Secretary Townshend, in answer to mine, which went by the messenger,
despatched from hence on the 12th, I take this opportunity of Mr
Whiteford to send you a copy of it. I hope he will bring good accounts
of your health, which I sincerely wish, and am your Excellency's, &c.
RICHARD OSWALD.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, September 25th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to send you my despatches for the Chevalier de la
Luzerne. The packet is voluminous, but it contains many duplicates.
I should be glad if it were in my power to inform him, that our treaty
is in as good progress as yours, but this is far from being the case.
I cannot even foresee what will be the issue, for difficulties
multiply. It will be well for you to forewarn the Congress to be
prepared for whatever event may arise. I do not despair; I the rather
hope; but as yet all is uncertainty.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, September 26th, 1782.
Sir,
I have just received your No. 15, dated the 9th of August, which
mentions your not having heard from me since March. I have, however,
written sundry letters, viz. of April the 8th, and June the 12th, June
the 25th and 29th, August the 12th, and September the 3d, and sent
copies of the same, which I hope cannot all have miscarried.
The negotiations for peace have hitherto amounted to little more than
mutual professions of sincere desires, &c., being obstructed by the
want of due form in the English commissions appointing their
plenipotentiaries. The objections made to those for treating with
France, Spain and Holland were first removed, and by the enclosed[5]
it seems that our objections to that for treating with us will now be
removed also, so that we expect to begin in a few days our
negotiations. But there are so many interests to be considered and
settled, in a peace between five different nations, that it will be
well not to flatter ourselves with a very speedy conclusion.
I mentioned, in a former letter, my having communicated to Count de
Vergennes the state of American commerce, which you sent me, and my
having urged its consideration, &c. Enclosed is a copy of a letter
received from that Minister on the subject.
The copy of General Carleton's letter, and the bills of exchange,
which you mentioned as enclosed, do not appear. I hope soon to have a
better opportunity of writing, when I shall be fuller.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
FOOTNOTE:
[5] This refers to Mr Oswald's commission, which will be found in the
Correspondence of the Commissioners for negotiating peace.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, October 3d, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to return you the commission appointing Thomas
Barclay consul of the United States, to reside in France, and I
endorse the exequatur, which is requisite for the exercise of his
functions. I must inform you, that the latter of these will require
the Admiral's signature previously to its being registered, either by
the Secretary of the Admiralty at L'Orient, where Mr Barclay intends
to fix his residence, or by those of other ports of the kingdom, where
commercial considerations may require his presence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
Bath, October 4th, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
I only write one line to you, to let you know that I am not forgetful
of you, or of our common concerns. I have not heard anything from the
Ministry yet; I believe it is a kind of vacation with them, before the
meeting of Parliament. I have told you of a proposition, which I have
had some thoughts to make as a kind of copartnership in commerce. I
send you a purposed temporary convention, which I have drawn up. You
are to consider it only as one I recommend. The words underlined are
grafted upon the proposition of my Memorial, dated May 19th, 1778. You
will see the principle, which I have in my thoughts to extend for the
purpose of restoring our ancient copartnership generally.
I cannot tell you what event things may take, but my thoughts are
always employed in endeavoring to arrange that system upon which the
_China Vase_, lately shattered, may be cemented together, upon
principles of compact and connexion, instead of dependence.
I have met with a sentiment in this country which gives some alarm,
viz. lest the unity of government in America should be uncertain, and
the States reject the authority of Congress. Some passages in General
Washington's letter have given weight to these doubts. I do not hear
of any tendency to this opinion; _that the American States will break
to pieces, and then we may still conquer them_. I believe all that
folly is extinguished. But many serious and well disposed persons are
alarmed, lest _this should be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the
powers of the union, and annihilating the cement of confederation_,
(_vide_ Washington's letter,) and that Great Britain should thereby
lose her best and wisest hope of being reconnected with the American
States _unitedly_. I should for one think it the greatest misfortune.
Pray give me some opinion upon this.
You see there is likewise another turn, which may be given to this
sentiment by intemperate and disappointed people, who may indulge a
passionate revenge for their own disappointments, by endeavoring to
excite general distrust, discord, and disunion. I wish to be prepared
and guarded at all points.
I beg my best compliments to your colleagues; be so good as to show
this letter to them. I beg particularly my condolence (and I hope
congratulation) to Mr Adams; I hear that he has been very dangerously
ill, but that he is again recovered. I hope the latter part is true,
and that we shall all survive to set our hands to some future compacts
of common interest, and common affection, between our two countries.
Your ever affectionate,
D. HARTLEY.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, October 14th, 1782.
Sir,
I have but just received information of this opportunity, and have
only time allowed to write a few lines.
