FOOTNOTES:

[1] Desperiers lived in France between 1480 and 1544. He was servant to

Marguerite de Navarre, and a writer of Rabelaisian humour. His two

principal works are called _Cymbalum Mundi_ and _Nouvelles, Recreations

et Joyeux Devis_.

[2] The Orco was a huge sea-monster, shaped like a gigantic crab. It

first appeared in Boiardo's _Orlando Innamorato_ (Bk. iii. Cant. 3), and

was afterwards developed by Ariosto, _Orl. Fur._ (Cant. 17).

[3] This was one of Gozzi's own comedies.

[4] These words have so much local colouring that they must be left in

the text and explained in a note. A _sotto portico_ at Venice is formed

by the projection of houses over the narrow path which skirts a small

canal or _rio_; the first floor of the houses rests on pillars at the

water-side. A _ponte storto_ is a bridge built askew across a _rio_, not

at right angles to the water, but slanting. A _riva_ is the quay of

stone which runs along the canals of Venice, here and there broken by

steps descending into the water and serving as landing-places.

[5] See above, vol. i. p. 299.

[6] The narrow foot-paths between lines of houses at Venice are so

called. They frequently have scarcely space enough for two men to walk

abreast.

[7] One of Pietro Longhi's pictures in the Museo Civico at Venice

represents exactly such a scene as this in the workroom of a tailoress.

The beau is there, and the woman prepared for flirtation.

[8] Gozzi had a distinct object in writing these chapters on his

love-affairs. Gratarol's accusation of his having been a hypocrite and

covert libertine lay before him. He wished to make a clean breast of his

frailties. To suppress this portion of his _apologia pro vita sua_ would

have been to do him grave injustice. The Memorie must always be read as

an answer to Gratarol's _Narrazione_. See Introduction, Part i.

[9] There is a good deal said about this man in Casanova's Memoirs.

[10] The translator of this narrative has taken the trouble to make this

tedious detour on foot. The quarter in which Gozzi lived, remains

exactly in the same condition as when he described it. His old palace

has not altered; and the whole of the above scene can be vividly

presented to the fancy by an inspection of the localities.

[11] The following paragraphs, to the end of the chapter, are extracted

and condensed from vol. iii. chap. v. of the _Memorie_.

[12] A magistracy composed of four patricians, who controlled the

manners of the town in matters of lawless and indecent living.

[13] Messer Grande corresponded to the Bargello at Rome, and was the

chief of catchpoles and constables.

[14] This chapter on Gozzi's contrarieties, which I have supplemented

with a few passages from the incoherent notes at the end of the

_Memorie_, has received undue attention from Paul de Musset and critics

who adopt his untrustworthy version of Gozzi's autobiography. De Musset

strove to base upon it a theory that Gozzi was the victim of his own

fabulous sprites. See Introduction, vol. i. p. 23.

[15] Gozzi alludes to the _Ragionamento Ingenuo_ prefixed to the first

volume of Colombani's edition of his works.

[16] That is, the authors of the seventeenth century, during which an

extravagant and affected style prevailed in Italy.

[17] These names require explanation. _Granelli_, _coglioni_, and

_testicoli_ are words for the same things, and have the secondary

meaning of _simpleton_. Thus _Arcigranellone_ is the Arch-big-simpleton.

The crest of the Academy carries an allusion to the same things. Apropos

of this not very edifying topic, it is worth mentioning that the canting

arms of the noble Bergamasque family of Coglioni consisted of three

_granelli_ counterchanged upon a field party per fesse gules and argent.

I cannot recall a parallel instance in heraldry.

[18] Calandrino was a famous fool and butt in the _Decameron_ of

Boccaccio.

[19] What follows in the text above might be largely illustrated. It is

curious to find Casanova, for example, agreeing with Gozzi on a point of

morality: "Une mechante philosophie," he says, "diminue trop le nombre

de ce qu'on appelle prejuges" (vol. i. p. 97). Compare the ludicrous

account of the rogue Squaldo-Nobili, who shared Casanova's prison in S.

