grandson, William T. Franklin, came over with me, served me as a
private Secretary during the time of the Commissioners; and no
Secretary to the Commission arriving, though we had been made to
expect one, he did business for us all, and this without any allowance
for his services, though both Mr Lee and Mr Deane at times mentioned
it to me as a thing proper to be done, and in justice due to him. When
I became appointed sole Minister here, and the whole business, which
the Commissioners had before divided with me, came into my hands, I
was obliged to exact more service from him, and he was indeed, by
being so long in the business, become capable of doing more. At
length, in the beginning of the year 1781 when he became of age,
considering his constant close attention to the duties required, and
his having thereby missed the opportunity of studying the law, for
which he had been intended, I determined to make him some
compensation for the time past, and fix some compensation for the time
to come, till the pleasure of Congress respecting him should be known.
I accordingly settled an account with him, allowing him from the
beginning of December 1776 to the end of 1777, the sum of 3,400
livres, and for the year 1778, the sum of 4,000 livres, for 1779,
4,800 livres, and for 1780, 6,000 livres. Since that time I have
allowed him at the rate of three hundred louis per annum, being what I
saw had been allowed by Congress to the Secretary of Mr William Lee,
who could not have had, I imagine, a fourth part of the business to go
through; since my Secretary, besides the writing and copying the
papers relative to my common ministerial transactions, has had all
those occasioned by my acting in the various employments of Judge of
Admiralty, Consul, purchaser of goods for the public, &c. &c. besides
that of accepting the Congress bills, a business that requires being
always at home, bills coming by post, from different ports and
countries, and often requiring immediate answers, whether good or not;
and to that end, it being necessary to examine by the books, exactly
kept of all preceding acceptances, in order to detect double
presentations, which happen very frequently. The great number of these
bills makes almost sufficient business for one person, and the
confinement they occasion is such, that we cannot allow ourselves a
day's excursion into the country, and the want of exercise has hurt
our healths in several instances.
The Congress pay much larger salaries to some Secretaries, who, I
believe, deserve them; but not more than my grandson does the
comparatively small one I have allowed to him, his fidelity,
exactitude, and address in transacting business, being really what one
could wish in such an officer; and the genteel appearance a young
gentleman in his station obliges him to make, requiring at least such
an income. I do not mention the extraordinary business that has been
imposed upon us in this embassy, as a foundation for demanding higher
salaries than others. I never solicited for a public office, either
for myself, or any relation, yet I never refused one, that I was
capable of executing, when public service was in question, and I never
bargained for salary, but contented myself with whatever my
constituents were pleased to allow me. The Congress will therefore
consider every article charged in my account, distinct from the salary
originally voted, not as what I presume to insist upon, but as what I
propose only for their consideration, and they will allow what they
think proper.
You desire an accurate estimate of those contingent expenses. I
enclose copies of two letters,[1] which passed between Mr Adams and me
on the subject, and show the articles of which they consist. Their
amount in different years may be found in my accounts, except the
article of house rent, which has never yet been settled; M. de
Chaumont, our landlord, having originally proposed to leave it till
the end of the war, and then to accept for it a piece of American land
from the Congress, such as they might judge equivalent. If the
Congress did intend all contingent charges whatever to be included in
the salary, and do not think proper to pay on the whole so much, in
that case I would humbly suggest, that the saving may be most
conveniently made by a diminution of the salary, leaving the
contingencies to be charged; because they may necessarily be very
different in different years, and at different courts.
I have been more diffuse on this subject, as your letter gave occasion
for it, and it is probably the last time I shall mention it. Be
pleased to present my dutiful respects to Congress, assure them of my
best services, and believe me to be, with sincere esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S._ As you will probably lay this letter before Congress, I take
the liberty of joining to it an extract of my letter to the President,
of the 12th of March, 1781, and of repeating my request therein
contained, relative to my grandson. I enclose, likewise, extracts of
letters from Messrs Jay and Laurens, which both show the regard those
gentlemen have for him, and their desire of his being noticed by the
Congress.[2]
B. F.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] See these letters above, pp. 218, 238.
[2] The following are the extracts of the letters alluded to in this
place.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM JOHN JAY TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Madrid, April 25th, 1781.
