The opening sentence of the FOURTH DOCUMENT shows plainly that it comes

from a book written independently of the preceding ones and not as their

continuation. It ignores completely the tradition held in the time of

the Antonines by orthodox and heretic alike, that Jesus spent many years

on earth after the Resurrection,[34] and announces that after He “rose

from among the dead the third day,” His disciples gathered round Him

reminding Him that they had left the whole world to follow Him.[35] Then

begins a scene that reminds one irresistibly of the magical practices

rife during the first three centuries of our Era, some details of which

have come down to us in the _Philosophumena_ and in the different Magic

Papyri to be found in the Museums of Paris, London, Leyden, and Berlin.

Jesus, standing by an altar by the side of the sea “Ocean,” makes

invocation to His Father in words which are not gibberish, as at first

sight they appear to be, but a jumble of Hebrew, Egyptian, and perhaps

Persian words copied and re-copied by scribes ignorant of these

languages until they are all but unrecognisable. He calls upon the name

of the Father of the Treasurehouse of Light, whereupon the heavens open

revealing the “true shapes” of the sun and moon, and Jesus and His

disciples are uplifted to “the Middle Way which is below the Sphere.”

Here the arrangement of the stars is explained to them and they learn

that the rebellious Rulers who persisted in copulation were bound to the

Sphere to the number of 1800 for each sign of the Zodiac, under the rule

of 360 of that number, who are themselves under the sway of the five

Planets, Saturn, Mars, Mercury, Venus, and Jupiter. Yet the author of

this Document must have known, although he varies, the tradition of the

First Document, for Jesus tells His hearers that these planets were

strengthened by the infusion into Saturn of a Power from the Great

Unseen God who projected Pistis Sophia, into Mars of a similar Power

from one of the three Triple-powered Gods, into Mercury of one from

another of the Triple Powers, and into Venus of one from “Pistis Sophia

the daughter of Barbelo”[36]; while one from the “Little Sabaoth the

Good,” a Power of higher rank than these last, who in the story of

Pistis Sophia proper is described as supplying the Power which takes the

place of Jesus’ own earthly soul, is cast into the planet Jupiter and is

given rule over all the others. All these planets are given barbarous

names in addition to their Greek ones, as are the Great Unseen God and

the two Triple Powers, these last names appearing also in the Magic

Papyri, while the names of both planets and Powers appear to have a real

meaning.

Jesus then shows to His disciples the five torture-chambers of the

Middle Way, each of them presided over by an “Authority,” who with his

(or her) assistants has been chosen from among the rebellious Rulers.

Each of these Authorities sees to the punishment of particular sins,

which sins his or her ministers have “entered into man” and caused him

to commit. Three of these presiding demons are females, one of them

being the triple-faced Hecate still famous in the Middle Ages and

Renaissance, and among them we find the merciless Iakhthanabas already

mentioned in the Third Document, and the Egyptian God Typhon. The

different terms of punishment from 150 years downwards which sinful

souls will suffer in these tortures of the Middle Way are all given, and

it is expressly said that these places of torment will be dissolved when

the two beneficent planets, Venus and Jupiter, come into certain

positions in the Zodiac.[37] These Places are, it would seem, actually

shown to the disciples, Jesus thereby in part fulfilling the promise

made in the First Document to lead them through all the heavenly Places.

He then restores the heavens to their normal condition, and returns with

the disciples to the “Mountain of Galilee,” where he celebrates for them

a sacrament with “fire and water, wine and blood.” The distribution of

bread also forms part of this sacrament, and it is accompanied by a

“sign” which we know from other sources was the conversion of one of the

cups of wine into the water of baptism.[38] This “mystery” or sacrament

is said to have the effect of remitting all the sins of the disciples,

and they are told to perform the same ceremony for all those who will

listen to their preaching. They remind Him that there are other Baptisms

of Fire and the Holy Spirit of Light respectively, and He tells them

that these are more excellent than any Mystery save only those of the

Seven Sounds and of the Great Name of God, which if spoken to any demon

will destroy him with all his tortures. He is apparently about to

perform these for the benefit of the disciples when the Document

abruptly ends with the gap left by the tearing-away of the four pages

already noticed.

