Phil.-hist. Classe, 1864 p. 68). Tablinum proxime atrium locus dicitur,
quod antiqui magistratus in suo imperio tabulis rationum ibi habebant
publicarum rationum causa factum locum; Plin. _H.N_. xxxv. 7 Tabulina
codicibus implebantur et monimentis rerum in magistratu gestarum.
Marquardt, however (_Privatl_. p. 215) thinks that the name _tablinum_
is derived from the fact that this chamber was originally made of planks
(_tablinum_ from _tabula_, as _figlinum_ from _figulus_).
[33] The earliest instances of extreme extravagance in the use of
building material--of the use, for instance, of Hymettian and Numidian
marble--are furnished by the houses of the orator Lucius Licinius
Crassus (built about 92 B.C.) and of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, consul in
78 B.C. This growth of luxury will be treated when we come to deal with
the civilisation of the Ciceronian period.
[34] As Krause expresses it (_Deinokrates_ p. 542), at the final stage
we find a Greek "Hinterhaus" standing behind an old Italian
"Vorderhaus".
[35] The case mentioned by Juvenal (xi. 151)
Pastoris duri hic est filius, ille bubulci.
Suspirat longo non visam tempore matrem,
Et casulam, et notos tristis desiderat haedos,
must have been of frequent occurrence as soon as the urban and rustic
_familiae_ had been kept distinct.
[36] Suetonius says (_de Rhet_. 3) of L. Voltacilius Pilutus, one of the
teachers of Pompeius, Servisse dicitur atque etiam ostiarius vetere more
in catena fuisse.
[37] For these _atrienses, atriarii, admissionales, velarii_ see Wallon
_Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 108.
[38] Diod. xxxvii. 3; Sallust (_Jug_. 85) makes Marius say (107 B.C.)
Neque pluris pretii coquum quam villicum habeo. Livy (xxxix. 6) remarks
with reference to the consequences of the return of Manlius' army from
Asia in 187 B.C. Tum coquus, vilissimum antiquis mancipium et
aestimatione et usu, in pretio esse; et, quod ministerium fuerat, ars
haberi coepta.
[39] Plin. _H.N_. xviii. 108 Nec coquos vero habebant in servitiis
eosque ex macello conducebant. The practice is mentioned by Plautus
(_Aul_. ii. 4. 1; iii. 2. 15).
[40] _Condus promus_ (Plaut. _Pseud_. ii. 2. 14).
[41] Wallon op. cit. ii. p. 111.
[42] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. x. 3. 5.
[43] Polyb. xxxii. 11; Diodor. xxxvii. 3.
[44] Diod. l.c.
[45] Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 143 Invenimus legatos Carthaginiensium
dixisse nullos hominum inter se benignius vivere quam Romanos. Eodem
enim argento apud omnes cenitavisse ipsos.
[46] Val. Max. ii. 9, 3.
[47] Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 141.
[48] Vellei. i. 13.
[49] Polyb. xl. 7.
[50] Liv. xxxix. 6 Lectos aeratos ... plagulas ... monopodia et abacos
Romam advexerunt. Tunc psaltriae sambucistriaeque et convivalia ludionum
oblectamenta addita epulis. Cf. Plin, _H.N_. xxxiv. 14.
[51] Polyb. ix. 10 [Greek: _Rhomaioi de metakomisantes ta proeiraemena
tais men idiotikais kataskenais tous auton ekosmaesan bious, tais de
daemosiais ta koina taes poleos_.] Another great raid was that made by
Fulvius Nobilior in 189 B.C. on the art treasures of the Ambraciots
(Signa aenea marmoreaque et tabulae pictae, Liv. xxxviii. 9).
[52] Plin. _H.N_. xv. 19 Graeci vitiorum omnium genitores.
[53] Cic. _pro Arch_. 3. 5 Erat Italia tum plena Graecarum artium ac
disciplinarum ... Itaque hunc (Archiam) et Tarentini et Regini et
Neapolitani civitate ceterisque praemiis donarunt: et omnes, qui aliquid
de ingeniis poterant judicare, cognitione atque hospitio dignum
existimarunt.
[54] Cic. _de Rep_. ii. 19. 34 Videtur insitiva quadam disciplina
doctior facta esse civitas. Influxit enim non tenuis quidam e Graecia
rivulus in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum disciplinarum
et artium. Cicero is speaking of the very earliest Hellenic influences
on Rome, but his description is just as appropriate to the period which
we are considering.
[55] Plut. _Paul_. 28.
[56] Sulla brought back the library of Apellicon of Teos, Lucullus the
very large one of the kings of Pontus (Plut. _Sulla_ 26; _Luc_. 42;
Isid. _Orig_. vi. 5). Lucullus allowed free access to his books. Here we
get the germ of the public library. The first that was genuinely public
belongs to the close of the Republican era. It was founded by Asinius
Pollio in the Atrium Libertatis on the Aventine (Plin. _H.N_. vii. 45;
Isid. _Orig_. vi. 5).
[57] Macrob. _Sat_. iii. 14. 7.
[58] Dionys. vii. 71.
[59] They had made contributions in 186 B.C. towards the games of Scipio
Asiaticus (Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 138).
[60] Livy (xl. 44) after describing the _senatus consultum_, in which
occur the words Neve quid ad eos ludos arcesseret, cogeret, acciperet,
faceret adversus id senatus consultum, quod L. Aemilio Cn. Baebio
consulibus de ludis factum esset, adds Decreverat id senatus propter
effusos sumptus, factos in ludos Ti. Sempronii aedilis, qui graves non
modo Italiae ac sociis Latini nominis sed etiam provinciis
externis fuerant.
