[243] While Calvin was present at the Diet of Ratisbon, the plague
was raging in upper Germany and on the banks of the Rhine. It also
visited Strasbourg, where the victims were numbered by thousands.
Many of the friends of the Reformer fell under this scourge;
Idelette de Bure, his wife, escaped by flight. Calvin, in writing
to Farel, gives him some account of the ravages it had made at
Strasbourg, and of the solemn conferences at which he assisted at
Ratisbon.
Calvin at Ratisbon--the plague at Strasbourg--grief of the
Reformer--Preliminaries of the Diet--the German princes--the
Italian prelates--Hungary--the Turk--Poland--state of
opinion--inclinations of Charles V.--stayedness upon God.
RATISBON, _28th March 1541_.
From the time of my arrival here I had not written to you, but
had commissioned my friend Claude, that whatever news he might
receive from me he should take care to forward to you; nor was
there, indeed, anything worth your reading; and I was myself in
expectation, first of all, of receiving a letter from you, which
I would then reward with a like communication. In the meantime,
while I wait for your letter, a distressing event is announced
to me, that our dear friend Claude,[244] whom I singularly
esteemed, had been carried off by the plague. Louis, the brother
of Charles,[245] followed three days afterwards. My house was
in a state of sad desolation; my brother had gone with Charles
to a neighbouring village, my wife had betaken herself to my
brother's, and the youngest of Claude's scholars was lying sick
in bed. To the bitterness of grief, therefore, there was added a
very anxious concern for those who survived. Day and night my wife
was constantly present in my thoughts, in need of advice, seeing
that she was deprived of her husband. The bereaved condition of
the very estimable Charles, who, within the space of four days,
has been deprived of his only brother, and of his instructor, whom
he reverenced as a father, grievously distressed me. I was aware,
besides, that he was most tender in his affection. I could not
think about Malherbe, but, at the same time, the excellent youths
who took care of him came into my mind. Although, however, these
events have produced in me so much sadness, that it seems as if they
could utterly upset the mind and depress the spirit, you cannot
believe the grief which consumes me on account of the death of my
dear friend Claude. Nor need this surprise you. For these two years
bygone, you can well conceive how much I stood in need of an assured
and faithful friend, who might help to uphold me in the midst of
so many and such varied troubles and causes of disquiet; he not
only proved himself most faithful, but in every way so dutiful, and
withal so kindly, that I could use almost the same familiarity in my
intercourse with him as if he were my brother. When of late I left
this place, as you know, in a state of suspense and irresolution,
he promised, in the most sacred manner, that he would come wherever
I wished, and that his friendship should never fail me. The more I
consider with myself how much I stood in need of a good counsellor
always at my side, and, on the other hand, how rare, in these times,
is such an instance of affectionate good-will and faithfulness, I
cannot arrive at any other conclusion, than that the Lord, in taking
him away, has meant to chastise me severely for my sins. But while
I only intended to touch upon the subject of my misery in a passing
way, I am already running to excess. That is to be accounted for,
however, as well by the recollection of a most excellent man, (which
I wish may some time be as sweet to me as it shall ever be sacred,)
as from a pious regard to those who are left.
[244] Claude Ferey, French refugee at Strasbourg. See _Calvini
Opera_, tom. ix. p. 15, a letter of Claude Ferey to Farel.
[245] Louis and Charles de Richebourg, sons of M. de Richebourg, to
whom the next letter is addressed.
The Emperor has been waiting hitherto for the arrival of the princes;
the two Bavarians have been here from the commencement,[246] and the
highwayman of Brunswick,[247] at once the dishonour and the very
pest of Germany; from time to time the deputies are arriving,
one after the other. At length some of the princes make their
appearance, Frederic the Palatine, brother of the Elector, Otho
his nephew, the young Duke of Wurtemberg,[248] the Landgrave, the
Archbishop of Mentz, Albert of Baden, the Prince of Anhalt, the
Saxon ambassador; the Elector of Brandenbourg is expected shortly.
The Emperor does not cease from urging attendance upon the others,
while, in the meantime, he spins out the time for their appearance.