Mark, and who had purged himself of prejudice by reading _La Sagesse de

Charon_ (vol. iii. p. 70). While I am writing, an article by M. Emile de

Laveleye on "How bad books may destroy States" (_Pall Mall Gazette_,

June 9, 1888) falls into my hands with a pertinent passage, which I

shall here extract:--

"The following are the terms in which, in an eighteenth century romance,

Count Clitandre explains to the Marquise Cidalise all the services that

philosophy has rendered to refined and elegant society. 'Thanks to

philosophy,' he says, 'we have the happiness to have found the truth,

and what does not this entail for us? Women have never been less prudish

under pretext of duty, and there has never been so little affectation of

virtue. A man and a woman please each other and a _liaison_ is formed;

they tire of it, and separate with as little ceremony as they commenced

it; if they come again to regret the separation, their former relations

may recommence, and with the same enthusiasm as the first time. These

again cease; and all this takes place without any quarrellings or

disputes! It is true that there has been no question whatever of _love_;

but after all, what is _love_ save a mere desire that people chose to

exaggerate, a physical sentiment of which men, in their vanity, chose to

make a virtue? Nowadays the desire alone exists, and if people, in their

mutual relations, speak of love, it is not because they really believe

in it, but because it is a politer way of obtaining what they

reciprocally wish for. As there has been no question of love at the

onset, there is no hatred at parting, and from the slight liking

mutually inspired rests a mutual desire and readiness to oblige each

other. I think, all things considered, that it is wise to sacrifice to

so much pleasure a few old-fashioned prejudices which bring but little

esteem and an infinite amount of worry to those who still make them

their rule of conduct.'"

[20] This paragraph reads amusingly like a satire upon English

"aesthetes."

[21] See above, vol i. p. 367.

[22] See above, chap. xxxi.

[23] The first or Paris edition bears, however, the date 1756.

[24] I have to say that what follows in this chapter has been very

considerably abridged from Gozzi's text. Apology is owed to him by the

translator for condensing his narrative and confining it to points of

permanent interest, if indeed there is any interest at all in bygone

literary squabbles, while retaining the first person.

[25] This poem is printed in vol. viii. of Colombani's edition of Carlo

Gozzi's Works.

[26] I may remind my readers that Truffaldino was the specific form

invented for the mask of Arlecchino by Sacchi. See above, vol. i. p. 53.

Truffaldino was originally a character in Boiardo's _Orlando

Innamorato_, where he played the part of a consummate rogue, traitor,

and coward, and was killed by the paladin Rinaldo (Bk. i. Cant. 26).

[27] This passage indicates Gozzi's justice, his habit of conceding the

_suum cuique_, however grudgingly. Goldoni, as we learn from his

Memoirs, piqued himself upon the study he made of actors like Darbes,

Golinetti, and Collalto.

[28] A singular piece of self-criticism. Gozzi appeals to posterity on

points which seem to us the least noteworthy in his work. Nothing is

needed beyond the above sentences to dispel the illusion of his having

been a free romantic genius.

[29] Gozzi uses the word _squarci_ for these stock passages. The

expression is partly explained by what follows in the paragraph, and has

been further illustrated by me above: vol. i. p. 62. See Bartoli's

_Scenari_, pp. lxxv. _et seq._

[30] After the Carnival, until the following October. The theatrical

year in Venice began on the first Sunday in October, and ended with the

next Ash-Wednesday. It corresponded to the months in which masks were

allowed.

[31] Translated in chaps. xxxii., xxxiii., xxxiv.

[32] There is some inaccuracy here. See vol. i. p. 148, for the dates of

Gozzi's _Fiabe_.

[33] Page 33 in vol. ii. of Gozzi is a good specimen of an interminable

sentence broken up by me. It has thirty-nine lines of about eight words

apiece, or 312 words, without a full stop. It begins with _Un' ammasso_,

and ends on p. 34 with _commiserazione_.

[34] See above, cap. xxx.

[35] This theatre was also called S. Luca.

[36] This looks as though Gozzi had reason to believe that Mme. Manzoni

would write her autobiography. Whether she did so or not, I am unable to

say. But the remark shows how popular and common self-indited Memoirs

had become.

[37] That is, the Venetian noble Antonio Vendramini.

[38] Printed in vol. ix. of the _Opere_, ed. cit.