[61] The effect was still worse when a rich man avoided it. Cic. _de
Off_. ii. 17. 58. Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae. Mamerco, homini
divitissimo, praetermissio aedilitatis consulatus repulsam attulit.
Sulla said that the people would not give him the praetorship because
they wished him to be aedile first. They knew that he could obtain
African animals for exhibition (Plut. _Sulla_ 5).
[62] Cic. _in Verr_. v. 14. 36.
[63] Liv. x. 47; xxvii. 6.
[64] Liv. xxiii. 30.
[65] Liv. xxx. 39.
[66] Plin. _H.N_. xviii. 286.
[67] Mommsen _Röm. Münzw_. p. 645.
[68] Liv. xxxvi. 36. On these festivals see Warde Fowler _The Roman
Festivals_ pp. 72. 91. 70. The _Megalesia_ seem to have fallen to the
lot of the curule aediles (Dio. Cass. xliii. 48), the others to have
been given indifferently by either pair.
[69] Val. Max. ii. 4-7; Liv. _Ep_. xvi. It was exhibited in the Forum
Boarium by Marcus and Decimus Brutus at the funeral of their father.
[70] Compare Livy's description (xli. 20) of the adoption of Roman
gladiatorial shows by Antiochus Epiphanes--Armorum studium plerisque
juvenum accendit.
[71] Polyb. xxx. 13.
[72] Liv. xxxix. 22.
[73] Liv. xliv. 18.
[74] Dig. 21. 1. 40-42 (from the edict of the curule aediles) Ne quis
canem, verrem vel minorem aprum, lupum, ursum, pantheram, leonem ... qua
vulgo iter fiet, ita habuisse velit, ut cuiquam nocere damnumve
dare possit.
[75] Cic. _de Off_. ii. 17. 60 Tota igitur ratio talium largitionum
genere vitiosa est, temporibus necessaria. He adds the pious but
unattainable wish Tamen ipsa et ad facultates accomodanda et
mediocritate moderanda est. Compare the remarks of Pöhlmann on the
subject in his _Geschichte des antiken Communismus und Sozialismus_ ii.
2. p. 471.
[76] Mommsen _Staatsr_. ii., p. 382.
[77] Plut, _Ti. Gracch_. 14.
[78] Liv. xxxix. 44; Plut, _Cat. Maj_. 18.
[79] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_, p. 128.
[80] Cic. _de Off_. ii. 22. 76 (Paullus) tantum in aerarium pecuniae
invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum. A
deterrent to luxury could still have been created by imposing heavy
harbour-dues on articles of value; but this would have required
legislation. Nothing is known about the Republican tariff at Italian
ports. The percentage may have been uniform for all articles.
[81] Liv. xxxiv. cc. 1-8; Val. Max. ix. 1. 3; Tac. _Ann_. iii. 33.
[82] Macrob. _Sat_. iii. 17; Festus pp. 201, 242; Schol. Bob. p. 310;
Meyer _Orat. Rom. Fragm_. p. 91.
[83] This date (161) is given by Pliny (_H.N_. x. 139); Macrobius
(_Sat_. iii. 17. 3) places the law in 159.
[84] Gell. ii. 24; Macrob. _Sat_. iii. 17; Plin. _H.N_. x. 139;
Tertull. _Apol_. vi. The ten asses of this law are the Fanni centussis
misellus of Lucilius.
[85] It seems that we must assume formal acceptance on the part of the
allies in accordance with the principle that Rome could not legislate
for her confederacy, a principle analogous to that which forbade her to
force her franchise on its members (Cic. _pro Balbo_ 8, 20 and 21).
[86] We may compare the enactment of 193 B.C., which was produced by the
discovery that Roman creditors escaped the usury laws by using Italians
as their agents (Liv. xxxv. 7 M. Sempronius tribunus plebis ... plebem
rogavit plebesque scivit ut cum sociis ac nomine Latino creditae
pecuniae jus idem quod cum civibus Romanis esset).
[87] The _Lex Licinia_, which is attributed by Macrobius (l.c.) to P.
Licinius Crassus Dives, perhaps belongs either to his praetorship (104
B.C.) or to his consulship (97 B.C.).
[88] Gellius (ii. 24), in speaking of Sulla's experiments, says of the
older laws Legibus istis situ atque senio obliteratis.
[89] _Exaequatio_ (Liv. xxxiv. 4).
[90] Cic. _de Rep_. iii. g. 16; see p. 80.
[91] Compare Tac. _Ann_. iii. 53. The Emperor Tiberius here speaks of
Illa feminarum propria, quis lapidum causa pecuniae nostrae ad externas
aut hostilis gentes transferuntur.
[92] The prohibition belongs to the year 229 B.C. (Zonar. viii. 19). For
other prohibitions of the same kind dating from, a period later than
that which we are considering see Voigt in Iwan-Müller's _Handbuch_ iv.
2, p. 376 n. 95.
[93] Earlier enactments had been directed against canvassing, but not
against bribery. The simplicity of the fifth century B.C. was
illustrated by the law that a candidate should not whiten his toga with
chalk (Liv. iv. 25; 433 B.C.). The _Lex Poetelia_ of 358 B.C. (Liv. vii.
16) was directed against personal solicitation by _novi homines_. Some
law of _ambitus_ is known to Plautus (_Amph. prol. 73; cf. Trinumm_. iv.