The letters herewith enclosed from Dr Franklin were left open for my
perusal; the short stay of my courier at Paris not allowing time for
copies to be made of the information conveyed in and with it.
I perceive that Dr Franklin desires to retire; this circumstance calls
upon me to assure Congress, that I have reason to be perfectly
satisfied with his conduct towards me, and that I have received from
him all the aid and attention I could wish or expect. His character is
very high here, and I really believe, that the respectability he
enjoys throughout Europe has been of general use to our cause and
country.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM JOHN JAY.
Madrid, April 21st, 1781.
By the letter from Dr Franklin, herewith enclosed, and which he was so
obliging as to leave open for my perusal, I find he has requested
permission to retire, on account of his age, infirmities, &c. How far
his health may be impaired I know not. The letters I have received
from him bear no marks of age, and there is an acuteness and
sententious brevity in them, which do not indicate an understanding
injured by years. I have many reasons to think our country much
indebted to him, and I confess it would mortify my pride as an
American, if his constituents should be the only people to whom his
character is known, and that should deny to his merit and services the
testimony given them by other nations. Justice demands of me to assure
you, that his reputation and respectability are acknowledged, and have
weight here, and that I have received from him all that uniform
attention and aid, which were due to the importance of the affairs
committed to me.
The affectionate mention he makes of his only descendant, on whom the
support of his name and family will devolve, is extremely amiable, and
flows in a delicate manner from that virtuous sensibility, by which
nature kindly extends the benefits of parental affection, to a period
beyond the limits of our lives. This is an affectionate subject, and
minds susceptible of the finer sensations are insensibly led at least
to wish that the feelings of an ancient patriot, going, in the evening
of a long life early devoted to the public, to enjoy repose in the
bosom of philosophic retirement, may be gratified by seeing some
little sparks of the affection of his country rest on the only support
of his age and hope of his family. Such are the effusions of my heart
on this occasion, and I pour them into yours, from a persuasion, that
they will meet with a hospitable reception from congenial emotions.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
COLONEL JOHN LAURENS TO B. FRANKLIN.
Leagues W. of Ortegal, June 9th, 1781.
Sir,
I snatch a moment to pay my last respects to your Excellency, and to
mention a matter, which has occurred to me since my being on board. I
have frequently reflected upon the mention, which your Excellency has
made of retiring from your present important station, and have never
varied the opinion, which I took the liberty of giving you once at the
Count de Vergennes', viz. that the best arrangement would be to give
your Excellency an active, intelligent Secretary of the Embassy, who
might relieve you from the drudgery of office; and that your country
should not be deprived of the advantages of your wisdom and influence.
The difficulty hitherto has been to find a person properly qualified.
The advantages, which your grandson derives from his knowledge of the
language, and manners of the people, and his having been so long in
your office, and with your Excellency, are very great. The prejudices,
which have been entertained against him, may be removed by a personal
introduction to Congress, especially if it is combined with rendering
a popular service. I take the liberty of proposing to your Excellency,
therefore, if you can spare Mr Franklin for the purpose, to commit to
his care the second remittance of money, and to hasten his departure
with that, and as much of the public supplies of clothing, &c. as may
be ready to accompany it. I am persuaded, that in public bodies, the
want of a personal acquaintance is a great objection to appointing a
man to any important office.
The Engageante's boat demands my letter. I have written in the
greatest haste upon a subject, which I hope your Excellency will turn
to public utility.
I am, &c.
JOHN LAURENS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Passy, September 4th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Mr Oswald's courier being returned, with directions to him to make the
independence of America the first article in the treaty, I would wait
on you if I could, to discourse on the subject; but as I cannot, I
wish to see you here this evening, if not inconvenient to you.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, September 5th, 1782.
Sir,
Having written to you lately, I should not again trouble you so soon,
were it not necessary to remind you, that your last letter is dated in
March, since which there have been frequent arrivals from France; and
since which too we have reason to believe, the most interesting
events have taken place in Europe.
We learn from private letters and common fame, that Mr Adams was
received by the United Provinces in his public character, on the 19th
of April. We have yet no account of this interesting event, nor of the
measures he has pursued to accomplish our other objects in Holland.