[39] It cannot be denied that Gozzi has spun out the history of his

liaison with Teodora Ricci to a tedious length, giving the episode of

Pier Antonio Gratarol an importance which it is far from deserving. I

intend therefore to abridge the chapters which he invites his readers to

skip. But, with the view of preserving unity of style, I shall not drop

the first person singular, and shall select, so far as this is possible,

nothing but phrases of Gozzi to translate.

[40] By the playwright Arneau.

[41] Printed in vol. v. of the _Opere_, ed. cit.

[42] Francesco Gritti, of the ancient patrician family, was born in 1740

and died in 1811. His translations of French plays appeared in two vols.

at Venice in 1788. Some of his poems in Venetian dialect were published

in 1815. Venezia, Alvisopoli.

[43] Gozzi is here answering Gratarol, who had called him a hypocrite in

his _Narrazione_.

[44] This and the ensuing chapters throw light upon Gozzi's intention

when he wrote chaps. xl. xli. above. The generalities of the earlier

chapters square point by point with the particularities of the later. It

looks as if he wished to prepare his readers for a special

self-apologetical statement of his case against Mme. Ricci. We need not

impute to him insincerity or false suggestion. When he wrote these

Memoirs, the manners and customs of comedians were patent to the world,

and he probably uttered no more than the truth about them. Yet the

forensic cleverness of a pleader may be detected in the account he gives

of his relations with this woman. Considering their intimacy, he does

not act quite chivalrously in the exposure of its dissolution. At this

distance of time we cannot ascertain the facts. Gozzi was perhaps

consistent and veracious in his disclaimer of more than a liaison of

friendship. The reader of the following chapters must decide for himself

whether the writer of them was carefully manipulating and colouring

circumstances he wished to attenuate.

[45] Gozzi means that he had assumed the role of Cicisbeo to Mme. Ricci.

[46] This man was called Francesco Bartoli. We owe to his pen a valuable

collection of biographical notes on Italian actors and actresses:

_Notizie Istoriche dei Comici Italiani che fiorirono intorno al MDL fino

ai giorni presenti_ (Padova, Conzatti, 1781). This work contains a life

of Teodora Ricci and the author's own autobiography. After the events of

1777 he separated from his wife, and only acknowledged the first of her

three children. Critics may pause to wonder, at this point, whether

Gozzi's relations to Mme. Ricci were as Platonic as he painted them. In

1782 Bartoli retired from the stage and lived at Rovigo. On Teodora's

leaving the profession in 1793, he took her back, and endured her

hysterical tempers until the date of his own death in 1806. She died mad

about the year 1824 in the asylum of S. Servilio at Venice.

[47] Zannuzzi was _premier amoureux_ at the Comedie Italienne in Paris.

It was he who invited Goldoni to visit that city, and offered him an

engagement for two years from the Court. See Goldoni's _Memoirs_, part

ii. chap. xliii.

[48] The Greek rogue in Pulci's _Morgante Maggiore_.

[49] Gozzi here refers directly to the Gratarol episode.

[50] Printed in vol. ix. of the _Opere_, ed. cit.

[51] _Il Salvatico_, one of the very oldest hostelries of Venice, dating

from the Middle Ages.

[52] Printed at the end of the third volume of the unique edition of the

_Memorie Inutili di Carlo Gozzi_, 1797.

[53] These will be found in Gozzi's _Opere_, ed. cit. The prefaces are

printed before the plays.

[54] From this point forward Gozzi relates the series of events which

Gratarol had already described in his _Narrazione Apologetica_. The two

accounts agree in essentials, the fundamental difference between them

being Gratarol's firm belief that Gozzi meant to satirise him in the

_Droghe d'Amore_, which Gozzi vehemently denies. It must be remembered

that Gozzi had the _Narrazione_ before him while writing these Memoirs.

[55] _Diavoloni_ is the Italian word. We hear of these comfits also from

Gratarol. They are big sugar-plums containing liqueur.

[56] That is, Council of Ten with the Inquisitori di Stato at its head.

[57] Albergati was born at Bologna in 1728. The circumstances of his

private life were curious. In 1748 he married a wife from whom he was

divorced in 1751. In 1769 he married a second wife at Venice, who

committed suicide. In 1789 he married a third wife. He lived principally

at Venice and at his country seat at Zola, where he had a famous private

theatre. He composed and translated a great many plays. His works were

collected and published in an edition of several volumes at Bologna in

1827.