3. 26), See Rein _Criminalrecht_ p. 706
[94] Liv. xl. 19 Leges de ambitu consules ex auctoritate senatus ad
populum tulerunt. This was the _lex Cornelia Baebia_ and that it
referred to pecuniary corruption is known from a fragment of Cato (ap.
_Non_. vii. 19, s.v. largi, Cato lege Baebia: pecuniam inlargibo tibi).
[95] Obsequens lxxi.
[96] Liv. _Ep_. xlvii.
[97] Polyb. vi. 56 [Greek: _para men Karchaedoniois dora phaneros
didontes lambanousi tas archas, para de Rhomaiois thanatos esti peri
touto prostimon_.]
[98] The position of the ruined patrician will be fully illustrated in
the following pages when we deal with the careers of Scaurus and
of Sulla.
[99] Liv. xxxiv. 52.
[100] Liv. xxxix. 7.
[101] Liv. xxxviii. 9.
[102] For the later history of the _aurum coronarium_ see Marquardt
_Staatsverw_. ii. p. 295. It was developed from the _triumphales
coronae_ (Festus p. 367) and is described as gold Quod triumphantibus
... a victis gentibus datur and as imposed by commanders Propter
concessam vitam (_al_. immunitatem) (Serv. _Ad. Aen_. viii. 721).
[103] Liv. xxi. 63 (218 B.C.) Id satis habitum ad fructus ex agris
vectandos; quaestus omnis patribus indecorus visus.
[104] It was antiqua et mortua (Cic. _in Verr_. v. 18. 45).
[105] Cicero (_Parad_. 6. 46) speaks of those Qui honeste rem quaerunt
mercaturis faciendis, operis dandis, publicis sumendis. Compare the
category of banausic trades in _de Off_, 1. 42. 150, although in the
_Paradoxa_ the contrast is rather that between honest and vicious
methods of money-making. Deloume (_Les manieurs d'argent à Rome_
pp. 58 ff.) believes that the fortune of Cicero swelled through
participation in _publica_.
[106] Plut. _Cato Maj_. 21.
[107] Plut. _Crass_. 2.
[108] Plut. _Cato Maj_. 21. Cato employed this method of training as a
means of increasing the _peculium_ of his own slaves. But even the
_peculium_ technically belonged to the master, and it is obvious that
the slave-trainer might have been used by others as a mere instrument
for the master's gain.
[109] Plat. l.c. [Greek: _haptomenos de syntonoteron porismou taen men
georgian mallon haegeito diagogaen hae prosodon_.]
[110] Plaut. _Trinumm. Prol_. 8:
Primum mihi Plautus nomen Luxuriae indidit:
Tum hanc mihi gnatam esse voluit Inopiam.
[111] Liv. xxxiv. 4 (Cato's speech in defence of the Oppian law) Saepe
me querentem de feminarum, saepe de virorum, nec de privatorum modo, sed
etiam magistratuum sumptibus audistis; diversisque duobus vitiis,
avaritia et luxuria, civitatem laborare. Compare Sallust's impressions
of a later age (_Cat_. 3) Pro pudore, pro abstinentia, pro virtute,
audacia, largitio, avaritia vigebant.
[112] Polyb. vi. 56.
[113] Polyb. xxiv. 9.
[114] Cato ap. Gell. xi. 18. 18. The speech was one De praeda
militibus dividenda.
[115] We first hear of a standing court for _peculatus_ in 66 B.C. (Cic.
_pro Cluent_. 53. 147). It was probably established by Sulla.
[116] Rein _Criminalr_. pp. 680 ff.; Mommsen _Röm. Forsch_. ii.
pp. 437 ff.
[117] Liv. xxxvii. 57 and 58 (190 B.C.).
[118] See especially the case of Pleminius, Scipio's lieutenant at Locri
(204 B.C.), who, after a committee had reported on the charge, was
conveyed to Rome but died in bonds before the popular court had
pronounced judgment (Liv. xxix. 16-22).
[119] Liv. xlii. 1 (173 B.C.) Silentium, nimis aut modestum aut timidum
Praenestinorum, jus, velut probato exemplo, magistratibus fecit
graviorum in dies talis generis imperiorum.
[120] For such requisitions see Plut. _Cato Maj_ 6 (of Cato's government
of Sardinia) [Greek: _ton pro autou strataegon eiothoton chraesthai kai
skaenomasi daemosiois kai klinais kai himatiois, pollae de therapeia kai
philon plaethei kai peri deipna dapanais kai paraskeuais barhynonton_.]
[121] Liv. xxxii. 27 Sumptus, quos in cultum praetorum socii facere
soliti erant, circumcisi aut sublati (198 B.C.).
[122] The _Lex de Termessibus_ (a charter of freedom given to Termessus
in Pisidia in 71 B.C.) enjoins (ii. l. 15) Nei ... quis magistratus ...
inperato, quo quid magis iei dent praebeant ab ieisve auferatur nisei
quod eos ex lege Porcia dare praebere oportet oportebit. This Porcian
law was probably the work of Cato (Rein _Criminalr_. p. 607).
[123] Liv. xxxviii. 43; xxxix. 3; Rein, l.c.
[124] Liv. xliii. 2.
[125] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 106; _de Off_. ii. 21. 75; cf. _in Verr_.
iii. 84. 195; iv. 25. 56.
