requesting a recommendation to America, of Mr Joshua Grigby. I have
accordingly written one, and having an opportunity the other day, I
sent it under cover to Mr Benjamin Vaughan. The general proclamations
you wished for suspending, or rather putting an end to hostilities,
are now published; so that your "heart is at rest," and mine with it.
You may depend on my joining my hearty endeavors with yours, in
"cultivating conciliatory principles between our two countries;" and I
may venture to assure you, that if your bill for a provisional
establishment of the commerce had passed as at first proposed, a
stipulation on our part in the definitive treaty, to allow reciprocal
and equal advantages and privileges to your subjects, would have been
readily agreed to.
With great and sincere esteem, I am ever, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, March 26th, 1783.
Sir,
I need hardly tell you, that the intelligence brought by the
Washington diffused a general pleasure. We had long been in suspense
with respect to the negotiations, and had received no other lights on
that subject, than those the speech of his Britannic Majesty and Mr
Townshend's letters threw upon it. These were by no means sufficient
to dissipate all our apprehensions.
The terms you have obtained for us comprise most of the objects we
wish for. I am sorry, however, that you found it necessary to act with
reserve, and to conceal your measures from the Court of France. I am
fearful that you will not be able to produce such facts, as will
justify this conduct to the world, or free us from the charge of
ingratitude to a friend, who has treated us not only justly but
generously.
But this is a disagreeable subject, and I refer you for my sentiments,
and those of Congress, to my letter, in answer to the joint letter
from our Ministers. I am sorry that the commercial article is stricken
out; it would have been very important to us to have got footing at
least in the British West Indies, as a means of compelling France to
pursue her true interest and ours, by opening her ports also to us.
We have just learned by a vessel from Cadiz, that the preliminary
articles for a general peace were signed the 20th. The abstract of the
treaty sent me by the Marquis de Lafayette, does the highest honor to
the moderation and wisdom of France. Never has she terminated a war
with more glory, and in gaining nothing but that trophy of victory,
Tobago, she has established a character, which confirms her friends,
disarms her enemies, and obtains a reputation that is of more value
than any territorial acquisitions she could make.
We have been in great distress with respect to our army. Pains were
taken to inflame their minds, and make them uneasy at the idea of a
peace, which left them without support. Inflammatory papers were
dispersed in camp, calling them together to determine upon some mad
action. The general interposed, postponed the meeting to a future day,
on which he met them, and made them an address, that will do him more
honor than his victories. After which they passed several resolves,
becoming a patriot army. Congress are seriously engaged in endeavoring
to do them justice. I am in great hopes, that we shall shortly be
brought back to such a situation, as to be enabled to enjoy the
blessings you have laid the foundation of.
I received from Mr Franklin the papers relative to the Portuguese
vessel, which I have caused to be laid before the Court of Appeals,
where the cause is now depending. The cargo having been condemned, and
the yacht acquitted at Boston, I doubt not but full justice will be
done to the proprietors on the rehearing. You know so much of our
constitution as to see, that it is impossible to interfere further in
these matters, than by putting the evidence in a proper train to be
examined. I have had the proceedings in the case of the brig
Providentia transmitted to me from Boston, with a full state of the
evidence, which I have examined. The cargo is condemned and the vessel
acquitted, an allowance for freight having been made by the court. The
evidence does not admit a doubt of the justice of this decree. Should
the Court of Denmark not be satisfied with this account, I will cause
a copy of the proceedings to be transmitted to you for their
satisfaction. I hope this mark of attention to them will induce them
to acknowledge the injustice they have done us, in the detention of
our prizes. This object should not be lost sight of.
I thank you for your present of M. d'Auberteuil's Essay, and shall
dispose of the copies he has sent in the way you recommend. I could
hardly have believed it possible, that so many errors and falsehoods,
that would shock the strongest faith on this side of the water, could
be received as orthodox on the other.
I remit bills for the salaries of our Ministers. It is impossible,
that I can adjust their accounts here; you must settle with them, and
they repay you out of the drafts I have made in their favor when they
have been overpaid. Congress have, in pursuance of your sentiment, in
your letter of October, passed the enclosed resolution.[14] So that
on the quarter's salary due in April, there will be a deduction of all
you gained by the course of exchange; and the payments will be reduced
to par, at which rate they will always be paid in future. This
deduction amounts on your salary to eight thousand three hundred and
thirtysix livres, as will appear from the account that will be stated
by Mr Morris. I shall pay your bills into the hands of Mr Robert
Morris, whom you have constituted your agent. The bills for the other
gentlemen, who may not be with you, are committed to your care. As the
bills are drawn in their favor, they can only be paid on their
endorsement.
Congress will, I believe, agree very reluctantly to let you quit their
service. The subject, together with Mr Adams's and Mr Laurens's
resignation, is under the consideration of a committee. If they report
before this vessel sails, you shall know their determination.
