Burgoyne pushed forward some bodies of irregular troops to distract the

enemy's attention, and led his column to within three-quarters of a mile

from the left of Gates' camp, and then deployed his men into line. The

grenadiers under Major Ackland were drawn up on the left, a corps of

Germans in the centre, and the English light infantry and the

Twenty-fourth regiment on the right. But Gates did not wait to be

attacked; and directly the British line was formed and began to advance,

the American general, with admirable skill, caused a strong force to

make a sudden and vehement rush against its left. The grenadiers under

Ackland sustained the charge of superior numbers nobly. But Gates sent

more Americans forward, and in a few minutes the action became general

along the centre, so as to prevent the Germans from sending any help to

the grenadiers.

Burgoyne's right was not yet engaged; but a mass of the enemy were

observed advancing from their extreme left, with the evident intention

of turning the British right and cutting off its retreat. The light

infantry and the Twenty-fourth now fell back, and formed an oblique

second line which enabled them to baffle this manoeuvre, and also to

succor their comrades in the left wing, the gallant grenadiers, who were

overpowered by superior numbers, and, but for this aid, must have been

cut to pieces. Arnold now came up with three American regiments and

attacked the right flanks of the English double line.

Burgoyne's whole force was soon compelled to retreat toward their camp;

the left and centre were in complete disorder; but the light infantry

and the Twenty-fourth checked the fury of the assailants, and the

remains of Burgoyne's column with great difficulty effected their return

to their camp, leaving six of their guns in the possession of the enemy,

and great numbers of killed and wounded on the field; and especially a

large proportion of the artillerymen, who had stood to their guns until

shot down or bayoneted beside them by the advancing Americans.

Burgoyne's column had been defeated, but the action was not yet over.

The English had scarcely entered the camp, when the Americans, pursuing

their success, assaulted it in several places with uncommon fierceness,

rushing to the lines through a severe fire of grape-shot and musketry

with the utmost fury. Arnold especially, who on this day appeared

maddened with the thirst of combat and carnage, urged on the attack

against a part of the intrenchments which was occupied by the light

infantry under Lord Balcarras. But the English received him with vigor

and spirit. The struggle here was obstinate and sanguinary. At length,

as it grew toward evening, Arnold having forced all obstacles, entered

the works with some of the most fearless of his followers. But in this

critical moment of glory and danger, he received a painful wound in the

same leg which had already been injured at the assault on Quebec. To his

bitter regret, he was obliged to be carried back. His party still

continued the attack; but the English also continued their obstinate

resistance and at last night fell, and the assailants withdrew from this

quarter of the British intrenchments.

But in another part the attack had been more successful. A body of the

Americans, under Colonel Brooke, forced their way in through a part of

the intrenchments on the extreme right, which was defended by the German

reserve under Colonel Breyman. The Germans resisted well, and Breyman

died in defence of his post, but the Americans made good the ground

which they had won, and captured baggage, tents, artillery, and a store

of ammunition, which they were greatly in need of. They had, by

establishing themselves on this point, acquired the means of completely

turning the right flank of the British and gaining their rear.

To prevent this calamity, Burgoyne effected during the night a complete

change of position. With great skill he removed his whole army to some

heights near the river, a little northward of the former camp, and he

there drew up his men, expecting to be attacked on the following day.

But Gates was resolved not to risk the certain triumph which his success

had already secured for him. He harassed the English with skirmishes,

but attempted no regular attack. Meanwhile he detached bodies of troops

on both sides of the Hudson to prevent the British from recrossing that

river and to bar their retreat. When night fell it became absolutely

necessary for Burgoyne to retire again, and, accordingly, the troops

were marched through a stormy and rainy night toward Saratoga,

abandoning their sick and wounded, and the greater part of their baggage

to the enemy.

Before the rear-guard quitted the camp, the last sad honors were paid to

the brave General Frazer, who had been mortally wounded on the 7th, and

expired on the following day. The funeral of this gallant soldier is

thus described by the Italian historian Botta:

"Toward midnight the body of General Frazer was buried in the British

camp. His brother-officers assembled sadly round while the funeral

service was read over the remains of their brave comrade, and his body

was committed to the hostile earth. The ceremony, always mournful and

solemn of itself, was rendered even terrible by the sense of recent

losses, of present and future dangers, and of regret for the deceased.

Meanwhile the blaze and roar of the American artillery amid the natural

darkness and stillness of the night came on the senses with startling

awe. The grave had been dug within range of the enemy's batteries, and,

while the service was proceeding, a cannon-ball struck the ground close

to the coffin, and spattered earth over the face of the officiating

chaplain."