[126] Liv. xli. 15. (176 B.C.) Duo (praetores) deprecati sunt ne in
provincias irent, M. Popillius in Sardiniam: Gracchum eam provinciam
pacare &c.... Probata Popillii excusatio est. P. Licinius Crassus
sacrificiis se impediri sollemnibus excusabat, ne in provinciam iret.
Citerior Hispania obvenerat. Ceterum aut ire jussus aut jurare pro
contione sollemni sacrificio se prohiberi.... Praetores ambo in eadem
verba jurarunt. I have seen the passage cited as a proof that governors
would not go to unproductive provinces; but Sardinia was a fruitful
sphere for plunder, and the excuses may have been genuine. That of
Popillius seems to have been positively patriotic.
[127] Liv. xlii. 45 Decimius unus sine ullo effectu, captarum etiam
pecuniarum ab regibus Illyriorum suspicione infamis, Romam rediit.
[128] Cic. _in Verr_. v. 48. 126 (70 B.C.) Patimur ... multos jam annos
et silemus cum videamus ad paucos homines omnes omnium nationum pecunias
pervenisse.
[129] For the principle see Gaius iii. 151-153.
[130] Polybius (vi. 17), after speaking of various kinds of property
belonging to the state, adds [Greek: _panta cheirizesthai symbainei ta
proeiraemena dia tou plaethous, kai schedon hos epos eipein pantas
endedesthai tais onais kai tais ergasiais tais ek touton_].
[131] Polyb. vi. 17. The senate can [Greek: _symptomatos genomenou
kouphisai kai to parapan adynatou tinos symbantos apolysai taes
ergonias_]. Thus the senate invalidated the _locationes_ of the censors
of 184 B.C. (Liv. xxxix. 44 Locationes cum senatus precibus et lacrimis
publicanorum victus induci et de integro locari jussisset.)
[132] In 169 B.C. it was the people that released from an oppressive
regulation (Liv. xliii. 16). In this case a tribune answered the
censor's intimation, that none of the former state-contractors should
appear at the auction, by promulgating the resolution Quae publica
vectigalia, ultro tributa C. Claudius et Ti. Sempronius locassent, ea
rata locatio ne esset. Ab integro locarentur, et ut omnibus redimendi et
conducendi promiscue jus esset.
[133] Deloume op. cit. pp. 119 ff. Polybius (vi. 17) has been quoted
as an authority for the distinction between these two classes. He says
[Greek: _oi men gar agorazousi para ton timaeton autoi tas ekdoseis, oi
de koinonousi toutois, oi d' enguontai tous aegorakotas, oi de tas
ousias didoasi peri touton eis to daemosion_.] The first three classes
are the _mancipes, socii and praedes_. In the fourth the shareholders
(_participes_ or perhaps _adfines_, cf. Liv. xliii. 16) are found by
Deloume (p. 120); but the identification is very uncertain. The words
may denote either real as opposed to formal security or the final
payment of the _vectigal_ into the treasury. A better evidence for the
distinction between _socii_ and shareholders is found in the
Pseudo-Asconius (in Cic. _in Verr_. p. 197 Or.) Aliud enim socius, Aliud
particeps qui certam habet partem et non _in_divise agit ut socius. The
_magnas partes_ (Cic. _pro Rab_. Post. 2. 4) and the _particulam_ (Val.
Max. vi. 9. 7) of a _publicum_, need only denote large or small shares
held by the _socii_. _Dare partes_ (Cic. l.c.) is to "allot shares," but
not necessarily to outside members. Apart from the testimony of the
Pseudo-Asconius and the mention of _adfines_ in Livy the evidence for
the ordinary shareholder is slight but by no means fatal to his
existence.
[134] E.g. by loan to a _socius_ at a rate of interest dependent on his
returns, perhaps with a _pactum de non petendo_ in certain
contingencies.
[135] These are, in strict legal language, the true _publicani_; the
lessees of state property are _publicanorum loco_ (Dig. 39. 4, 12
and 13).
[136] Later legal theory assimilated the third with the first class.
Gaius says (ii. 7) In eo (provinciali) solo dominium populi Romani est
vel Caesaris, nos autem possessionem tantum vel usumfructum habere
videmur. But the theory is not ancient-perhaps not older than the
Gracchan period. See Greenidge _Roman Public Life_ p. 320. From a broad
standpoint the first and second classes may be assimilated, since the
payment of harbour dues (_portoria_) is based on the idea of the use of
public ground by a private occupant.
[137] _Cic. de Leg. Agr_. ii. 31. 84.
[138] Thédenat in Daremberg-Saglio _Dict. des Antiq. s.v_. Ergastulum.
[139] Compare Cunningham _Western Civilisation in its Economic Aspects_
vol. i. p. 162.
[140] Cic. _in Verr_. ii. 55. 137; iii. 33. 77; ii. 13. 32; 26. 63.
[141] Ibid. ii. 13. 32.
[142] Liv. xxv. 3.
[143] Liv. xxiii. 49.
[144] Liv. xxiv. 18; Val. Max. v. 6. 8.
[145] Plut. _Cato Maj_. 19.
[146] Liv. xliii. 16.
[147] Cic. _Brut_. 22. 85 Cum in silva Sila facta caedes esset notique
homines interfecti insimulareturque familia, partim etiam liberi,
societatis ejus, quae picarias de P. Cornelio, L. Mummio censoribus
redemisset, decrevisse senatum ut de ea re cognoscerent et statuerent
consules. For the value of the pine-woods of Sila see Strabo vi. 1. 9.