On the arrival of the Triumph from Cadiz, which brought orders for
recalling the cruisers of his Britannic Majesty, Congress passed the
enclosed resolution, which I transmitted with the intelligence we had
received to Carleton and Digby. I sent my Secretary with my letters,
and expect him back this evening. I am anxious to know how the first
messenger of peace has been received by them, as well as to discover
through him what steps they propose to take for the evacuation.
I ought to thank you for your journal before I conclude. The perusal
of it afforded me great pleasure. I must pray you to continue it. I
much wish to have every step, which led to so interesting an event as
the treaty, which established our Independence. And though both Mr Jay
and Mr Adams are minute in their journals, for which I am much obliged
to them, yet new light may be thrown on the subject by you, who,
having been longer acquainted with the Courts both of London and
Versailles, have the means of more information relative to their
principles and measures.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTE:
[14] _March 7th, 1783._ "Resolved, that the salaries of the Ministers
and other officers of the United States in Europe be estimated in
future in dollars, at the rate of four shillings and sixpence sterling
per dollar.
"That they be paid in bills of exchange upon France or Holland, at the
rate of five livres five sous turnois per dollar, without regard to
the variations, which may be occasioned by the course of exchange."
* * * * *
FROM THE CITY OF HAMBURG TO CONGRESS.[15]
Translation.
FOOTNOTE:
[15] The original of this singular paper is not preserved, and the
translation is here given, as found in Dr Franklin's public
correspondence.
March 29th, 1783.
Right Noble, High, Mighty, Most Honorable Lords,
Since, by the preliminary articles of peace, concluded lately between
the high belligerent powers, the illustrious United States of North
America have been acknowledged free, sovereign, and independent, and
now since European powers are courting in rivalry the friendship of
your High Mightinesses,
We, impressed with the most lively sensations on the illustrious
event, the wonder of this, and the most remote future ages, and
desirous fully to testify the part which we take therein, do hereby
offer your High Mightinesses our service and attachment to the cause.
And in the most sincere disposition of heart, we take the honor to
wish, so as from Omnipotent Providence we do pray, that the most
illustrious republic of the United States of America may, during the
remotest centuries, enjoy all imaginable advantages to be derived from
that sovereignty, which they gained by prudence and courage.
That, by the wisdom and active patriotism of your illustrious
Congress, it may forever flourish and increase, and that the High and
Mighty Regents of those free United States may, with ease and in
abundance, enjoy all manner of temporal happiness; and at the same
time we most obsequiously recommend our city to a perpetual friendly
intelligence, and her trade and navigation in matters reciprocally
advantageous to your favor and countenance.
In order to show that such mutual commerce with the merchant houses of
this place may undoubtedly be of common benefit, your High
Mightinesses will be pleased to give us leave to mark out some
advantages of this trading city.
Here reigns a free unrestrained republican commerce, charged with but
few duties.
Hamburg's situation upon the river Elbe is, as if it were in the
centre of the Baltic and the North Sea, and as canals are cut from the
river through the city, goods may be brought in ships to the magazines
in town, and from thence again to all parts of the world.
Hamburg carries on its trade with economy. It is the mart of goods of
all countries, where they can be purchased not only of good quality,
but sometimes cheaper than at first hand.
Here linen, woollen goods, calicoes, glass, copper and all other
numerous produce of manufactured wares of the whole German Empire, are
brought in by Portuguese, Spaniards, the English, Dutch, French, and
other nations, and from hence further transported. In exchange
whereof, considerable quantities of North American goods, much wanted
in Germany, may be taken.
M. Penet, who in your country is honored with several offices, has
sojourned here for some time, and with all who had the honor of his
acquaintance, borne the character of an intelligent, skilful, and for
reciprocally advantageous commerce, a well disposed and zealous man,
will certainly have the complaisance to give your High Mightinesses
further explanation of the advantages of this trading place, which we
have but briefly touched upon.
We now intercessionally and most obsequiously request your High
Mightinesses to favor and countenance the trade of our merchants, and
to suffer them to enjoy all such rights and liberties as you allow to
merchants of nations in amity; which in gratitude and with zeal we
will in our place endeavor to retribute, not doubting that such mutual
intercourse may be effected, since a good beginning thereof is already
made on both sides, by the friendly reception of the vessels that have
arrived in either country.
In further testimony of our most attentive obsequiousness and sincere
attachment, we have deputed our citizen, John Abraham de Boor, who is
charged with the concerns of a considerable merchant house, which,
like several other merchant houses of good report and solidity in this
city, is desirous of entering with merchants of your country into
reciprocal commerce. He is to have the honor to present to your High
Mightinesses this our most obsequious missive; wherefore we most
earnestly recommend him to your favorable reception. He has it from us
in express charge, most respectfully to give your High Mightinesses,
if required, such upright and accurate accounts of our situation and
constitutions, as may be depended upon, and at the same time in person
to testify the assurance of the most perfect respect and attachment,
with which attentively we remain, Right Noble, High, Mighty, and most
honorable Lords, your most obsequious and devoted Burgomaster and
Senate of the Imperial free City of Hamburg.