[58] The relation of gossip or _Compare di San Giovanni_ is reckoned

sacred at Venice.

[59] See above, p. 227.

[60] This lady was the celebrated Caterina Dolfin Tron, wife of the

Procuratore Andrea Tron. Her husband exercised such influence in the

State that he was called _Il Padrone_. A terrible portrait is drawn of

her by Gratarol in his _Narrazione_, vol. i. pp. 23 and 44. To him she

certainly behaved with cruel tyranny. But she was a woman of brilliant

talents and fascinating person, who gave tone to literary and political

society in Venice.

[61] Gozzi has not perhaps quite told the whole truth about his

relations to Mme. Tron. They were certainly more intimate at one period

than he here admits. He formed a member of the society whom she received

on Monday evenings at the Casino di San Giuliano, and dedicated his

_Marfisa Bizzarra_ to her in terms of high compliment (V.E. non e

nimica, non e ignorante, non e dispettosa, non e sospettosa, e sa essere

benefattrice volontaria anche di coloro che non le chiedono favori). At

the same time he disagreed with Mme. Tron's liberal opinions, and

disapproved of her philosophising turn of mind. It is quite possible

that before the date 1776 their former intimacy may have cooled.

Gratarol himself observes that Gozzi had not frequented her society

during the seven years prior to these events.

[62] This magistracy exercised control over the morals of Venice.

[63] Gratarol gives a vivid picture of this throng. "Many hundreds of

persons were sent away from the doors, since the vast area of the

theatre was crammed full. Boxes, which on ordinary nights were paid two

pauls, this evening brought a couple of sequins, and not a single one

was empty."--_Narrazione_, vol. i. p. 68.

[64] Gratarol asserts plainly (_Narr. Apol._, vol. i. pp. 63, 65, 66)

that Mme. Tron induced Sacchi to change the roles and to dress up

Vitalba in clothes resembling his own. Gozzi tacitly admits the truth of

this.

[65] Gratarol describes the public excitement of Venice. "In the houses,

the shops, the open squares, all sorts and conditions of folk were

chattering about the play. When I entered the Piazza di S. Marco, the

idle people who crowd the coffee-houses under the Procuratie Vecchie,

lacqueys, barbers, players, spies, pimps, and baser beings, if such

there be, came swarming out by tens and twenties to stare at me, walked

in front, lagged behind, dogged my steps, jostled me, compared notes

with each other as to my resemblance to the vile actor travestied to

mimic me."--_Narrazione_, vol. i. p. 73.

[66] Gratarol has printed his petition to the Inquisitors (_Narr.

Apol._, i. 81). It is not very injurious to Gozzi, if the document is

really what he sent. The reference to Gozzi runs thus: "Umana debolezza

scossa da circonstanze troppo puerili e indegne di riferirsi alla maesta

di questo Supremo Tribunale indusse il Sig. Co. Carlo Gozzi a sparger di

satira una sua commedia tolta dallo Spagnuolo ed intitolata Le Droghe

d'Amore, e ad innestarvi un carattere apposito unicamente per fare

scherno e ridicolo dileggio dell'umilissima persona di me," &c.

[67] This interview is related at length by Gratarol (_Narr. Apol._,

vol. i. pp. 97-110). His account differs in several minor particulars

from Gozzi's. But one can see that Gozzi had it before him while writing

what follows above.

[68] Light is thrown on this paragraph by a passage in Gratarol's _Narr.

Apol._, i. 99. He there says that Signor Maffei had reported Gozzi's

great distress at the unexpected effect of his comedy, adding that

Sacchi professed his willingness to abandon the play if Gozzi wished it

and was able to arrange matters.

[69] In the _Narr. Apol._ Gratarol gives a different turn to this

incident. He does not represent himself as refusing the prologue; and

indeed he asserts that on the night of the 17th he was extremely

disgusted at not hearing it. See vol. i. p. 114.

[70] Gratarol intimates that Gozzi acted with bad faith in this

negotiation, "operando in modo che altri consigliassero a resistere." He

calls the meeting at Mme. Tron's "l'infernal conciliabolo [che] si tenne

in ora piu tarda nelle soglie della regnante Matrona." _Loc. cit._, p.

114.