[148] Liv. xlv. 18 Metalli quoque Macedonici, quod ingens vectigal erat,
locationesque praediorum rusticorum tolli placebat. Nam neque sine
publicano exerceri posse, et, ubi publicanus esset, ibi aut jus publicum
vanum aut libertatem sociis nullam esse. The _praedia rustica_ were
probably public domains, that might have formed part of the crown lands
of the Macedonian Kings and would now, in the natural course of events,
have been leased to _publicani_.
[149] It might happen that the interest of the _negotiator_ was opposed
to that of the _publicanus_. The former, for instance, might wish
_portoria_ to be lessened, the latter to be increased (Cic. _ad Att_.
ii. 16. 4). But such a conflict was unusual.
[150] Cato _R.R_. pr. 1. Est interdum praestare mercaturis rem
quaerere, nisi tam periculosum sit, et item fenerari, si tam honestum
sit. Majores nostri sic habuerunt et ita in legibus posiverunt, furem
dupli condemnari, feneratorem quadrupli. Quanto pejorem civem
existimarint feneratorem quam furem, hinc licet existimare. Cf. Cic.
_de Off_. i. 42. 150. Improbantur ii quaestus, qui in odia hominum
incurrunt, ut portitorum, ut feneratorum.
[151] Cic. _de Off_. ii. 25. 89. Cum ille ... dixisset "Quid fenerari?"
tum Cato "Quid hominem," inquit, "occidere?"
[152] For such professional money-lenders see Plaut. _Most_. iii. 1. 2
ff.; _Curc_. iv. 1. 19.
[153] Liv. xxxii. 27.
[154] On the history and functions of the bankers see Voigt _Ueber die
Bankiers, die Buchführung und die Litteralobligation der Römer_ (Abh. d.
Königl. Sächs. Gesell. d. Wissench.; Phil. hist. Classe, Bd. x);
Marquardt Staatsverw, ii. pp. 64 ff.; Deloume _Les manieurs d'argent à
Rome_, pp. 146 ff.
[155] Plin. _H.N_. xxi. 3. 8.
[156] Cf. Cic. _de Off_, iii. 14. 58. Pythius, qui esset ut
argentarius apud omnes ordines gratiosus....
[157] Yet the two never became thoroughly assimilated. The
_argentarius_, for instance, was not an official tester of money, and
the _nummularii_ appear not to have performed certain functions usual to
the banker, e.g. sales by auction. See Voigt op. cit. pp. 521. 522.
[158] Plaut. _Cure_. iv. 1. 6 ff.
Commonstrabo, quo in quemque hominem facile inveniatis loco.
* * * * *
Ditis damnosos maritos sub basilica quaerito.
Ibidem erunt scorta exoleta, quique stipulari solent.
* * * * *
In foro infumo boni homines, atque dites ambulant.
Sub veteribus, ibi sunt qui dant quique accipiunt faenore.
[159] To be bankrupt is _foro mergi_ (Plaut. _Ep_. i. 2. 16), _a foro
fugere, abire_ (Plaut. _Pers_. iii. 3. 31 and 38).
[160] Cic. _de Off_. ii. 24. 87. Toto hoc de genere, de quaerenda, de
collocanda pecunia, vellem etiam de utenda, commodius a quibusdam
optumis viris ad Janum medium sedentibus ... disputatur. For _Janus
medius_ and the question whether it means an arch or a street see
Richter _Topogr. der Stadt Rom_. pp. 106. 107.
[161] Liv. xxxix. 44; xliv. 16. The Porcian was followed by the Fulvian
Basilica (Liv. xl. 51). The dates of the three were 184, 179, 169 B.C.
respectively.
[162] Deloume op. cit. pp. 320 ff.; Guadet in Daremberg-Saglio _Dict.
des Antiq. s.v_. Basilicae.
[163] Large transport ships could themselves come to Rome if their build
was suited to river navigation. In 167 B.C. Aemilius Paulus astonished
the city with the size of a ship (once belonging to the Macedonian King)
on which he arrived (Liv. xlv. 35). On the whole question of this
foreign trade see Voigt in Iwan-Müller's _Handbuch_ iv. 2, pp. 373-378.
[164] Voigt op. cit. p. 377 n. 99.
[165] Compare Cunningham _Western Civilisation in its Economic Aspects_
vol. i. p. 165, "It is only under very special conditions, including the
existence of a strong government to exercise a constant control, that
free play for the formation of associations of capitalists bent on
securing profit, is anything but a public danger. The landed interest in
England has hitherto been strong enough to bring legislative control to
bear on the moneyed men from time to time.... The problem of leaving
sufficient liberty for the formation of capital and for enterprise in
the use of it, without allowing it licence to exhaust the national
resources, has not been solved."
[166] Plut. Numa 17. On the history of these gilds see Waltzing
_Corporations professionelles chez les Remains_ pp. 61-78.
[167] The praetor was Rutilius (Ulpian in Dig. 38. 2. 1. 1), perhaps P.
Rutilius Rufus, the consul of 105 B.C. (Mommsen Staatsr. in. p. 433).
See the last chapter of this volume. For the principle on which such
_operae_ were exacted from freedmen see Mommsen l.c.
[168] Inliberales ac sordidi quaestus (Cic. _de Off_. i. 42. 150).
[169] Gell. vii. (vi.) 9; Liv. ix. 46; Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 497.
[170] Cf. Cic. _de Off_. i. 42. 151 Omnium autem rerum, ex quibus
aliquid adquiritur, nihil est agricultura melius, nihil uberius, nihil
dulcius, nihil homine libero dignius.