Given under our City Seal, the 29th of March, 1783.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, March 31st, 1783.
My dear Friend,
I send you a paper entitled _Supplemental Treaty_, the substance of
which I sent you some time ago, as I read it in part of a speech in
the House of Commons. I have given a copy of it to Mr L., as the
grounds upon which my friend, the Duke of Portland, would have wished
that any administration, in which he might have taken a part, should
have treated with the American Ministers. All negotiations for the
formation of a Ministry in concert with the Duke of Portland are at an
end.
The tenth article, which is supposed to be referred to the definitive
treaty, is a renewal of the same proposition, which I moved in
Parliament some years ago, viz. on the 9th of April, 1778. I see
nothing inconsistent with that proposition, either in the declaration
of independence or in the treaty with France. Let it therefore
remain, and emerge after the war, as a point untouched by the war. I
assure you my consent should not be wanting to extend this principle
between all the nations upon earth. I know full well, that those
nations to which you and I are bound by birth and consanguinity, would
reap the earliest fruits from it. _Owing no man hate, and envying no
man's happiness_, I should rejoice in the lot of my own country, and
on her part say to America, _Nos duo turba sumus_. I send you,
likewise, enclosed with this, some sentiments respecting the
principles of some late negotiations, drawn up in the shape of
Parliamentary motions by my brother, who joins with me in the
sincerest good wishes to you for health and happiness, and for the
peace of our respective countries, and of mankind.
Your ever affectionate,
D. HARTLEY.
* * * * *
_Supplemental Treaty between Great Britain and the
United States of North America._
1. That the British troops be withdrawn from the United States with
all convenient speed.
2. That all further prosecutions of loyalists in America be
immediately abated, and that they be permitted to remain until twelve
months after the definitive treaty with America in safety and
unmolested, in their endeavors to obtain restitution of their estates.
3. That all ports shall be mutually opened for intercourse and
commerce, between Great Britain and the United States.
4. Agreed on the part of Great Britain, that all Prohibitory Acts
shall be repealed, and that all obstructions to American ships, either
entering inwards or clearing outwards, shall be removed, which may
arise from any acts of Parliament, heretofore regulating the commerce
of the American States, under the description of British Colonies and
Plantations, so as to accommodate every circumstance to the reception
of their ships, as the ships of independent States.
5. Agreed on the part of Great Britain, that all duties, rights,
privileges, and all pecuniary considerations shall remain, respecting
the United States of America, upon the same footing as they now remain
respecting the Province of Nova Scotia, or as if the said States had
remained dependent upon Great Britain. All this subject to regulations
and alterations by any future acts of the Parliament of Great Britain.
6. On the part of the American States it is agreed, that all laws
prohibiting commerce with Great Britain shall be repealed.
7. Agreed on the part of the American States, that all ships and
merchandise of the British dominions shall be admitted upon the same
terms as before the war. All this subject to future regulations or
alterations by the Legislatures of the American States respectively.
8. That all prisoners on both sides be immediately released.
9. The spirit and principles of this treaty to be supported on either
side by any necessary supplemental arrangements. No tacit compliance
on the part of the American States in any subordinate points to be
urged at any time hereafter in derogation of their independence.
* * * * *
_Separate Article to be referred to the Definitive Treaty._
10. Neither shall the independence of the United States be construed
any further than as independence, absolute and unlimited in matters of
government, as well as commerce. Not into alienation, and therefore
the subjects of his Britannic Majesty and the citizens of the United
States shall mutually be considered as natural born subjects, and
enjoy all rights and privileges as such in the respective dominions
and territories, in the manner heretofore accustomed.
* * * * *
_Paper mentioned in the Close of Mr Hartley's Letter._
1. That it is the opinion of this House, that whenever Great Britain
thought proper to acknowledge the independence of America, the mode of
putting it into effect most honorably for this country, would have
been, to have made the declaration of independence previous to the
commencement of any treaty with any other power.
2. That a deviation from that line of conduct, has the effect of
appearing to grant the independence of America solely to the demands
of the House of Bourbon, and not, as was the real state of the case,
from a change in the sentiments of this country, as to the object and
continuance of the American war.
3. That when this House, by its vote against the further prosecution
of offensive war in America, had given up the point of contest, and
adopted a conciliatory disposition, the pursuing those principles by
an immediate and liberal negotiation upon the basis of independence,
at the same time expressing a readiness to conclude a general peace
with the allies of America upon honorable terms, would have been the
most likely way to promote a mutual and beneficial intercourse between
the two countries; to establish peace upon a firm foundation; and
would have prevented the House of Bourbon from having a right to claim
any further obligations from America, as the assertors of their
independence.