In my last of the 26th past, I mentioned that the negotiation for
peace had been obstructed, by the want of due form in the English
commissions appointing their plenipotentiaries. In that for treating
with us, the mentioning our States by their public name had been
avoided, which we objected to; another is come, of which I send a copy
enclosed. We have now made several preliminary propositions, which the
English Minister, Mr Oswald, has approved, and sent to his Court. He
thinks they will be approved there, but I have some doubts. In a few
days, however, the answer expected will determine. By the first of
these articles, the King of Great Britain renounces for himself and
successors, all claim and pretension to dominion or territory within
the Thirteen United States; and the boundaries are described as in our
instructions, except that the line between Nova Scotia and New England
is to be settled by Commissioners after the peace. By another article,
the fishery in the American seas is to be freely exercised by the
Americans, wherever they might formerly exercise it while united with
Great Britain. By another, the citizens and subjects of each nation
are to enjoy the same protection and privileges, in each others' ports
and countries, respecting commerce, duties, &c. that are enjoyed by
native subjects. The articles are drawn up very fully by Mr Jay, who I
suppose sends you a copy; if not, it will go by the next opportunity.
If these articles are agreed to, I apprehend little difficulty in the
rest. Something has been mentioned about the refugees and English
debts, but not insisted on, as we declared at once, that whatever
confiscations had been made in America, being in virtue of the laws of
particular States, the Congress had no authority to repeal those laws,
and therefore could give us none to stipulate for such repeal.
I have been honored with the receipt of your letters, Nos 14 and 15. I
have also received two letters from Mr Lewis R. Morris, both dated
the 6th of July, and one dated the 10th of August, enclosing bills for
68,290 livres,
71,380
9,756
-------
In all 149,426 livres,
being intended for the payment of Ministers' salaries for the two
first quarters of this year. But as these bills came so late, that all
those salaries were already paid, I shall make no use of the bills,
but lay them by till further orders; and the salaries of different
Ministers not having all the same times of falling due, as they had
different commencements, I purpose to get all their accounts settled
and reduced to the same period, and send you the state of them, that
you may be clear in future orders. I see in one of the estimates sent
me, that a quarter's salary of a Minister is reckoned at 14,513
livres, in the other it is reckoned 16,667 livres, and the bill for
9,756[6] livres is mentioned as intended to pay a balance due on the
remittance of the 68,290 livres. Being unacquainted with the state of
your exchange, I do not well comprehend this, and therefore leave the
whole for the present, as I have said above. Permit me only to hint
for your consideration, whether it may not be well hereafter to omit
mention of sterling, in our appointments, since we have severed from
the country to which that denomination of money is peculiar; and also
to order the payment of your Ministers in such a manner, that they may
know exactly what they are to receive, and not be subject to the
fluctuations of exchange. If it is that, which occasions the
difference between 14,583 for the first quarter, and the 16,667 for
the second, it is considerable. I think we have no right to any
advantage by the exchange, nor should we be liable to any loss from
it. Hitherto we have taken 15,000 for a quarter, (subject however to
the allowance or disallowance of Congress) which is lower than the
medium between those two extremes.
The different accounts given of Lord Shelburne's character, with
respect to sincerity, induced the Ministry here to send over M. de
Rayneval, Secretary to the Council, to converse with him, and endeavor
to form by that means a more perfect judgment of what was to be
expected from the negotiations. He was five or six days in England,
saw all the Ministers, and returned quite satisfied, that they are
sincerely desirous of peace, so that the negotiations now go on with
some prospect of success. But the Court and people of England are very
changeable. A little turn of fortune in their favor sometimes turns
their heads; and I shall not think a speedy peace to be depended on,
till I see the treaties signed. I am obliged to finish.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
FOOTNOTE:
[6] This was not merely to pay a balance, but an excess on account of
contingencies. _Note by Mr Livingston_.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, October 15th, 1782.
Sir,
A long and painful illness has prevented my corresponding with your
Excellency regularly.
Mr Jay has, I believe, acquainted you with the obstructions our peace
negotiations have met with, and that they are at length removed. By
the next courier expected from London, we may be able perhaps to form
some judgment of the probability of success, so far as relates to our
part of the peace. How likely the other powers are to settle their
pretensions, I cannot yet learn. In the mean time, America is
gradually growing more easy, by the enemy's evacuation of their posts;
as you will see by some intelligence I enclose.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
FROM T. TOWNSHEND TO B. FRANKLIN.
Whitehall, October 23d, 1782.
Sir,
As Mr Strachey is going from hence to Paris, with some particulars for
Mr Oswald, which were not easily to be explained in writing, I take
the liberty of introducing him to your acquaintance, though I am not
sure that he is not a little known to you. The confidential situation
in which he stands with me, makes me particularly desirous of
presenting him to you.