[171] See de Boor _Fasti Censorii_. A disturbing element in this
enumeration is the uncertainty of numerals in ancient manuscripts. But
the fact of the progressive decline is beyond all question. No
accidental errors of transcription could have produced this result in
the text of Livy's epitome.
[172] Liv. _Ep_. xvi.
[173] Ibid. lvi.
[174] Ibid. xlvi. xlviii.
[175] Euseb. Arm. a. Abr. 1870 Ol. 158.3 (Hieron. Ol. 158.2 = 608
A.U.C.).
[176] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.
[177] Eorum qui arma ferre possent (Liv. i. 44); [Greek: _ton echonton
taen strateusimon haelikian] (Dionys. xi. 63); [Greek: ton en tais
haelikiais_] (Polyb. ii. 23).
[178] Besides the _proletarii_ all under military age would be excluded
from these lists. Mommsen (_Staatsr_. ii. p. 411) goes further and
thinks that the _seniores_ are not included in our lists.
[179] The limit to the incidence of taxation was a property of 1500
asses (Cic. _de Rep_. ii. 22. 40), the limit of census for military
service was by the time of Polybius reduced to 4000 asses (Polyb. vi.
19). Gellius (xvi. 10. 10) gives a reduction to 375 asses at a date
unknown but preceding the Marian reform. Perhaps the numerals are
incorrect and should be 3,750.
[180] Liv. xl. 38.
[181] Gell. i. 6. Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix.
[182] See Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 276.
[183] _Concubinatus_ could not, by the nature of the case, become a
legal conception until the Emperor Augustus had devised penalties for
_stuprum_. It was then necessary to determine what kind of _stuprum_ was
not punishable. But the social institution and its ethical
characteristics, although they may have been made more definite by legal
regulations, could not have originated in the time of the Principate.
For the meaning of _paelex_ in Republican times see Meyer _Der römische
Konkubinat_ and a notice of that work in the _English Historical Review_
for July 1896.
[184] Cunningham _Western Civilisation_ p. 156. Cf. Soltau in
_Kulturgesch. des klass. Altertums_ p. 318.
[185] Plin. _H.N_. xviii. 3. 22; Varro _R.R_. i. 1. 10.
[186] Colum. 1. 1. 18. The Latin translation was probably made shortly
after the destruction of Carthage, _circa_ 140 B.C. (Mahaffy _The Work
of Mago on Agriculture_ in _Hermathena_ vol. vii. 1890). Mahaffy
believes that the Greek translation by Cassius Dionysius (Varro _R.R_.
i. 1. 10) was later, and he associates it with the colonies planted by
C. Gracchus in Southern Italy.
[187] Saturnia in 183 (Liv. xxxix. 55), Graviscae in 181 (Liv. xl. 29),
Luna in 180 and again in 177 (Liv. xli. 13; Mommsen in C.I.L. i. n.
539). See Marquardt _Staatsverw_, i. p. 39.
[188] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8; Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 198.
[189] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 198.
[190] Liv. xxxix. 29.
[191] Varro _R.R_. ii. 5. II Pascuntur armenta commodissime in
nemoribus, ubi virgulta et frons multa. Hieme secundum mare, aestu
abiguntur in montes frondosos.
[192] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 16.
[193] Nitzsch op. cit. p. 17.
[194] Cic. _de Off_. ii. 25. 89. So in Cato's more reasoned estimate
(_R.R_. i. 7) of the relative degrees of productivity, although _vinea_
comes first (cf. p. 80) yet _pratum_ precedes _campus frumentarius_.
[195] App. _Hannib_. 61.
[196] App. l.c.; Gell. x. 3. 19.
[197] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 193 So zerfiel denn Mittelitalien in
zwei scharf-getheilte Hälften, den ackerbauenden Westen und den
viehzuchttreibenden Osten; jener reich an Häfen, von Landstrassen
durchschnitten, in einer Menge von Colonien oder einzelnen Gehöften von
Römischen Ackerbürgern bewohnt; dieser fast ohne Häfen, nur von einer
Küstenstrasse durchschnitten, für den grossen Römer der rechte Sitz
seiner Sclaven und Heerden. Cf. p. 21. For the pasturage in Calabria
and Apulia see op. cit. pp. 13 and 193.
[198] Liv. xxviii. II; cf. Luc. _Phars_. i. 30.
[199] Dureau de la Malle (Économie Politique ii. p. 38) compares the
precept of the Roman "Quid est agrum bene colere? bene arare. Quid
secundum? arare. Tertio stercorare" with the adage of the French farmer
"Fumez bien, labourez mal, vous recueillerez plus qu'en fumant mal et en
labourant bien".
[200] See Dreyfus _Les lois agraires_ p. 97. Varro (_R.R_. i. 12. 2) is
singularly correct in his account of the nature of the disease that
arose from the _loca palustria_:--Crescunt animalia quaedam minuta, quae
non possunt oculi consequi, et per aera intus in corpus per os ac nares
perveniunt atque efficiunt difficilis morbos. The passage is cited by
Voigt (Iwan-Müller's _Handbuch_ iv. 2. p. 358) who gives a good sketch
of the evils consequent on neglect of drainage.
[201] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 228.
[202] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.
[203] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 237.
[204] Polyb. xxxvii. 3.
[205] Polyb. ii. 15.
[206] For such purchases from Sardinia see Liv. xxxvi. 2, from Sicily
(at a period later than that which we are considering) Cic. _in Verr_.
iii. 70, 163.