The Elector of Saxony has excused his absence upon very satisfactory
grounds, by his ambassadors. There are two of the cities belonging
to the League, Goslar and Brunswick, which Henry, under cover
of the bann, has annoyed by his depredations and robberies. Our
friends have lately resolved, that they shall be defended by the
army of the League. The Emperor, in the meantime, that the meeting
of the Diet may not be hindered, has suspended all the judicial
proceedings which he had instituted against us, and has been pleased
also to annul all the sentences which have been passed against
us, until the whole matter shall be definitely ascertained. That
Edict having been promulgated, the Duke of Brunswick was ordered
to make restitution of what he had plundered, and to abstain in
future from all violence. Although he undertook that he would do
so, he proceeds, however, as he had begun. One may almost be of
opinion that he acts in collusion with the Emperor. However that
may be, assuredly the Elector of Saxony cannot desert his allies;
he continues, therefore, upon the lookout, that should there be
any commotion he may immediately oppose himself to the attack of
the enemy. Moreover, from the time that these suspensions were
intimated, he has been cited to hear the proclamation of the bann,
that is, the sentence of denunciation and proscription. A similar
intimation was made to us some few days afterwards. The Emperor,
how conscientiously I know not, but with strong asseveration
nevertheless, declares that these proceedings are very unpleasant to
him, and that he would endeavour that they may pass away in smoke.
These proceedings, however, are allowed to go forward, not without
our being put in very great jeopardy of our lives; for what if they
should pronounce sentence upon us to-morrow? We could not stir a
single foot without risking the loss of our heads. The Duke of Savoy
had escaped my recollection, who has come hither for the purpose
of taking the oath of fealty to the empire, in order that he may
recover, with our assistance, those possessions which, while he had
them, did not incline him to join the alliance of the empire. When
it was, therefore, somewhat too late, the advocate Raimond has been
sent ambassador by the King of France, to request that he might
be received, as the representative of the duchy of Savoy, to the
allegiance and protection of the empire. The embassies from foreign
nations are many and magnificent. The Cardinal Contarini[249] is
legate from the Pope, who has distributed so many crosses for us
at his first entrance, that for two days afterwards his arm, I
think, must have felt the fatigue of it. The Bishop of Modena, son
of Jerome Morone, has been sent separately, under the title and
designation of Nuncio. Contarini is desirous of bringing us under
the yoke of subjection without bloodshed; on that account he tries
all methods of settling the business on the ground of expediency,
without having recourse to arms. He of Modena[250] is altogether
sanguinary, and talks of nothing but war. Both of them are entirely
bent on cutting off all friendly treaty; but of this afterwards.
The Venetians have an ambassador here--a magnificent personage.
The King of England, besides the ordinary embassy to the Diet, has
sent the Bishop of Winchester, with a numerous suite, who is a man
over-sharp in malice. I pass by the Portugese and others. From the
French King, also, there is one, Du Veil, a busy blockhead. When I
mentioned the Princes I passed over the whole fry of the Pfaffery,
excepting one, the Elector of Mentz. There are present, however,
a good many bishops, the Bishop of Ratisbon, of Augsburg, Spire,
Bremen, Saltzburg, Brixen, Worms, Bamberg, Heidelsheim, and some
others.
[246] The two brothers, William and Louis of Bavaria, reigned in
common in that country.
[247] Henry, Duke of Brunswick, unhappily distinguished throughout
the whole of Germany by his turbulent spirit and disorderly conduct.
He was deprived of his states in 1542 by the Elector of Saxony and
the Landgrave of Hesse.
[248] Christopher of Wurtemberg, who succeeded Duke Ulrich his
father in 1550.
[249] Gaspar Contarini, a prelate as remarkable for his moderation
as for his enlightened mind and understanding. Legate of Pope Paul
III. at the Diet of Ratisbon, he in vain attempted to bring the
two parties to agreement, and died the year following, not without
suspicion of poison.
[250] The Cardinal Morone, Archbishop of Modena, one of the most
merciless persecutors of the Reformed in Italy.
I must now inform you what we suppose will come to pass, if,
indeed, we can anyhow forecast what is likely to happen, for I can
scarcely perceive sufficient data on which to found even probable
conjecture. The temper of the whole of our friends has been very
much exasperated against Henry, [of Brunswick,] for he has attacked
them with the utmost ferocity in the most virulent and libellous
terms,[251] and, therefore, they have requested of the Emperor
that he may be branded as a calumniator, if it shall have been
established that he had aspersed their reputation by the most
barefaced falsehoods. Neither do I perceive how this affair can be
settled, unless it may be referred to the States of the empire to
decide upon it; for the Landgrave has refused the Emperor to agree
that the controversy may be ended by transaction or arbitration,
adding that he would not even accept the Emperor himself as umpire.