Burgoyne now took up his last position on the heights near Saratoga; and

hemmed in by the enemy, who refused any encounter, and baffled in all

his attempts at finding a path of escape, he there lingered until famine

compelled him to capitulate. The fortitude of the British army during

this melancholy period has been justly eulogized by many native

historians, but I prefer quoting the testimony of a foreign writer, as

free from all possibility of partiality. Botta says:

"It exceeds the power of words to describe the pitiable condition to

which the British army was now reduced. The troops were worn down by a

series of toil, privation, sickness, and desperate fighting. They were

abandoned by the Indians and Canadians, and the effective force of the

whole army was now diminished by repeated and heavy losses, which had

principally fallen on the best soldiers and the most distinguished

officers, from ten thousand combatants to less than one-half that

number. Of this remnant little more than three thousand were English.

"In these circumstances, and thus weakened, they were invested by an

army of four times their own numbers whose position extended three parts

of a circle round them, who refused to fight them, as knowing their

weakness, and who, from the nature of the ground, could not be attacked

in any part. In this helpless condition, obliged to be constantly under

arms, while the enemy's cannon played on every part of their camp, and

even the American rifle-balls whistled in many parts of the lines, the

troops of Burgoyne retained their customary firmness, and, while sinking

under a hard necessity, they showed themselves worthy of a better fate.

They could not be reproached with an action or a word which betrayed a

want of temper or of fortitude."

At length October 13th arrived, and as no prospect of assistance

appeared, and the provisions were nearly exhausted, Burgoyne, by the

unanimous advice of a council of war, sent a messenger to the American

camp to treat of a convention.

General Gates in the first instance demanded that the royal army should

surrender prisoners of war. He also proposed that the British should

ground their arms. Burgoyne replied:

"This article is inadmissible in every extremity; sooner than this army

will consent to ground their arms in their encampment they will rush on

the enemy, determined to take no quarter."

After various messages, a convention for the surrender of the army was

settled, which provided that "the troops under General Burgoyne were to

march out of their camp with the honors of war, and the artillery of the

intrenchments, to the verge of the river, where the arms and artillery

were to be left. The arms to be piled by word of command from their own

officers. A free passage was to be granted to the army under

Lieutenant-General Burgoyne to Great Britain, under condition of not

serving again in North America during the present contest."

The articles of capitulation were settled on October 15th, and on that

very evening a messenger arrived from Clinton with an account of his

successes, and with the tidings that part of his force had penetrated as

far as Esopus, within fifty miles of Burgoyne's camp. But it was too

late. The public faith was pledged; and the army was indeed too

debilitated by fatigue and hunger to resist an attack, if made; and

Gates certainly would have made it if the convention had been broken

off. Accordingly, on the 17th, the Convention of Saratoga was carried

into effect. By this convention five thousand seven hundred ninety men

surrendered themselves as prisoners. The sick and wounded left in the

camp when the British retreated to Saratoga, together with the numbers

of the British, German, and Canadian troops who were killed, wounded, or

taken, and who had deserted in the preceding part of the expedition,

were reckoned to be four thousand six hundred eighty-nine.

The British sick and wounded who had fallen into the hands of the

Americans after the battle of the 7th were treated with exemplary

humanity: and when the convention was executed, General Gates showed a

notable delicacy of feeling, which deserves the highest degree of honor.

Every circumstance was avoided which could give the appearance of

triumph. The American troops remained within their lines until the

British had piled their arms; and when this was done, the vanquished

officers and soldiers were received with friendly kindness by their

victors, and their immediate wants were promptly and liberally supplied.

Discussions and disputes afterward arose as to some of the terms of the

convention, and the American Congress refused for a long time to carry

into effect the article which provided for the return of Burgoyne's men

to Europe; but no blame was imputable to General Gates or his army, who

showed themselves to be generous as they had proved themselves to be

brave.

Gates, after the victory, immediately despatched Colonel Wilkinson to

carry the happy tidings to Congress. On being introduced into the hall

he said: "The whole British army has laid down its arms at Saratoga;

our own, full of vigor and courage, expect your orders. It is for your

wisdom to decide where the country may still have need for their

service."

Honors and rewards were liberally voted by the Congress to their

conquering general and his men; and it would be difficult, says the

Italian historian, to describe the transports of joy which the news of

this event excited among the Americans. They began to flatter themselves

with a still more happy future. No one any longer felt any doubt about

their achieving their independence. All hoped, and with good reason,

that a success of this importance would at length determine France, and

the other European powers that waited for her example, to declare

themselves in favor of America. "There could no longer be any question

respecting the future, since there was no longer the risk of espousing

the cause of a people too feeble to defend themselves."

The truth of this was soon displayed in the conduct of France. When the

news arrived at Paris of the capture of Ticonderoga, and of the

victorious march of Burgoyne toward Albany, events which seemed decisive

in favor of the English, instructions had been immediately despatched to

Nantes and the other ports of the kingdom that no American privateers

should be suffered to enter them, except from indispensable necessity;

as to repair their vessels, to obtain provisions, or to escape the

perils of the sea.