[71] This letter is reported in the _Narr. Apol._, vol. i. p. 123.

[72] It is amusing to read Gozzi's _Memorie_ and Gratarol's _Narrazione_

side by side. Gratarol exclaims: "Conte, voi dovete la vita ad un

qualche angelo tutelare che benedimmi accio potessi frenare il cieco

impeto," &c. He meditates an _aperta vendetta_, and so forth. _Op.

cit._, pp. 115-117. And yet these two swelling turkey-cocks did not

think of fighting a duel.

[73] Though this is told to his own advantage, Gozzi must have known

that he was placing a new weapon in the hands of Gratarol's worst enemy

when he consigned to Mme. Tron the letter of defiance.

[74] Gozzi here alludes, I think, to the attack on the actor Vitalba at

Milan, which will be related farther on.

[75] Why did he not call Gratarol out? This is very comedian-like.

[76] Paolo Renier was one of the most striking figures in the last years

of the Republic. A man of brilliant and versatile abilities, widely read

and profoundly instructed by experience of the world, he possessed

eloquence so weighty and persuasive that one speech from his lips had

power to sway conflicting parties in the State and bring their heated

leaders to his lure. (See Romanin, vol. viii. chap. vii., for an

extraordinary instance of his oratory.) Yet Renier's character does not

inspire respect. Before he became Doge, he had pursued a tortuous course

in politics, and had only escaped serious entanglements by his

extraordinary intellectual finesse. He married a woman off the stage,

who impaired his social credit; and when he appeared as candidate for

the ducal cap, he lavished bribes with cynical shamelessness. Gratarol

has penned two pungent pages upon Renier's character, which are worth

attention. "Talent and art," he says, "both fail me in describing this

man of hundred colours. An intellect of the highest, a heart of the

proudest, a face of the most deceptive; such are his component parts. A

more fraudulently plausible orator, a more turbulent politician, I have

never known. Whether fortune or some charm defends him, he always

escapes unhurt from the mortal perils into which he wilfully

plunges."--_Op. cit._, p. 77.

[77] Gozzi publishes a copy of his memorial to the Inquisitors of State.

Since the document is long, and repeats what is already known to the

readers of his Memoirs, I have not judged it necessary to translate it.

The text will be found on pp. 395-399 of the second volume of the

_Memorie Inutili_.

[78] Gratarol reports this letter, but expressly states that he was

obliged by Signor Zon, secretary to the Inquisitors of State, to omit

the words _dimenticando il passato_. His account of how he was compelled

to sit down and scribble off the apology, while Zon stood over him, is

very amusing. He taught his servant, on delivering the letter into

Gozzi's hands, to repeat these words: "el mio paron xe sta comanda de

scriverghe sto viglietto." In fact, Gratarol was forced by the supreme

authority in Venice to send this apology, and refusal to do so would

have involved his immediate imprisonment. According to his own

confession, Gratarol, after hearing the ultimatum of the Supreme

Tribunal, went to his writing-table and penned the above letter,

expressing at the same time his readiness to kiss Count Gozzi's ... on

the piazza, or to do anything else ridiculous which the Inquisitors

might impose upon him. The Republic of S. Mark had reached the last

stage of decrepitude, and well deserved to be swept into the lumber-room

of bygone greatnesses, when Gratarol's and Gozzi's squabble about a

woman and a play brought the machinery of state thus into action.

Venice, always an artificial power (in the same sense as the Greek

cities of antiquity were artificial), subsisting mainly upon commerce

and on the tribute levied from dependencies, had in the eighteenth

century dwindled into dotage, through lack of natural resources and

revolutions in the world-trade. The rulers of Venice, reduced to

insignificance among the powers of Europe, occupied their brains with

parochial affairs and the contests of comedians. _Op. cit._, pp.

130-134.

[79] This reads like a satire upon Renier, whose elevation to the

Dogeship was attended with a pomp and profligate expenditure, not to

mention a lavish use of bribes, pernicious to all public and private

morals. Compare Gratarol's account of an interview he had with Renier

(_op. cit._, p. 79). The man made on Gratarol exactly the same sort of

impression by his eloquence, philosophy, urbanity, and learning, mixed

with a sense of untrustworthiness, that he did on Gozzi.