It must be noted that nearly all the first part of this Document is full

of invocations or prayers couched in the apparent gibberish before

mentioned, that “Mary”—whether the Mother of Jesus or the Magdalene is

not stated—asks one question only, that the planet Venus is called

“Bubastis,” Egyptian, Greek, and Hebrew magic and astrology being

present in nearly every line, while there is some little trace of

Persian influence as well. It is also closely connected with one of the

documents of the _Bruce Papyrus_, where the peculiar sacrament here

celebrated by Jesus is described on similar lines and is followed by the

celebration of the other already mentioned; while in another Document of

the same Papyrus the name of Pistis Sophia is given in connection with a

place of repentance. The story of the Samaritan woman and of the spear

thrust at the Crucifixion is also mentioned in this Fourth Document,

these being the first unmistakable quotations from the Fourth Gospel to

be found in our text.

* * * * *

The FIFTH DOCUMENT is, as has been said above, the shortest of all, and

has lost its title in the gap of four leaves in the British Museum MS.

It is entirely concerned with the punishments assigned to different

sins; and as sedition, lust, and robbery with violence appear in the

Fourth Document as sins punishable in the Middle Way, but are not

mentioned in the present fragment, we may presume that they were dealt

with in the part lacking, and probably occupied at least three of the

missing pages. But the Baptism of Fire and the Holy Spirit which Jesus

is going to celebrate when the _lacuna_ occurs, if treated at the same

length as in the _Bruce Papyrus_, can hardly have taken up less than the

other five missing pages, and it is therefore plain that nothing in

addition to these punishments can have occupied the missing beginning of

this Document. After this the Fifth Document begins with a broken

sentence containing the punishment of the man who curses, and then goes

on to describe the punishment of the evil speaker, the murderer, the

habitual thief, the proud man, the blasphemer, the sodomite, and the

celebrant of the filthy parody of the Eucharist known as the Black

Mass.[39] In one or other of those cases, the four hells of Amente,

Chaos, the Middle Way, and the Outer Darkness are introduced, the

punishments in them being successive, and we read again here the names

of Ariel and Ialdabaoth who are mentioned in the Third Document, as

those of torturers in Amente and Chaos respectively. So, too, we hear

again of the cup of forgetfulness which in the Third Document is

administered to the soul after it has been shown the punishments in

order that it may profit nothing on reincarnation by its knowledge of

their terrors. But here the punishments are so different from those

formerly described that we see at once we are dealing with a different

author. The sum total of the periods of punishment for cursing which are

administered in all the different hells does not amount to more than

four years as against the 133 assigned to it in the Fourth Document; and

the penalty for slander is here given as no more than 30 years as

against the same period of 133. The Receiver of Sabaoth Adamas, leader

of the rebellious Rulers, now administers the cup of oblivion instead of

as in the Third Document, the “Rulers of the head of the Æons,” and he

is given the name of Ialuham, while the Receivers of Ariel, who are here

mentioned for the first time in our text, are named Abiuth and Kharmon.

The case of the uninitiated but righteous dead is also dealt with in

answer to a question from John, but in a different manner from its

treatment in the Third Document, as here the soul on coming out of the

body is met by the Receivers of Bainkhookh or the planet Mercury, while

the cup which takes away the baleful effect of the cup of oblivion is

administered by a Receiver of the planet Jupiter[40]. It is also to be

noted that in this Document for the first time the division of mankind

into “righteous” and “wicked” bodies, which find or do not find, as the

case may be, the mysteries of light, is made to depend entirely on the

periodic disposition of the stars. When, it is said, the two beneficent

planets Jupiter and Venus come before the Virgin of Light and the two

maleficent Saturn and Mars behind her in the revolution of the Sphere,

all the souls sent into the world will be good, and when the position is

reversed, all will be wicked.[41] Here, too, for the first time, we are

told that the form of the body on reincarnation depends on the sins

committed by the soul in its last life,—that the soul of the proud man

will be put into a body dumb and deformed, the soul of the thief into

one lame and maimed and blind—and so on.

It will therefore be seen that this Document is sufficiently connected

with some of the preceding ones to warrant the supposition that it comes

from the same school or sect, although it is noteworthy that neither in

our Fourth nor our Fifth Document are the Ineffable One or the First

Mystery ever referred to. The chief point in common between this Fifth

Document and the _Bruce Papyrus_ is the mention of the Black Mass which

appears in both Documents. A feature peculiar to this Document alone is

the open reference to the Pagan Gods as fiends; and besides Typhon and

Hecate, who have in truth a more or less malevolent character in the

later Egyptian and Greek mythology, Adonis, one of the forms under which

Osiris was worshipped at Alexandria, is made to take the soul of the

thief to Amente, while “the high goddess” of Homer, Persephone, the

much-loved daughter of the Eleusinian Demeter, figures as one of the

tormentors in Chaos. The sentence about the journeys of the Apostles

written on the blank leaf bound in with the rest of the volume has no

perceptible connection with our text and may possibly be the work of

some one who, suddenly coming across it in some other document and

wishing to preserve it, seized upon this leaf as the only piece of

parchment available.

