made peace with us, it is not in truth reconciled either to us, or
to its loss of us, but still flatters itself with hopes, that some
change in the affairs of Europe, or some disunion among ourselves, may
afford them an opportunity of recovering their dominion, punishing
those who have most offended, and securing our future dependence. It
is easy to see by the general turn of the ministerial newspapers,
(light things, indeed, as straws and feathers, but like them they show
which way the wind blows) and by the malignant improvement their
Ministers make, in all the foreign Courts, of every little accident or
dissension among us, the riot of a few soldiers at Philadelphia, the
resolves of some town meetings, the reluctance to pay taxes, &c. all
which are exaggerated, to represent our government as so many
anarchies, of which the people themselves are weary, and the Congress
as having lost its influence, being no longer respected. I say it is
easy to see from this conduct, that they bear us no good will, and
that they wish the reality of what they are pleased to imagine. They
have, too, a numerous royal progeny to provide for, some of whom are
educated in the military line. In these circumstances we cannot be too
careful to preserve the friendships we have acquired abroad, and the
union we have established at home, to secure our credit by a punctual
discharge of our obligations of every kind, and our reputation by the
wisdom of our councils; since we know not how soon we may have a fresh
occasion for friends, for credit, and for reputation.
The extravagant misrepresentations of our political state in foreign
countries, made it appear necessary to give them better information,
which I thought could not be more effectually and authentically done,
than by publishing a translation into French, now the most general
language in Europe, of the Book of Constitutions, which had been
printed by order of Congress. This I accordingly got well done, and
presented two copies handsomely bound to every foreign Minister here,
the one for himself, the other more elegant for his Sovereign. It has
been well taken, and has afforded matter of surprise to many, who had
conceived mean ideas of the state of civilization in America, and
could not have expected so much political knowledge and sagacity had
existed in our wilderness. And from all parts I have the satisfaction
to hear, that our constitutions in general are much admired. I am
persuaded, that this step will not only tend to promote the emigration
to our country of substantial people from all parts of Europe, by the
numerous copies I shall disperse, but will facilitate our future
treaties with foreign Courts, who could not before know what kind of
government and people they had to treat with. As, in doing this, I
have endeavored to further the apparent views of Congress in the first
publication, I hope it may be approved, and the expense allowed. I
send herewith one of the copies.
Our treaties with Denmark and Portugal remain unfinished, for want of
instructions respecting them from Congress, and a commission
empowering some Minister or Ministers to conclude them. The Emperor of
Morocco, we understand, has expressed a disposition to make a treaty
of amity and commerce with the United States. A Mr Montgomery, who is
a merchant settled at Alicant, has been, it seems, rather forward in
proposing a negotiation, without authority for so doing, and has
embarrassed us a little, as may be seen by some letters I enclose.[30]
Perhaps it would be well for the Congress to send a message to that
Prince, expressing their respect and regard for him, till such time as
they may judge it convenient to appoint an Ambassador in form,
furnished with proper presents to make a treaty with him. The other
Barbary States, too, seem to require consideration, if we propose to
carry on any trade in the Mediterranean, but whether the security of
that trade is of sufficient importance to be worth purchasing, at the
rate of the tributes usually exacted by those piratical States, is a
matter of doubt, on which I cannot at present form a judgment.
FOOTNOTE:
[30] The letters from G. F. Crocco, see pp. 135 and 176.
I shall immediately proceed, in pursuance of the first instruction, to
take the proper steps for acquainting his Imperial Majesty of Germany
with the dispositions of Congress, having some reason to believe the
overture may be acceptable. His Minister here is of late extremely
civil to me, and we are on very good terms. I have likewise an
intimate friend at that Court.
With respect to other powers, it seems best not to make advances at
present, but to meet and encourage them when made, which I shall not
fail to do, as I have already done those of Sweden, Denmark, and
Portugal. Possibly Hamburg, to whom I have forwarded the letter of
Congress, may send a Minister to America if they wish for a treaty to
conclude it there. They have no Minister here.
I have lately received a memorial from the Minister of Denmark,
respecting a ship of that nation, the Providentia, taken by one of our
privateers and carried into Boston. I enclose a copy of it, and
request to be furnished with directions and informations for the
answer. It may be well to send me a copy of the proceedings in the
Courts. From a perusal of the papers communicated with it, I am
satisfied that the cargo was clearly British property.
We have hitherto entered into no engagements respecting the armed
neutrality, and, in obedience to the fifth instruction, we shall take
care to avoid them hereafter. The treaty between this Court and the
United States for regulating the powers, privileges, &c. of consuls,
is at length completed, and is transcribing in order to be signed. I
hope to transmit a copy by the next packet. I have received the
Congress ratification of the two money treaties, which will be soon
exchanged, when I shall send copies of them with that of Sweden.