Since then Mr Laurens, it is said, has been liberated, has travelled
to Holland and to France, has entered upon the execution of his trust,
but has left us to gather events so interesting to him and to us from
private letters, and the public prints. Mr Jay tells us on the 24th of
May, that he is about to set out for Paris, and that he presumes Dr
Franklin has assigned the reasons for this step. Doctor Franklin has
told us nothing.
As to Mr Dana, if it were not for the necessity of drawing bills in
his favor, we should hardly be acquainted with his existence. It is
commonly said, that republics are better informed than monarchs of the
state of their foreign affairs, and that they insist upon a greater
degree of vigilance and punctuality in their Ministers. We, on the
contrary, seem to have adopted a new system. The ignorance, in which
we are kept, of every interesting event, renders it impossible for the
sovereign to instruct their servants, and of course forms them into an
independent privy council for the direction of their affairs, without
their advice or concurrence. I can hardly express to you what I feel
on this occasion. I blush when I meet a member of Congress, who
inquires into what is passing in Europe. When the General applies to
me for advice on the same subject, which must regulate his movements,
I am compelled to inform him, that we have no intelligence but what he
has seen in the papers. The following is an extract of his last
letter to me. "But how does it happen, that all our information of
what is transacting in Europe should come to hand through indirect
channels, or from the enemy; or does this question proceed from my
unacquaintedness with facts?"
But let me dismiss a subject, which gives me so much pain, in the hope
that we shall in future have no further cause of complaint.
Since the evacuation of Savannah, the enemy have by the general orders
contained in the enclosed papers, announced the proposed evacuation of
Charleston. We are in daily expectation of hearing, therefore, that
tranquillity is restored to the Southern States. Several circumstances
lead us to suppose, that they entertain thoughts of abandoning New
York sometime this fall. You _only_ can inform us, whether this step
has been taken in consequence of any expectations they entertain of a
general peace; or with a view to pursue the system, which the present
administration appears to have adopted, when they so loudly reprobate
the American war; and whether, by withdrawing their troops from hence
they only mean to collect their force and direct it against our
allies. This knowledge would render such an alteration in our system
necessary, that it affords us new reasons for regretting our want of
information on these important points.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil has unfortunately lost the Magnifique, sunk
by running on a rock in the harbor of Boston, where he is now, with
the remainder of his fleet, except three refitting at Portsmouth,
consisting of twelve sail of the line. This has enabled Congress to
show their attention to His Most Christian Majesty, and their wish to
promote his interests as far as their circumstances will permit, by
presenting him the America, of seventyfour guns. Enclosed are their
resolves on that subject, and the answer given by the Minister of
France. The ship is in such a state, that she may by diligence be
refitted for sea in about two months; and from the accounts I hear of
her, she will I believe prove a fine ship. The General is collecting
the army. The last division of the French troops marched from here
this morning. When collected, they will, I presume, repair to their
old post, at the White Plains, and perhaps endeavor to accelerate the
departure of the enemy.
I am sorry you did not pursue your first design, and enlarge in your
letter upon the subjects, which you imagined would be discussed in the
negotiations for peace. It might have changed our sentiments, and
altered our views on some points. Two things are of great moment to
us, one of which at least would meet with no difficulty, if France and
England understand their true interests; I mean the West India trade,
and the right to cut logwood and mahogany. Without a free admission of
all kinds of provisions into the Islands, our agriculture will suffer
extremely. This will be severely felt at first, and when it remedies
itself, which it will do in time, it must be at the expense of the
nations that share our commerce. It will lessen the consumption of
foreign sugars, increase the supplies which the poorer people among us
draw from the maple, &c. and by reducing the price of provision, and
rendering the cultivation of lands less profitable, make
proportionable increase of our own manufactures, and lessen our
dependence on Europe. This will, I must confess, in some measure check
our population, and so far I regard it as an evil. The merchants and
farmers, if precluded at a peace from the advantages, which this
commerce gave them while connected with England, ----.[3] Then a
variety of arguments on this subject, arising as well from the general
interests of France, as from her political connexion with us, might be
urged to show the wisdom of adopting the same liberal sentiments on
this point, which has of late distinguished her in so many others. But
if she should not be able to overcome her ancient prejudices, I
believe they will be found to have less influence on the British, whom
you will press earnestly on this head. Besides the general interest of
the kingdom, there is with them a powerful West India interest, to
plead in behalf of a free importation of provisions into their
Islands. If I mistake not, the present wishes of the nation, as well
as the professions of administration, lead to every measure, which may
wear away our present resentments, and strengthen the connexion
between us and them.