I believe, Sir, I am enough known to you, for you to believe me, when
I say, that there has not been from the beginning a single person more
averse to the unhappy war, or who wishes more earnestly than I do, for
a return of peace and mutual amity between Great Britain and America.
I am, with great regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
T. TOWNSHEND.
* * * * *
TO THOMAS TOWNSHEND.
Passy, November 4th, 1782.
Sir,
I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me by Mr
Strachey, and was much pleased with the opportunity it gave me of
renewing and increasing my acquaintance with a gentleman of so amiable
and deserving a character.
I am sensible you have ever been averse to the measures that brought
on this unhappy war; I have, therefore, no doubt of the sincerity of
your wishes for a return of peace. Mine are equally earnest. Nothing,
therefore, except the beginning of the war, has given me more concern
than to learn at the conclusion of our conferences, that it is not
likely to be soon ended. Be assured, no endeavors on my part would be
wanting to remove any difficulties that may have arisen, or even if a
peace were made, to procure afterwards any changes in the treaty that
might tend to render it more perfect, and the peace more durable. But
we, who are here at so great a distance from our constituents, have
not the possibility of obtaining in a few days fresh instructions, as
is the case with your negotiators, and are therefore obliged to insist
on what is conformable to those we have, and at the same time appears
to us just and reasonable.
With great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, November 7th, 1782.
Sir,
The Baron de Kermelin, a Swedish gentleman of distinction, recommended
strongly to me by his Excellency, the Ambassador of that nation to
this Court, as a person highly esteemed in his own, purposes a journey
through North America, to view its natural productions, acquaint
himself with its commerce, and acquire such information as may be
useful to his country, in the communication and connexion of interests
that seem to be growing, and probably may soon become considerable
between the two nations. I therefore beg leave to introduce him to
you, and request that you would present him to the President of
Congress, and to such other persons as you shall think may be useful
to him in his views, and I recommend him earnestly to those
civilities, which you have a pleasure in showing to strangers of
merit.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, November 9th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Mr Stewart, informing me that he shall set out tomorrow for Paris,
will be the bearer of this, and duplicates of my last letters. The
want of time will prevent my sending Mr Jay duplicates of the
resolutions formerly enclosed to him, which will be the more
unnecessary as you will communicate those you receive with this, if my
former letters containing them, have not reached him.
We are much flattered by the proposals of Sweden, and feel all the
force of its Minister's observations; every new acknowledgment lays
the foundation of others, and familiarizes Great Britain with the idea
of acknowledging us as sovereign and independent. I feel some
pleasure, too, in thinking that you are to be the instrument of
procuring us new connexions, and beg leave to remind you of another
which calls upon your attention, though it seems to have been
forgotten in the hurry of business. I mean that with the States of
Barbary. The good dispositions of the Court of France towards us, and
the enlarged policy by which their measures are actuated, together
with the coolness that at present subsists between the Emperor of
Morocco and Great Britain, (if we are well informed) seem to point out
this as the favorable moment for making ourselves known to him. As Mr
Jay is now with you, I wish you would consult upon the means of
bringing this about, so that we may not be shut out of the
Mediterranean in future.
I know you will start a very obvious objection. But as this can only
be removed by your influence where you now are, we rely upon you for
the means as well as for the manner of treating. I have not thought it
necessary to say anything to Congress on this subject, nor shall I,
till you give me hopes that something may be done in it.
The only political object of a general nature, that has been touched
upon in Congress since my last, is the exchange of prisoners, which
seems at present to be as far as ever from being effected. The
propositions on the side of the enemy were to exchange seamen for
soldiers, they having no soldiers in their hands; that the soldiers so
exchanged should not serve for one year against the United States;
that the sailors might go into immediate service; that the remainder
of the soldiers in our hands should be given up at a stipulated price.
Congress rejected this proposal as unequal; as letting loose a force,
which might be employed against our allies in the West Indies; as
making no provision for the payment of the large balance due to us for
the maintenance of prisoners. They further required, that General
Carleton should explicitly declare, that the powers he gives to his
Commissioners for negotiating an exchange are derived from the King of
Great Britain, so that any engagement for the payment of the debt they
have incurred may be considered as binding upon the nation. With
respect to Mr Laurens, they have come to no decided opinion. The
Committee to whom it was referred, reporting that,
"With respect to the information contained in the extract of Sir Guy
Carleton's and Admiral Digby's letter of the 2d of August, '_that
after Mr Laurens was discharged, he declared that he considered Lord
Cornwallis as freed from his parole_,' your Committee conceive it
sufficient to observe, that no intimation having been received of such
a fact, except, from the said extract, and Congress having given no
directions to that purpose, the consideration thereof would in their
opinion be premature, and ought therefore to be deferred." Since
which, though letters have been received from Mr Laurens, they have
come to no resolution, unless their direction to him to proceed in the
business of his mission may be considered as such.