I have given, and shall continue to give, Captain Paul Jones all the
assistance in my power, towards recovering the prize money; and I hope
it may soon be accomplished.
When Mr Jay returns, I shall desire him to make the inquiry directed
in the fourth instruction, respecting the expedition under that
Commodore, and report thereon to Congress. In the meantime I can
answer respecting one of the questions, that the King paid the whole
expense, and that no part of it has ever been placed to the account of
Congress. There exists indeed a demand of one Puchelberg, a person in
the employ of M. Schweighauser, of about thirty-thousand livres, for
provisions and other things furnished to Captain Landais, after he
took the Alliance out of the hands of Captain Jones; but as the ship
was at that time under the King's supply, who having borrowed her for
the expedition when fitted for sea, and just ready to sail with Mr
Adams, had ordered her to be delivered in the same condition, free of
all charges accrued, or accruing, by her being in Holland and in
L'Orient, and as M. Puchelberg had not only no orders from me to
furnish Captain Landais, but acted contrary to my orders given to M.
Schweighauser, and contrary to the orders of M. Schweighauser himself,
I refused to pay his account, which besides appeared extravagant, and
it has never yet been paid.
I shall do my best in executing the third instruction, respecting our
claim upon Denmark. I have written to London to obtain if possible an
account of the sums insured upon the ships delivered up, as such an
account may be some guide in the valuation of the prizes.
A Captain Williams, formerly in the British service, and employed upon
the lakes, has given me a paper containing information of the state of
the back country. As those informations may possibly be of some use, I
send herewith the paper. Mr Carmichael has sent me the accounts of the
money transactions at Madrid. As soon as Mr Jay returns they will be
examined.
Be pleased to present my dutiful respects to Congress, and assure them
of my most faithful services.
With great esteem and regard I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Passy, December 25th, 1783.
Sir,
The remissness of our people in paying taxes is highly blameable, the
unwillingness to pay them is still more so. I see in some resolutions
of town meetings, a remonstrance against giving Congress a power to
take, as they call it, _the people's money_ out of their pockets,
though only to pay the interest and principal of debts duly
contracted. They seem to mistake the point. Money justly due from the
people is their creditor's money, and no longer the money of the
people, who if they withhold it should be compelled to pay by some
law. All property indeed, except the savage's temporary cabin, his
bow, his matchuat, and other little acquisitions absolutely necessary
for his subsistence, seems to me to be the creature of public
convention. Hence the public has the right of regulating descents, and
all other conveyances of property, and even of limiting the quantity
and uses of it. All the property that is necessary to a man for the
conservation of the individual, and the propagation of the species, is
his natural right, which none can justly deprive him of; but all
property superfluous to such purposes is the property of the public,
who by their laws have created it, and who may therefore by other laws
dispose of it whenever the welfare of the public shall desire such
disposition. He that does not like civil society on these terms, let
him retire and live among the savages. He can have no right to the
benefits of society, who will not pay his club towards the support of
it.
The Marquis de Lafayette, who loves to be employed in our affairs, and
is often very useful, has lately had several conversations with the
Ministers and persons concerned in forming new regulations, respecting
the commerce between our two countries, which are not yet concluded. I
thought it therefore well to communicate to him a copy of your letter,
which contains so many sensible and just observations on that subject.
He will make a proper use of them, and perhaps they may have more
weight, as appearing to come from a Frenchman, than they would have if
it were known, that they were the observations of an American. I
perfectly agree with you in all the sentiments you have expressed on
this occasion.
I am sorry for the public's sake, that you are about to quit your
office, but on personal considerations, I shall congratulate you; for
I cannot conceive of a more happy man, than he who having been long
loaded with public cares finds himself relieved from them, and
enjoying private repose in the bosom of his friends and family.
With sincere regard and attachment, I am ever, dear Sir, yours, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, December 26th, 1783.
Sir,
If the Congress should think it fit to have a consul for the United
States in London, and do not appoint one of our own countrymen to that
office, I beg leave to mention the merits of Mr William Hodgson, a
merchant of that city, who has always been a zealous friend of
America, was a principal promoter of the subscription for the relief
of American prisoners, and chairman of the committee for dispensing
the money raised by that subscription. He also took the trouble of
applying the monies I furnished him with, when the subscription was
exhausted, and constantly assisted me in all the negotiations I had
with the British Ministers, in their favor, wherein he generally
succeeded, being a man of weight and credit, very active, and much
esteemed for his probity and integrity. These his services, continued
steadily during the whole war, seem to entitle him to the favorable
notice of Congress, when any occasion offers of doing him service or
pleasure.