[207] Cf. Cato _R.R_. i. 3 (In choosing the situation of one's
estate) oppidum validum prope siet aut mare aut amnis, qua naves
ambulant, aut via bona celebrisque.
[208] For the traditions which assign a very early date for laws dealing
with the _ager publicus_ see the following chapter, which treats of the
legislation of Tiberius Gracchus.
[209] App, _Bell. Civ_. i. 7 [Greek: _taes de gaes taes doriktaetou
sphisin ekastote gignomenaes taen men exeirgasmenaen autika tois
oikizomenois epidiaeroun hae epipraskon hae exemisthoun, taen d' argon
ek tou polemou tote ousan, hae dae kai malista eplaethyen, ouk agontes po
scholaen dialachein, epekaerytton en tosode tois ethelousin ekponein epi
telei ton etaesion karpon_].
[210] For the evidence for this and other statements connected with the
_ager publicus_ see the citations in the next chapter.
[211] In consequence of the doubtfulness of the traditions concerning
early agrarian laws this time cannot even be approximately specified.
See the next chapter.
[212] Tradition represents the first laws dealing with the _ager
publicus (e. g_. the supposed _lex Licinia_) as earlier than the _lex
Poetelia_ of 326 B.C., which abolished the contract of _nexum_.
[213] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8 [Greek: _hysteron de ton geitnionton plousion
hypoblaetois prosopois metapheronton tas misthoseis eis eautous_.]
[214] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 7 [Greek: _oi gar plousioi ... ta ... anchou
sphisin, osa te haen alla brachea penaeton, ta men onoumenoi peithoi ta
de bia lambanontes, pedia makra anti chorion egeorgoun_.] Cf. Seneca
_Ep_. xiv. 2 (90). 39 Licet agros agris adjiciat vicinum vel pretio
pellens vel injuria.
[215] [Greek: _pedia makra_] (App. l.c.), Plin. _H.N_. xviii. 6. 35
Verumque confitentibus latifundia perdidere Italiam. (For the expression
_lati fundi_ see Siculus Flaccus pp. 157, 161). Frontinus p. 53 Per
longum enim tempus attigui possessores vacantia loca quasi invitante
otiosi soli opportunitate invaserunt, et per longum tempus inpune
commalleaverunt. For the invasion of pasturage see Frontinus p. 48 Haec
fere pascua certis personis data sunt depascenda tunc cum agri adsignati
sunt. Haec pascua multi per inpotentiam invaserunt et colunt.
[216] In spite of the fertility of the land, the native Gallic
population had vanished from most of the districts of this region as
early as Polybius' time (Polyb. ii. 35). Cf. Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_
p. 60.
[217] Val. Max. iv. 4. 6.
[218] Steinwender _Die römische Bürgerschaft in ihrem Verhältnis zum
Heere_ p. 28.
[219] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 7.
[220] Polyb. vi. 39.
[221] Liv. xxvii. 9 (209 B.C.) Fremitus enim inter Latinos sociosque in
conciliis ortus:--Decimum annum dilectibus, stipendiis se exhaustos esse
... Duodecim (coloniae) ... negaverunt consulibus esse unde milites
pecuniamque darent.
[222] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 194.
[223] Cato _R.R_. 144 etc.
[224] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 187.
[225] Cato _R.R_. 5. 136.
[226] Cato _R.R_. 136 Politionem quo pacto _partiario_ dari oporteat.
In agro Casinate et Venafro in loco bono parti octava corbi dividat,
satis bono septima, tertio loco sexta; si granum modio dividet, parti
quinta. In Venafro ager optimus nona parti corbi dividat ... Hordeum
quinta modio, fabam quinta modio dividat.
[227] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 188.
[228] Dureau de la Malle _Économie Politique_ ii. pp. 225, 226.
[229] Cato _R.R_. i. 7 Vinea est prima,... secundo loco hortus
inriguus, tertio salictum, quarto oletum, quinto pratum, sexto campus
frumentarius, septimo silva caedua, octavo arbustum, nono glandaria
silva.
[230] Cic. _de Rep_. iii. 9. 16 Nos vero justissimi homines, qui
Transalpinas gentis oleam et vitem serere non sinimus, quo pluris sint
nostra oliveta nostraeque vineae. Cf. Colum. iii. 3. 11.
[231] See Cato _R.R_. 7, 8 for the produce of the _fundus suburbanus_.
Cf. c. 1 (note 2) for the value of the _hortus inriguus_.
[232] See the citations in Voigt (Iwan-Müller's _Handbuch_ iv. 2 p.
370). Communities and corporations employed _coloni_ on their _agri
vectigales_ (Cic. _ad Fam_. xiii. 11, 1; Hygin. _de Cond. Agr_.
p. 117. 11; Voigt l.c.).
[233] Liv. xlv. 34.
[234] Mahaffy ("The Slave Wars against Rome" in _Hermathena_ no. xvi.
1890) believes that the majority of these were shipped to Sicily.
[235] Strabo xiv. 5. 2.
[236] Cf. Arist. _Pol_. i. 8. 12 [Greek: _hae polemikae physei ktaetikae
pos estai; hae gar thaereutikae meros autaes, hae dei chraesthai pros te
ta thaeria kai ton anthropon hosoi pephykotes archesthai mae thelousin,
hos physei dikaion touton onta ton polemon_.]
[237] Mahaffy (l.c.) thinks that the Syrians and Cilicians of the
first slave war in Sicily, whom he believes to have been transferred
from Carthage, had been secured by that state in a trade with the
East--the trade which perhaps took the Southern Mediterranean route from
Malta past Crete and Cyprus.