This obstacle, although it seems to have but little connection with
the main business about which they were assembled, formed an element
of disturbance at their very entrance upon it, and, it is to be
feared, will operate very much as a hindrance to their proceedings.
At present the great concern of religion stands thus: The Emperor,
because he perceives his own affairs to be very much entangled, is
not at all inclined to heap up new troubles for himself; he fears
an attack on the side of Turkey; on the part of the King of France,
either an uncertain peace or the risk of open war; although, as
regards the Turk, various rumours are spread about. Since that
Hungarian monk,[252] having, on the decease of King John, taken upon
himself the guardianship of the young King,[253] could not withstand
the power of Ferdinand, he has sought assistance from the Turk. The
latter has sent only a very small body of troops to help him, who
have laid siege to Pesth, a city belonging to Ferdinand. The city
is situated on the bank of the Danube, opposite to Buda; for the
raising of that siege, troops are to be collected. Already other
accounts relate that the Turk himself was on his way with a great
army and camp equipage, while others assert that his expedition had
been interrupted by some disturbance in his own country, I cannot
tell what. We shall see, however, in a short time, of what kind
it is, for there can be no doubt that he is very much hindered by
reasons near home, if he does not lay hold upon Wallachia. Upon
their revolt from the rule of their own tyrants, they delivered
themselves over, you are aware, in subjection to his authority.
He set over them a Palatine of their own race, but dependent upon
himself. I know not how it has happened that, having experienced
his cruelty, they have been driven to extreme measures rather
than remain under his dominion. This winter, therefore, having
assassinated the Palatine, they at the same time rid themselves
of all the Turks who were among them. They chose a new leader for
themselves, whom they bound by oath to promise eternal enmity
against Turkey: they have also taken possession of a very strong
fortress which the Turks had built with wonderful despatch upon
the Polish frontier. If he does not punish this affront, we shall
then know that he is otherwise engaged; and would that it may turn
out to be so, that, while he is healing his own wounds, we may
have some time allowed us for taking measures to oppose him, and
for collecting our resources. The King of Poland[254] could render
very effectual assistance to his Wallachian neighbours, if the
Tartars were not so troublesome to his kingdom. During the past
winter, they carried off great booty during a sudden incursion, and
seemed not without a will to proceed farther in the same direction.
Howsoever that may be, the Emperor is desirous to have Germany
in a state of quiet until he shall have extricated himself from
these difficulties; nor will he stir up any commotions at this
time, unless, by the incessant importunity of our enemies, he is
unwillingly dragged into it by some necessity. Our friends wish to
procure an audience for themselves; thereupon, as they do not expect
there will be any secure or lasting peace, unless there is a settled
agreement in religion, and the churches restored to order and right
discipline, they will strongly urge that the states of the Empire
may seriously set about this undertaking. In other respects, there
is nothing they more desire than to pacify all these dissensions
without riotous disorder, and they entertain a just horror of war,
as the certain destruction of their country. Therefore, as far as
they are able, they will make it appear, by their conduct, how much
they are opposed to violent and factious counsels. Of the opposite
party there are three classes: there are those, especially, who
sound the trumpet, and openly rave like madmen because we are not
attacked as soon as possible. The chiefs of this class are, the
Archbishop of Mentz, the Dukes of Bavaria, Henry of Brunswick,
and his brother, the Bishop of Bremen. The others, who wish to
consult the welfare of their country, (whose ruin, or very severe
calamity and devastation, they foresee would be the consequence of
a war,) contribute all their endeavours to this point, that without
troubling their heads about the establishment of an agreement in
religion, a peace of any kind may be agreed upon. The third class
would willingly admit some considerable correction of doctrine and
ecclesiastical discipline, but either because they are not yet
advanced to that degree of growth as to understand thoroughly the
matters in dispute to be entirely settled, or because they are of a
more lowly and gentle disposition than to dare to profess themselves
the active promoters of that opinion, they so conduct themselves as
that they may appear to seek nothing but the public tranquillity. To
that class belong the Archbishop of Cologne, the Bishop of Augsburg,
among the clergy; the two brothers Palatine among the princes, Otho
their nephew, and perchance the Duke of Cleves. Those who plot
disturbance, as they are fewer in number, and have all good men
opposed to them, are not very likely to see the fulfilment of their
devices. Finally, the mind of the Emperor, as I have mentioned, is
altogether turned to peace, if he can obtain it, so that, putting
off the consideration of religion to another time, he may direct
all his energies to this object; but our friends do not readily
acquiesce in this, and they will have their aiders and abettors in
stirring up to the reformation of the Church. Thus you see, although
scant, there is, however, the hope of doing somewhat. The Papal
legates, according to their usual method, are strongly opposed to
our proceeding to take any practical measures; for they consider
that it is all over with their kingdom, if any discussion in matter
of religion, if any consultation about the Reformation of the
Church, should be entertained or set on foot without the authority
of their idol. Openly, they pretend that they promote the conference
which we desire; but underhand, they oppose us not only by great
promises, but also by threats. They are ready to assist the Emperor
with a large sum of money, if he wishes at once to have recourse to
arms; or what Contarini rather wishes, if he can put us down without
bloodshed. Should the Emperor make any concession distasteful to
the tyranny of the See of Rome, they threaten to fulminate those
excommunications with which they are wont to set the whole world a
trembling with terror. The Emperor at present is not acting freely,
on account of the state of affairs in Italy. Therefore, should he
find it at all practicable, he will retire thither, that either by a
temporary peace, or truce of a few years, he may afterwards settle
the disputes of Germany, leaving that whole field of discussion
untouched for the present: which he will obtain with difficulty.