The logwood trade we have some claim to, from our continued exercise
of the right. Nor can England pretend to exclude us from it, without
invalidating her own title, which stands upon the same ground. If
Spain admits the right in England, she gains nothing by excluding us,
since in proportion as she diminishes our commerce in that article,
she increases that of Great Britain. Other manufacturing nations are
interested in exciting a competition between us at their markets.
When you write to me, be pleased to be very particular in your
relation of every step, which leads to a negotiation. Everything of
this kind must be interesting.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTE:
[3] The sense is broken here, owing to the omission of three lines in
cypher, the key to which could not be found.
* * * * *
RICHARD OSWALD TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, September 5th, 1782.
Sir,
In consequence of the notice I have just now had from Mr Jay of your
desire of an extract from my last letter from the Secretary of State,
regarding the proposed treaty on the subject of American affairs, and
my authority in relation thereto, I take the liberty to send the same
enclosed, which, together with the powers contained in the commission,
which I had the honor of laying before you and Mr Jay, I am hopeful
will satisfy you of the willingness and sincere desire of his Majesty
to give you entire content on that important subject.
This extract I would have sent before now, if I had thought you wished
to have it before I had the honor of waiting on you myself; which was
only delayed until I should be informed by Mr Jay, that you were well
enough to see me upon business.
I heartily wish you a recovery of your health, and am, with sincere
esteem and regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
RICHARD OSWALD.
* * * * *
TO RICHARD OSWALD.
Passy, September 8th, 1782.
Sir,
I have received the honor of yours, dated the 5th instant, enclosing
an extract of a letter to your Excellency, from the right honorable
Thomas Townshend, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State,
wherein your conduct in communicating to us the fourth article of
your instructions appears to have been approved by his Majesty. I
suppose, therefore, that there is no impropriety in my requesting a
copy of that instruction; and if you see none, I wish to receive it
from you, hoping it may be of use in removing some of the difficulties
that obstruct our proceeding.[4]
With great and sincere esteem, I am, Sir, your Excellency's most
obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
FOOTNOTE:
[4] Copy of the Fourth Article of his Majesty's instructions to
Richard Oswald, for his government in treating with the Commissioners
of the Thirteen United Colonies of America for a truce or peace, the
said instructions being dated the 31st day of July, 1782, viz.
"4th Article. In case you find the American Commissioners are not at
liberty to treat on any terms short of independence, you are to
declare to them, that you have authority to make that concession. Our
ardent wish for peace, disposing us to purchase it at the price of
acceding to the complete independence of the Thirteen Colonies,
namely, New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut,
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Three lower Counties on the
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and
Georgia, in North America."
* * * * *
TO EARL GRANTHAM.
Passy, September 11th, 1782.
My Lord,
A long and severe indisposition has delayed my acknowledging the
receipt of the letter your Lordship did me the honor of writing to me
by Mr Fitzherbert.
You do me justice in believing, that I agree with you in earnestly
wishing the establishment of an honorable and lasting peace; and I am
happy to be assured by your Lordship, that it is the system of the
Ministers with whom you are co-operating. I know it to be the sincere
desire of the United States, and with such dispositions on both sides
there is reason to hope, that the good work in its progress will meet
with little difficulty. A small one has occurred in the commencement,
with which Mr Oswald will acquaint you. I flatter myself that means
will be found on your part for removing it; and my best endeavors in
removing the subsequent ones (if any should arise) may be relied on.
I had the honor of being known to your Lordship's father. On several
occasions he manifested a regard for me, and a confidence in me. I
shall be happy if my conduct in the present important business may
procure me the same rank in the esteem of his worthy successor.