General Carleton has sent out the trial of Lippincott, which admits
the murder of Huddy, but justifies Lippincott under an _irregular_
order of the Board of Refugees. So paltry a palliation of so black a
crime would not have been admitted, and Captain Asgill would certainly
have paid the forfeit for the injustice of his countrymen, had not the
interposition of their Majesties prevented. The letter from the Count
de Vergennes is made the groundwork of the resolution passed on that
subject. I shall transmit you the resolve.
I suppose I need not tell you, that the enemy contrived to get off the
Eagle and to carry her, to New York. You will find, in the enclosed
papers, a very polite letter from Captain Elphingston; it is easier to
be so in word than in deed among the British. Digby has refused to
permit him to comply with his engagement, at least so far as his share
of the prize is concerned, and insists upon dividing the baggage of
the officers, and sharing the eighth pair of breeches, &c.
On the 4th instant, Mr Boudinot was elected President in the room of
Mr Hanson, whose term of service had expired. Mr Lewis Morris will
enclose bills purchased here at six shillings and three pence,
currency, for five livres, to the amount of your last quarter's
salary, ending the first of October.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, November 21st, 1782.
Sir,
Congress a few days since, passed the enclosed resolution, No. 1, by
which they have added Mr Jefferson to the commission for concluding a
peace. The established character of this gentleman gives me reason to
hope, that his appointment will be very acceptable to you, and the
other gentlemen in the commission. I have not yet learned whether he
will take the task upon him, but I have reason to believe he will, the
death of his wife having lessened, in the opinion of his friends, the
reluctance which he has hitherto manifested to going abroad. I think
it would be proper to make a formal annunciation of this resolution to
the Court of France. You will naturally give such a representation of
Mr Jefferson's character, as will secure to him there that esteem and
confidence which he justly merits. The resolution, No. 2, needs no
comment; or if it does, Mr Morris will prove the able commentator. I
resign the task to him.
For what end are the show of negotiations kept up by England, when
peace upon the only terms she can possibly expect to obtain it is far
from her heart? Her Ministers, like some Ministers of the Gospel, who
are unwilling to quit the pulpit when they have tired out their
hearers, expect to keep the people together by calling out at every
period, "now to conclude," while they continue the same dull tale for
want of skill to wind it up.
By accounts from Jamaica, we learn that the British have recovered
most of their settlements on the Bay. Some attention will, I hope, be
paid in the treaty of peace to secure to us the share we formerly had
in the logwood trade; it was a valuable remittance to us, and the low
price at which we were enabled to sell renders it important to other
nations, that we should not be excluded from furnishing it as usual.
You will find by the enclosed paper, that Mr Burgess, an English
merchant, was not permitted to settle at Boston and obtain the rights
of citizenship, upon principles which must be alarming to England. It
shows at the same time the respect that is paid to the resolutions of
Congress, notwithstanding all that has been said and written to prove
the contrary.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
_P. S._ I forgot to mention, that I am solicited by Mr Barlow to
transmit to you proposals for printing a work of his, which you will
find described in the enclosed proposals, as they are accompanied with
a specimen of his poetry, which is as much as I have seen of it. You
will judge yourself how far it deserves the patronage he wishes you to
give it.
* * * * *
TO RICHARD OSWALD.
Passy, November 26th, 1782.
Sir,
You may well remember, that in the beginning of our conferences,
before the other Commissioners arrived, on your mentioning to me a
retribution for the royalists, whose estates had been confiscated, I
acquainted you that nothing of that kind could be stipulated by us,
the confiscation being made by virtue of laws of particular States,
which the Congress had no power to contravene or dispense with, and
therefore could give us no such authority in our commission. And I
gave it as my opinion and advice, honestly and cordially, that if a
reconciliation was intended, no mention should be made in our
negotiations of those people; for they having done infinite mischief
to our properties, by wantonly burning and destroying farm-houses,
villages, and towns, if compensation for their losses were insisted
on, we should certainly exhibit again such an account of all the
ravages they had committed, which would necessarily recall to view
scenes of barbarity that must inflame, instead of conciliating, and
tend to perpetuate an enmity that we all profess a desire of
extinguishing. Understanding, however, from you, that this was a point
your Ministry had at heart, I wrote concerning it to Congress, and I
have lately received the following resolution, viz.
"_By the United States, in Congress assembled._"
September 10th, 1782.
"RESOLVED, That the Secretary for Foreign Affairs be, and he is
hereby directed to obtain, as speedily as possible, authentic
returns of the slaves and other property, which have been carried
off or destroyed in the course of the war by the enemy, and to
transmit the same to the Ministers Plenipotentiary for
negotiating peace.