[80] See above, p. 267. Mme. Tron called Gasparo _Father_ and Carlo

_Bear_.

[81] The Riformatori dello Studio di Padova were three noblemen of

Venice, who controlled the university in that city and other educational

establishments belonging to the State.

[82] Gratarol indignantly denies that he had anything to do with this

attack upon Vitalba, and says he was at Vienna when it happened. _Op.

cit._, p. 178.

[83] Gozzi has, in fact, told the story of Mme. Ricci's return to

Venice, but it is without importance.

[84] Sacchi, the last great representative of the _Commedia dell'Arte_,

was a Ferrarese, born at Vienna in 1708. After leaving Venice he sank

into poverty, and died at sea in 1788 between Genoa and Marseilles. His

body was committed to the waters.

[85] Compare the pregnant phrase at the close of the _Memorie_ (vol.

iii. p. 290; translation, above, p. 329) with the tone of the

_Manifesto_ and the address _A' suoi amati concittadini_ (vol. i. pp.

3-15 and iii.-xv.), and the close of the _Ragionamento del cittadino

Carlo Gozzi_, vol. ii. p. xvii.

[86] See Masi's Essay, _Fiabe_, vol. i. p. clxxxix.; Malamanni, _Nuova

Rivista di Torino_, Nos. lviii.-x.

[87] _Memorie_, vol. iii. ch. vii.

[88] If I wished to comment on Gozzi's humour--subrisive, slightly

bitter, acid and yet genial, preserving the main points of humane

feeling intact, scoffing at revolutions in politics and fashion--I

should select the above-translated passage as combining its essential

qualities, together with something of the man's graphic power of

description.

[89] The matter is not of importance. But when Gozzi speaks of a house

at S. Benedetto, he probably means the Campo di S. Angelo. Part at least

of that Campo is in the parish of S. Benedetto.

[90] I wrote this essay on Longhi at a time when I hoped to be able to

illustrate my work on Gozzi profusely from the painter's sketch-book.

This scheme had to be abandoned owing to difficulties connected with the

proper reproduction of Longhi's drawings by photography. But should any

of my readers be interested in the details of Gozzi's life, I counsel

them to make a careful study of Longhi's works at Venice, and more

especially of the deeply-interesting sketch-book at the Museo Civico.

Those who can read between the lines of original drawings will find this

book a real assistance toward the understanding of Venetian society in

the last century. The moral purity and the moderation of the artist give

value to his transcripts from the life he saw around him.

[91] G. B. Tiepolo; b. 1692, d. 1769. Antonio Canale, or Canaletti; b.

1697, d. 1768. Pietro Longhi; b. 1702, d. about 1780. Francesco Guardi;

b. 1713, d. 1793.

[92] This is the bias of our scientific age. We do not want idealism,

however meritorious--the idealism, for example, of the Caracci--the

idealism which is supplied in academies. What we demand is a transcript

from life or a piercing arrow from the genius of an epoch. We are keen,

and rightly keen for documents of art, which hold up mirrors of an age

in its external presentment, or betray the secret of its spiritual

qualities.

[93] See V. Lazari, _Elogio di Pietro Longhi_. Venezia, 1862.

[94] I have followed Lazari above. But examination of the Pisani

pedigree (published for the _Nozze Giusti-Giustiniani_, Rovigo, Tip.

Minelliana, 1887) shows that none of the Doge's sons was Procuratore di

S. Marco, and that none of them had a son who died before marriage. The

only Procuratore Pisani of this period was Giorgio Pisani (1739-1811),

of the branch surnamed _In Procuratia_. He played a prominent part in

the political history of the last days of the Venetian Republic. But he

also had no son who can be connected with Lazari's story regarding the

foundation of the Academy. I am obliged, therefore, to suppose that

Lazari's account, though substantially correct as to the existence of

the Academy in question, was based on a confused tradition regarding

members of the Pisani family.

[95] The picture now hangs on the wall of Mme. Pisani's drawing-room in

the Palazzo Barbaro on the Grand Canal of Venice. I may add, with regard

to the signature, that the uncontested frescoes at the Sagredo Palace

are signed _Pietro Longo_, and not _Longhi_.

[96] The eldest of these children was born in 1753, and may have been

about seven when the picture was painted.

Typographical errors corrected by the ebook transcriber:

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