You see now, as I said at first, the conjectures are so obscure,
that there is scarcely any room for divination. What, therefore, are
we to do? Let us call upon the name of the Lord, and beseech him
that he will rule by his direction this greatest and most weighty of
all causes, in which both his own glory and the safety of the Church
are bound up together, and also that, in so critical a conjuncture
of affairs, in his own set time he would shew, that nothing is more
precious to him than that heavenly wisdom which he has revealed to
us in the Gospel, and those souls which he has redeemed with the
sacred blood of his own Son. On that account, therefore, we must
both seek and knock with frequent importunity, and with our whole
heart and mind, to ascertain his will, the more uncertain everything
on all hands appears to us. When we weigh and consider carefully the
whole course and progress of this work of Reformation, we shall find
that himself had overruled, by wonderful methods, all the events in
providence, without the advice or help of man, even contrary to all
expectation. Upon this strength, therefore, which he has so often
put forth in our behalf, let us, in the midst of so much perplexity,
place our whole and entire dependence. There is one thing which
alarms me, that I see so great security prevails in the midst of
us. And that, indeed, not only alarms me, but it is altogether
overwhelming, when we see new causes of offence daily arising, such
as that sad affair of the double marriage:[255] nevertheless, I am
not cast down on that account.
[251] Henry of Brunswick maintained a very lively paper war against
the Protestant princes of Germany before attacking them more
openly. Luther replied to those attacks by one of his most virulent
pamphlets, _Hans Wurst_, a name which the Germans use to designate
their harlequin.--See Seckendorf, lib. iii. par. 93.
[252] George Martinuzzi, tutor of the young King of Hungary, John
Sigismund.
[253] After the death of King Louis II. the crown of Hungary was
long disputed between Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V., and John
Zapoli. The treaty of Great Waradin (24th February 1538) guarantied
the throne to the latter, but without reversion to his descendants.
He died in 1541, leaving an infant in the cradle as his heir. His
widow, yielding to the advice of George Martinuzzi, refused to cede
the crown to Ferdinand, and called the Turks into Hungary.
[254] Sigismund I., King of Poland, (1506-1548.) This prince was
continually engaged in strife with the Tartars of the Crimea, the
Moldavians, and the Russians.
[255] An allusion to the state of bigamy in which the Landgrave
of Hesse was then living, with the _authorization_ of Luther, of
Melanchthon, and of Bucer. The explanations given by Seckendorf
(lib. iii. par. 79, addit. 3) are altogether ineffectual to clear up
this affair--one of the scandals of the Reformation in Germany.
I have lately received a letter from Viret, to which I replied
briefly, because there is no room now for our deliberating about
that matter. I would with my whole heart go thither, my dear Farel,
on the earliest fitting opportunity; but what would you have me do?
I am here held bound, and very much fear that I may consume away
with the irksomeness of my situation. Adieu, my excellent and most
kindly brother. Greet most lovingly, in my own expressions, all
the brethren; Thomas, Michael, to whom these lines will impart much
sadness; Cordier, my preceptor, and the rest.
[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._ Opera, tom. ix. p. 15.]