The American commissioners at Paris, in their disgust and despair, had

almost broken off all negotiations with the French Government; and they

even endeavored to open communications with the British Ministry. But

the British Government, elated with the first successes of Burgoyne,

refused to listen to any overtures for accommodation. But when the news

of Saratoga reached Paris the whole scene was changed. Franklin and his

brother-commissioners found all their difficulties with the French

Government vanish. The time seemed to have arrived for the house of

Bourbon to take a full revenge for all its humiliations and losses in

previous wars. In December a treaty was arranged, and formally signed in

the February following, by which France acknowledged _the Independent

United States of America_. This was, of course, tantamount to a

declaration of war with England.

Spain soon followed France; and, before long, Holland took the same

course. Largely aided by French fleets and troops, the Americans

vigorously maintained the war against the armies which England, in spite

of her European foes, continued to send across the Atlantic. But the

struggle was too unequal to be maintained by Great Britain for many

years; and when the treaties of 1783 restored peace to the world, the

independence of the United States was reluctantly recognized by their

ancient parent and recent enemy.

FIRST VICTORY OF THE AMERICAN NAVY

A.D. 1779

ALEXANDER SLIDELL MACKENZIE

American naval officers look back with intensest pride to

Paul Jones, their earliest hero, the founder of those high

traditions which have done so much to raise the navy to its

present standard of efficiency. Decatur, Perry, Farragut,

Dewey, these and a thousand others of their kind, have but

followed the lead of Paul Jones, have learned their deepest

lesson in the thrill that came to each of them in boyhood on

hearing that proud defiance hurled at the ancient mistress

of the seas, "I have not yet begun to fight."

Although much greater sea-battles, in point of numbers of

both ships and men engaged, are recorded in history, yet

this, the first naval engagement by an American vessel, is

counted among the most famous of all on account of its

stubbornness. The child was matched against the parent; an

American vessel against a British, the latter far the

stronger. The combat was mainly between the Bonhomme

Richard, Jones' ship, with forty guns, many of them

unserviceable, and the British ship, Serapis, of superior

armament, as shown below.

John Paul Jones, commonly known as Paul Jones, was born in

Scotland in 1747, the son of John Paul, a gardener. He

emigrated to Virginia, and, assuming the name of Jones,

became first lieutenant (1775) in the American navy. When in

1778 France joined the colonies against England, Jones, who

had already performed several noteworthy exploits, was in

that country. Through the influence of Franklin an old

merchant vessel, the Duc de Duras, was converted into a

ship-of-war and, with four others, placed under the command

of Jones. In honor of Franklin he named the Duras "Poor

Richard," and, in compliment to the French language and

people, she was called the Bonhomme Richard, the French

colloquial equivalent.

With a squadron of five ships, each except his own under a

French commander and three of them with French crews as

well, Jones sailed from L'Orient, France, August 14, 1779.

He passed around the west coast of Ireland and around

Scotland. There was much discontent among the French

officers, and, though four of his ships were still with him

when he sighted the Baltic fleet, Jones could not count on

loyal service, especially from the Alliance, whose captain

had already shown much insubordination.

The memorable fight has never been better described than in

the following plain and direct account of Mackenzie,

himself an officer of the United States navy.

The battle between the Bonhomme and the Serapis is invested with a

heroic interest of the highest stamp. Jones had been cruising off the

mouth of the Humber and along the Yorkshire coast, intercepting the

colliers bound to London, many of which he destroyed (1779). On the

morning of September 23d he fell in with the Alliance.[27] This

rencounter was a real misfortune; as, in the battle which ensued, the

former disobedience and mad vagaries of Landais, her commander, were

about to be converted into absolute treason. The squadron now consisted

of the Richard, the Alliance, the Pallas, and the Vengeance.

About noon Jones despatched his second lieutenant, Henry Lunt, with

fifteen of his best men, to take possession of a brigantine which he had

chased ashore. Soon after, as the squadron was standing to the northward

toward Flamborough Head, with a light breeze from south-southwest,

chasing a ship, which was seen doubling the cape, in opening the view

beyond, they gradually came in sight of a fleet of forty-one sail

running down the coast from the northward, very close in with the land.

On questioning the pilot, the Commodore discovered that this was the

Baltic fleet, with which he had been so anxious to fall in, and that it

was under convoy of the Serapis, a new ship, of an improved

construction, mounting forty-four guns, and the Countess of Scarborough,

of twenty guns.