* * * * *

To sum up then: the MS. contains five principal documents together with

a fragment which may or may not once have formed part of one of them.

All are imperfect and are extracts from longer and possibly more

coherent writings. Two of them—the _Pistis Sophia_ proper, and our

Fourth Document—can be clearly distinguished as written by different

authors, and the same can be said with nearly as much certainty with

regard to the Third and Fifth. Yet the book from which the tale of

Pistis Sophia was extracted must have been old enough to have gone

through more than one recension, as is shown by the number of

alternative readings duly noted in the MS. There are also in the details

of the same story, blunders or contradictions which go to show that the

translator or scribe had more than one MS. to work from; and these may

have differed as much as do, for instance, the two versions of the

(Coptic) _Book of the Resurrection_ attributed to St. Bartholomew and

published by M. Lacau and Sir Ernest Wallis Budge from the MSS. in the

_Bibliothèque Nationale_ and the British Museum respectively. This is

the view taken by the German commentators on our text; but they are by

no means in accord upon it, and it therefore does not seem necessary to

do more here than refer to it.

3. PURPOSE AND COMPOSITION OF THE MS.

Why now was this miscellany made? Not certainly for edification or the

use of the sect or school[42] whose doctrines it sets forth. Every

Coptic inscription on tombstone or wall and nearly every Coptic

religious text has at its head the words [Coptic], with God, generally

accompanied by the so-called Coptic or Orbed Cross, itself an adaptation

of the _ankh_ or symbol of life in Pagan Egypt. That this was the

practice with heretics as well as orthodox Christians is shown by the

_Bruce Papyrus_, which actually bears as its frontispiece such words and

such a cross with the letters Α and Ω and which seems to be a

reproduction of the Constantinian Labarum.[43] If, too, we put side by

side the passages in our MS. and the _Bruce Papyrus_ which are

practically identical—as is the case with the three sacraments or

baptisms mentioned in the Fourth Document of our text—we find that the

“seals” or diagrams, passwords, and names given in the Oxford MS. have

all been omitted from the London book. No one who is familiar with the

beliefs current in Pagan Egypt can mistake the reason of this omission,

which is obviously to avoid the risk of their being used in magic.[44] A

like precaution was taken with many chapters of the _Book of the Dead_

and becomes more insistent with every successive recension. It is absent

from the Pyramid texts, doubtless because when these were once carved on

the inside of a royal burying-place and the entrance closed, there was

little risk of these being seen by unauthorised persons. The same reason

doubtless operated in the same way with the wooden coffins of the

eleventh dynasty on which the next recension was inscribed. But with the

Theban recension of the New Empire, the case was changed. “Let no one

outside know it. It is a mystery which is not known to the common

people,” says the hundred and sixty-first chapter after directions to

engrave it on the coffin of the dead. “Reveal it not to anyone, may he

be thy father or thy son except thyself. It is a real mystery.”[45] So,

too, with the Saite recension. “This book is most secret,” says the

hundred and sixty-second chapter, which M. Pierret thinks was intended

to be the last. “Let it not be seen by any man, for it is forbidden to

know it. Let it be hidden. It is called the mistress of the hidden

abode. This is the end.”[46] That similar ideas persisted into Christian

times may be guessed from the Homily _de Magis_ ascribed to St. Ephraim

in which the Homilist tells his hearers that in his day (circa A.D. 450)

even the clergy resorted to magicians for these mysterious writings.