4. That the Minister, who advised the late negotiations for peace, has
neglected to make use of those advantages, which the determination of
the House put him in possession of; that, by his delay in authorising
persons properly to negotiate with the American Commissioners, he has
shown a reluctance to acting upon the liberal principles of granting
independence to America, as the determination of Great Britain upon
mature consideration of the question; and has by such methods given
advantage to the enemies of this country to promote and confirm that
commerce and connexion between the United States of America and
themselves, which during the contest have been turned from their
natural channel with this country, and which this peace so concluded
has not yet contributed to restore.
* * * * *
M. SALVA TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Algiers, April 1st, 1783.
Sir,
The imminent danger to which the vessels of your nation were exposed,
which sailed in March last from Marseilles, and which owed their
safety to the god of the seas alone, emboldens me to call your
attention to this point.
Some secret enemies, (whom I know) having giving information to this
regency of their departure, nine armed ships immediately sailed to
wait for them at Cape Palos. It is to be presumed that the Americans
had passed the Straits.
Algiers has many ships, and the politics of certain European powers do
not restrain them from paying tribute to enjoy peace; they make use of
these human harpies as a terror to the belligerent nations, whose
commerce they chain to the car of Algerine piracy. We saw an example
of this, when his Imperial Majesty, to protect his flag, made use of
the Firman of the Sublime Porte. It was attacked, and five prizes were
brought into this port in 1781, four of which with ballast were
restored in February, 1782, at the claim of a Capapigi Bashaw of the
Porte, and of M. Timone, the Imperial Agent, who was expelled, and
whose correspondent I am, having been his Secretary on this occasion,
and having revealed to his Highness, Prince Kaunitz Rietberg, Minister
at the Court of Vienna, horrors and crimes which would have remained
unpunished but for my pen.
Humanity alone, Sir, has engaged me to give you this advice. I request
you will be pleased to keep it secret; your prudence will effect what
may be necessary on this occasion.
I have the honor to offer you every information respecting this port,
and flatter myself that I shall succeed therein. I think to depart
from this in May or June next for Marseilles, and to leave these
barbarian pirates.
I have the honor to be, &c.
SALVA.
* * * * *
TO THE GRAND MASTER OF MALTA.
Passy, April 6th, 1783.
My Lord,
I have the honor to address to your Eminent Highness the medal, which
I have lately had struck. It is a homage of gratitude, my Lord, which
is due to the interest you have taken in our cause, and we no less owe
it to your virtues, and to your Eminent Highness's wise administration
of government.
Permit me, my Lord, to demand your protection for such of our citizens
as circumstances may lead to your ports. I hope that your Eminent
Highness will be pleased to grant it to them, and kindly receive the
assurances of the profound respect with which I am, my Lord, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO M. ROSENCRONE.
Passy, April 13th, 1783.
Sir,
Monsieur de Walterstorff has communicated to me a letter from your
Excellency, which affords me great pleasure, as it expresses in clear
and strong terms the good disposition of your Court[16] to form
connexions of friendship and commerce with the United States of
America. I am confident that the same good disposition will be found
in the Congress; and having acquainted that respectable body with the
purport of your letter, I expect a commission will soon be sent,
appointing some person in Europe to enter into a treaty with his
Majesty the King of Denmark for the purpose desired.
In the meantime, to prepare and forward the business as much as may
be, I send, for your Excellency's consideration, such a sketch as you
mention, formed on the basis of our treaty with Holland, on which I
shall be glad to receive your Excellency's sentiments. And I hope
that this transaction when completed, may be the means of producing
and securing a long and happy friendship between our two nations.
To smooth the way for obtaining this desirable end, as well as to
comply with my duty, it becomes necessary for me on this occasion to
mention to your Excellency the affair of our three prizes, which,
having during the war entered Bergen as a neutral and friendly port,
where they might repair the damages they had suffered, and procure
provisions, were, by an order of your predecessor in the office you so
honorably fill, violently seized and delivered to our enemies. I am
inclined to think it was a hasty act, procured by the importunities
and misrepresentations of the British Minister, and that your
government could not, on reflection, approve of it. But the injury was
done, and I flatter myself your Excellency will think with me, that it
ought to be repaired. The means and manner I beg leave to recommend to
your consideration, and am, with great respect, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
FOOTNOTE:
[16] The Court of Denmark. See the letter referred to, p. 74
of this volume.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, April 16th, 1783.
Sir,
You complain sometimes of not hearing from us. It is now near three
months since any of us have heard from America. I think our last
letters came with General de Rochambeau. There is now a project under
consideration for establishing monthly packet boats between France and
New York, which I hope will be carried into execution; our
correspondence then may be more regular and frequent.