I am, with sincere respect, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient and
most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, September 12th, 1782.
Sir,
I have nothing to add to mine of the 5th instant, but to congratulate
you on the safe arrival of two vessels from Holland, having on board
the goods left by Commodore Gillon, and to present you in the name of
Mr Paine, with three copies of a late work of his addressed to the
Abbé Raynal, in which he takes notice of some of the many errors with
which his work abounds. The Abbé has a fine imagination, and he
indulges it. The enclosed resolution contains an important fact, which
I am using means to ascertain; but from the ill success I have
hitherto met with in every similar attempt, I am fearful that it will
be very long before I can effect it.
I have the honor to be, Sir, with great respect and esteem, your most
obedient humble servant,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, September 12th, 1782.
Sir,
Since writing the above, I have received the enclosed resolutions of
Congress. I have already anticipated all that can be said upon the
subject of the last; the melancholy tale of our necessities is
sufficiently known to you, it has been too often repeated to need
recitation.
Mr Morris, who writes from an empty Treasury amidst perpetual duns,
will speak more feelingly. In short, money must be obtained for us at
any rate, whether we have peace or war. France having already done
much for us, and it not being probable that we shall extend our
demands beyond the present, she may think it wise not to let us open
accounts with a new banker, since the debtor is always more or less
under obligations to the creditor.
I have the honor to be, Sir, with respect and esteem,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, September 17th, 1782.
My dear Friend,
Since those acknowledged in my last, I have received your several
favors of August the 16th, 20th, and 26th. I have been a long time
afflicted with the gravel and gout, which have much indisposed me for
writing. I am even now in pain, but will no longer delay some answer.
I did not perfectly comprehend the nature of your appointment
respecting the refugees, and I supposed you would in a subsequent
letter explain it. But, as I now find you have declined the service,
such explanation is become unnecessary.
I did receive the paper you inquire about, entitled _Preliminaries_,
and dated May, 1782, but it was from you, and I know nothing of their
having been communicated to this Court. The third proposition, "that
in case the negotiation between Great Britain and the allies of
America should not succeed, but the war continue between them, America
should act and be treated as a neutral nation," appeared at first
sight inadmissible, being contrary to our treaty. The truce too seems
not to have been desired by any of the parties.
With unalterable esteem and affection, I am, my dear Friend, ever
yours, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, September 18th, 1782.
Sir,
Just after closing my despatches, I was favored with yours of the 25th
of April, and the 25th and 29th of June. The ships that brought them
were so unfortunate as to be chased into the Delaware by a superior
force. The Eagle was driven ashore and sunk. The papers and money were
however happily saved, and part of the crew. But Captain la Fouche,
not having been since heard of, is supposed to be taken. The other
frigate has arrived safe, with all the passengers of both ships.
As I am just about to leave town for a short time, I will not touch
upon the important subject mentioned in your letters, which will on
account of my absence be committed to a special committee.
I would only observe to you, that the resolution in my last shows the
sense of Congress on the subject of money matters.
You will see by the annexed resolutions, that Congress have refused to
accept Mr Laurens's resignation, and that they have made some
alteration in your powers.
I send the papers, which contain the little news we have, and am, Sir,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
MR SECRETARY TOWNSHEND TO RICHARD OSWALD.
Whitehall, September 20th, 1782.
Sir,
I received, on Saturday last, your packets of the 10th and 11th of
this month.
A meeting of the King's confidential servants was held as soon as
possible, to consider the contents of them, and it was at once agreed
to make the alteration in the commission proposed by Dr Franklin and
Mr Jay. I trust that the readiness with which this proposal has been
accepted, will be considered as an ample testimony of the openness and
sincerity with which the government of this country is disposed to
treat with the Americans.
The commission is passing with as much despatch as the forms of office
will allow; but I thought it material that no delay should happen, in
giving you notice of the determination of his Majesty's Council upon
this subject. You will receive the commission very soon after this
reaches you.
I am, with great regard, &c.
T. TOWNSHEND.
* * * * *
RICHARD OSWALD TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, September 24th, 1782.
Sir,