“Instead of the blessings of the Saints,” he says, “they carry about the

incantations of the magicians, and instead of the Holy Cross, they carry

the books of devils ... and a child who knows nothing at all, carries

about devil’s names and comes to church.”[47]

It was evidently, therefore, for the information of orthodox persons

that our MS. was made, but not for that of the orthodox public

generally, whether clerical or lay. Had it been so, it would have been

weighted with a running commentary casting scorn upon its erroneous

doctrines, or by so-called refutations like those which encumber the

pages of heresiologists such as Irenæus, Hippolytus, and Epiphanius. Had

it been written by an ecclesiastic, moreover, it would certainly have

borne some preface, or colophon, as does the _Philosophumena_, claiming

merit for, and giving the date of the completion of the work.[48] Yet

there is nothing in the present text to show that it was written by an

ecclesiastic of any kind, while it follows from what has been said above

that it was begun by a scribe who took unusual pains to ensure an

accurate copy, and that when he handed over for a time the continuation

of his work to a subordinate, he yet went over and corrected the

latter’s work with as much care as he bestowed upon his own. All this

suggests that it was made for official or judicial use; and the most

reasonable guess is that it was the draft or copy of a legal document

made for the enlightenment of some conciliar, episcopal, or even secular

tribunal concerned in the suppression of heresy, such as the Inquisitors

of the Faith set up by Theodosius. This would solve the problem which

has so vexed the minds of commentators like Prof. Harnack and Dr.

Schmidt as to the occurrence of the colophon “Part of the Books of the

Saviour” at the foot of the Second and Third Documents. It is natural

enough that the second or subaltern scribe, continuing the work of which

only the first part was once thought sufficient, should preface the

continuation by the title “The Second Tome of Pistis Sophia”; but that

as he completed the copying of each subsequent extract stichometrically

arranged, should add the words: “Part of the Books of the Saviour” to

indicate the collection of MSS., probably seized in a raid by the

Imperial authorities on some heretic’s library, from which they were all

taken.

If this be admitted, it certainly alters materially the view which

recent German scholars, following, perhaps, after their manner, the

first German commentator Köstlin, have formed of the whole text, and in

which we might be inclined to acquiesce if we considered it a mere

Encyclopædia or, as Epiphanius calls his own collection, a

“bread-basket,” in which heterogeneous scraps of doctrine were thrown

together anyhow. If, on the other hand, it was made for the use of a

tribunal, it would be in the order of things concerned with the tenets

of one school or sect alone, and this we find on investigation to be the

case. Although the episode of Pistis Sophia comes to a stop about

halfway, she is, as has been said, mentioned in the Fourth Document as

well as in the First and Second, and even in the Third there are phrases

which show that its author has the same general conception of the

constitution of the universe, of the Person and Mission of Jesus, and of

the means of salvation as the writers of the earlier parts. Yet it is

equally plain that no two of the documents are by the same hand. While

the First Document makes the Power which Jesus received from Barbelo

“the body which He wore in the Height,”[49] and His soul another power

received from one of the great leaders of “the Height,”[50] the Second

Document attributes the Incarnation to a lesser power of “the Middle”

who casts what came from the same leader into “the matter of Barbelo,”

which thereupon becomes the earthly and not the heavenly body of the

Saviour.[51] In like manner, while the First Document puts into the

mouth of Mary the Mother a story not traceable to any other source about

the Holy Spirit coming down from the First Mystery in the exact likeness

of Jesus’ earthly body, and says that after kissing each other, they

become one,[52] the Second Document makes St. John say that the First

Mystery himself came down upon Jesus in the form of a dove, but in a

“vesture of light” received from Barbelo.[53] So, again, the First

Document especially declares that “the disciples” (not the Apostles)

were endowed by Jesus at His coming with twelve powers from the

Treasure-house of Light instead of the souls which they would otherwise

have received from the Rulers,[54] while the Second makes Jesus tell

them that their souls instead of coming straight from the Treasure-house

have suffered much from transmigration into different bodies.[55] So,

too, the Sphere of Destiny, which in the First Document is described as

“the Second Sphere”[56] (or the one which is reached from the earth next

after passing through the First Sphere, below which is the visible

firmament), is in the Third Document transformed into a Place called

“Great Destiny,”[57] which is in the Place of the head of the Æons [or

Zodiac] which Place they call “the Place of the Kingdom of Adamas,” the

Ruler of the twelve Æons or signs, and in the Fourth Document is made

equivalent to the Sphere or visible firmament only.[58] And so again

“the cause of sin,” which in the Third Document is laid upon the

shoulders of “the Five Rulers of Great Destiny,”[59] is in the Fourth

assigned to certain demons from the Middle Way who enter into man.[60]

These discrepancies are too great to be accounted for as merely clerical

errors or mistakes in translation, and we can therefore only attribute

them to the different documents being the work of different authors.[61]