Signal was immediately made to form the line of battle, which the

Alliance, as usual, disregarded. The Richard crossed her royal yards,

and immediately gave chase to the northward, under all sail, to get

between the enemy and the land. At the same time signal of recall was

made to the pilot of the boat; but she did not return until after the

action. On discovering the American squadron, the headmost ships of the

convoy were seen to haul their wind suddenly and go about so as to

stretch back under the land toward Scarborough and place themselves

under cover of the cruisers; at the same time they fired signal-guns,

let fly their topgallant sheets, and showed every symptom of confusion

and alarm. Soon afterward the Serapis was seen reaching to windward to

get between the convoy and the American ships, which she soon effected.

At four o'clock the English cruisers were in sight from deck. The

Countess of Scarborough was standing out to join the Serapis, which was

lying-to for her, while the convoy continued to run for the fort, in

obedience to the signals displayed from the Serapis, which was also seen

to fire guns. At half-past five the two ships had joined company, when

the Serapis made sail by the wind; at six both vessels tacked, heading

up to the westward, across the bows of the Richard, so as to keep their

position between her and the convoy.

The opposing ships thus continued to approach each other slowly under

the light southwesterly air. The weather was beautifully serene, and the

breeze, being off the land, which was now close on board, produced no

ripple on the water, which lay still and peaceful, offering a fair field

to the combatants about to grapple in such deadly strife. The decks of

the opposing vessels were long since cleared for action, and ample

leisure remained for reflection, as the ships glided toward each other

at a rate but little in accordance with the impatience of the opponents.

From the projecting promontory of Flamborough Head, which was less than

a league distant, thousands of the inhabitants, whom the recent attempt

upon Leith had made aware of the character of the American ships, and

the reckless daring of their leader, looked down upon the scene,

awaiting the result with intense anxiety. The ships also were in sight

from Scarborough, the inhabitants of which thronged the piers. The sun

had already sunk behind the land before the ships were within gun-shot

of each other; but a full harvest-moon rising above the opposite

horizon, lighted the combatants in their search for each other, and

served to reveal the approaching scene to the spectators on the land

with a vague distinctness which rendered it only the more terrible.

We have seen that the Alliance had utterly disregarded the signal to

form the line of battle when the Baltic fleet was first discovered, and

our squadron bore down upon them. She stood for the enemy without

reference to her station, and, greatly out-sailing the other vessels,

was much sooner in a condition to engage. Captain Landais seemed for

once to be actuated by a chivalrous motive and likely to do something to

redeem the guilt of his disobedience. The officers of the Richard were

watching this new instance of eccentricity, for which Landais' past

conduct had not prepared them, with no little surprise; when after

getting near to where the Serapis lay, with her courses hauled up, and

St. George's ensign--the white cross of England--proudly displayed, he

suddenly hauled his wind, leaving the path of honor open to his

commander. While the Pallas stood for the Countess of Scarborough, the

Alliance sought a position in which she could contemplate the double

engagement without risk, as though her commander had been chosen umpire,

instead of being a party interested in the approaching battle. Soon

afterward the Serapis was seen to hoist the red ensign instead of St.

George's, and it was subsequently known that her captain had nailed it

to the flag-staff with his own hand.

About half-past seven the Bonhomme Richard hauled up her courses and

rounded-to on the weather or larboard quarter of the Serapis, and within

pistol-shot, and steered a nearly parallel course, though gradually

edging down upon her. The Serapis now triced up her lower-deck ports,

showing two complete batteries, besides her spar deck, lighted up for

action, and making a most formidable appearance. At this moment Captain

Pearson, her commander, hailed the Bonhomme Richard and demanded, "What

ship is that?" Answer was made, "I can't hear what you say." The hail

was repeated: "What ship is that? Answer immediately, or I shall be

under the necessity of firing into you!" A shot was fired in reply by

the Bonhomme Richard, which was instantly followed by a broadside from

each vessel. Two of the three old eighteen-pounders in the Richard's

gunroom burst at the first fire, spreading around an awful scene of

carnage. Jones immediately gave orders to close the lower-deck ports and

abandon that battery during the rest of the action.

The Richard, having kept her headway and becalmed the sails of the

Serapis, passed across her forefoot, when the Serapis, luffing across

the stern of the Richard, came up in turn on the weather or larboard

quarter; and, after an exchange of several broadsides from the fresh

batteries, which did great damage to the rotten sides of the Richard and

caused her to leak badly, the Serapis likewise becalmed the sails of the

Richard, passed ahead, and soon after bore up and attempted to cross her

forefoot so as to rake her from stem to stern.

Finding, however, that he had not room for the evolution, and that the

Richard would be on board of him, Captain Pearson put his helm a-lee,

which brought the two ships in a line ahead, and, the Serapis having

lost her headway by the attempted evolution, the Richard ran into her

weather or larboard quarter. While in this position, neither ship being

able to use her great guns, Jones attempted to board the Serapis, but

was repulsed, when Captain Pearson hailed him and asked, "Has your ship

struck?" to which he at once returned the immortal answer:

"_I have not yet begun to fight!_"

The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 14 · 第 7 / 36 段