This being the case, we must, to get a true perspective of the work,

seek for the earliest document in it, and then endeavour to arrange the

others in their relative order of date; and I have no hesitation in

deciding that in this, the scribes followed the usual practice in legal

matters and that the earliest document is that which comes first in the

MS. Not only has it a regular preface, an advantage which it shares with

the Fourth, but it is the one of the four principal documents which

alone gives an orderly and coherent account of the heavenly hierarchy

and its “Places,”[62] and therefore affords the reader a sort of key to

the system of its successors. Hence it must be considered as the mother

document, so to speak, from which all the rest are derived, or to which

they refer; and it will be found on examination that while all these

contain what may be called supplemental information as to the different

universes or worlds and their inhabitants, there is none which deals so

exhaustively with the speculations that during the early centuries of

our Era occupied the attention of orthodox and heretic alike, that is to

say, the Constitution of the Godhead and the relation of the Saviour to

the Supreme Being. It is also probable that anyone making extracts for

judicial use from the books of a sect would begin with the most

informative; and while Pistis Sophia is here described so fully as to

leave no doubt in one’s mind that the author knows that he is here

introducing her to his readers for the first time, the references to her

in the other documents are so brief as to show that their writers knew

that their readers had already heard about her. But the most conclusive

proof at present of the anteriority of the First Document as compared

with the others, is that it does not quote from the Fourth Gospel. The

opening words of St. John would have been extremely useful to the author

in expressing the relations between his Ineffable One and the First

Mystery, and are in fact so used later both in the _Excerpta Theodoti_

and the _Bruce Papyrus_.[63] Ptolemy and Heracleon,[64] the leaders of

the sect to which, as will be shown later, our text can with the

greatest likelihood be attributed, both knew of this Gospel and discuss

its words and especially its opening at length. Yet the author of our

First Document not only makes no use of this, but he gives no quotation

among the many from the New Testament to be found in this Document that

can by any possibility be assigned to the Fourth Gospel, save those

which may equally well be taken from the Synoptics. The one apparent

exception to this statement is neither conclusive in itself, nor strong

enough to found any argument upon it.[65] In the later part of the

Second Document, however, the words of St. John: “Where I am, there

shall my servants be,” may possibly be thought to underlie the sentence

in our text: “Wherefore I said unto you aforetime: Where I shall be,

there will be with Me my Twelve servants,”[66] the word διάκονος being

used in both cases; and in the Fourth Document there appear unmistakably

the conversation of Jesus with the Samaritan woman,[67] and the spear

thrust in His side at the Crucifixion,[68] neither of which incidents

are recorded in the Synoptics. The conclusion, therefore, seems

irresistible that while the author of the First Document did not know of

St. John’s Gospel, the writer of part of the Second may have done so,

and the writer of the Fourth was fully acquainted with it.

Yet the literary critic, especially he who is acquainted with the

literature of the early Christian centuries, will hardly require further

proof of the relative dates of our four chief Documents than that

afforded by a comparison of their contents. In the First, apart from a

sketch of—to use a comprehensive word—the uranography of the sect, and

the speculations about the Divine Nature before referred to, the author

devotes nearly all his space to the episode of Pistis Sophia, which may

fairly be looked upon as an allegory pointing out to man the penalty of

transgressing the Divine Law, and the necessity of repentance. Thus, in

one of the “Penitences” addressed to the highest Power that she knew,

Pistis Sophia confesses that she has offended “the Law of the Light” and

attributes her deliverance from Chaos to her consequent repentance.[69]

There is more than one hint in the text that both the fall and the

repentance take place within what is called “the world of humanity,” and

we can without any overstraining of the allegory consider Pistis Sophia

as representing the heathen world before the light of Christianity

raised it from the degradation into which it had fallen by its material

luxury, and restored it to something like what was supposed to be its

primeval innocence.[70] Hence we have a fairly close parallel to stories

like that of Christian in the _Pilgrim’s Progress_, who leaves the city

of Mansoul to strive upward to the Heavenly City; and allowing for the

difference of time and place, there is no reason why we should consider

the Coptic version as the more ignoble allegory of the two. It should

also be noticed that in this Document, the terrors of hell are hardly

touched upon, and the “afflictions” of Sophia are spoken of throughout

as confined to the loss of “light” and her consequent impotence to

return without Divine aid to the Place which she had wilfully abandoned.

Lastly magic and astrology are expressly if briefly condemned as

unlawful knowledge brought to men by the sinning angels.

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