[238] Wallon _Histoire de l'Esclavage_ ii. p, 45.
[239] Strabo xiv, 3. 2 [Greek: _en Sidae goun polei taes Pamphylias ta
naupaegia synistato tois Kilixin, hypo kaeruka te epoloun ekei tous
halontas eleutherous homologountes_.]
[240] Strabo (xiv. 5. 2), after describing the slave market at Delos,
continues [Greek: _hoste kai paroimian genesthai dia touto; hempore,
katapleuson, exelou, panta pepratai_.]
[241] Plut. _Cato Maj_. 4.
[242] If we make the denarius a rough equivalent of the drachma, some of
the prices given in Plautus are as follows:--A child, 600 denarii, a
nurse and two female children, 1800, a young girl, 2000, another 3000.
Here we seem to get the average prices for valuable and refined
domestics. Elsewhere special circumstances might increase the value; a
female lyrist fetches 5000 denarii, a girl of remarkable attractions
6000. See Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. pp. 160 ff.
[243] Ter. _Andria_ ii. 6. 26.
[244] It is probable, however, that in the case of superintendents
(_villici, villicae, procuratores_) experience may have been an element
in the prices which they fetched.
[245] Festus p. 332 Sardi venales, alius alio nequior.
[246] Plut. _Cato Maj_. 21.
[247] Cato _R.R_. 56, 57.
[248] Ibid. 2.
[249] At the close of this period a division took place between the
functions of _villicus_ and those of _procurator_. The former still
controlled the economy of the estate and administered its goods; the
latter was the business agent and entered into legal relations with
other parties. See Voigt in Iwan-Müller's _Handbuch_ iv. 2 p. 368.
[250] Colum. i. 6.
[251] An inspection of all the _ergastula_ of Italy was ordered by
Augustus (Suet. _Aug_. 32) and Tiberius (Suet. _Tib_. 8). Columella (i.
8) recommends inspection by the master.
[252] Kidnapping became very frequent after the civil wars. It was to
prevent this evil that inspection was ordered by the Emperors (note 3).
See Thédenat in Daremberg-Saglio _Dict. des Antiq. s.v_. Ergastulum.
[253] Plaut. _Most_. i. 1. 18; Florus iii. 19.
[254] For the distinction between the _vincti_ and _soluti_ see Colum.
i. 7.
[255] Varro _R.R_. ii. 2 10 The proportion is larger than would be
demanded in modern times, but Mahaffy (l.c.) remarks that we do not
hear of the work of guardianship being shared by trained dogs, and that
the danger from wild beasts and lawless classes was considerable. As
regards the first point, however, we do hear of packs of hounds which
followed the Sicilian shepherds (Diod. xxxiv. 2), and it is difficult to
believe that these had not developed some kind of training.
[256] Varro _R.R_. ii. 10. 7.
[257] Diod, xxxiv. 2. 38.
[258] Val. Max. ii. 10. 2.
[259] Livy (xxxii. 26) speaks of them as _nationis eius_. He has just
mentioned the slaves of the Carthaginian hostages. But it does not
follow that either class was composed of native Africans. They may have
been imported Asiatics, as in Sicily.
[260] Liv. xxxii. 26.
[261] Liv. xxxiii. 36 Etruriam infestam prope conjuratio servorum fecit.
[262] Liv. xxxix. 29.
[263] Bücher _Die Aufstände der unfreien Arbeiter_ p. 34. Cf. Soltau
in _Kulturgesch. des klass. Altertums_ p. 326.
[264] Oros. v. 9 Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 19.
[265] Mahaffy l.c.
[266] Cf. Bücher op. cit. p. 79.
[267] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 27. For the large number of Roman proprietors in
Sicily see Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19) 3--(Sicilia) terra frugum ferax et
quodam modo suburbana provincia latifundis civium Romanorum tenebatur.
[268] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 32. 36.
[269] Diod. l.c.
[270] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 31. This may have been true of the time of which
we are speaking; for the influence of the Roman residents in Sicily on
the administration of the island must always have been great. But
Diodorus assigns an incorrect reason when he states that the Roman
knights of Sicily were judges of the governors of the provinces. This is
true only of the period preceding the second servile war.
[271] Historians profess to tell the mechanism by which this device was
secured. A spark of fire was placed with inflammable material in a
hollow nut or some similar small object, which was perforated. The
receptacle was placed in the mouth, and judicious breathing did the
rest. See Diodorus xxxiv, 2. 7; Floras ii. 7 (iii. 19).
[272] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 228.
[273] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 24 [Greek: _hypo gar taes pepromenaes autois
kekyrosthai taen patrida taen Ennan, ousan akropolin holaes
taes naesou_.]
[274] Ibid. 2. 12 [Greek: _oud estin eipein ... hosa enybrizon te kai
enaeselgainon_.]
[275] [Greek: _planon te apekaloun_] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 14).
[276] Diodor. xxxiv. 3. 41.
[277] Ibid. 2. 39.
[278] Ibid., 2, 24.
[279] Liv. _Ep_. lv.; App. _Syr_. 68. Cf. Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 288.
[280] Diodorus describes him as an Achaean. Mahaffy (l.c.) suspects
that he came from Eastern Asia Minor or Syria, where Achaeus occurs as a
royal name. But the name also occurs in old Greece. One may instance the
tragic poet of Eretria.
[281] [Greek: _kai boulae kai cheiri diapheron_] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 16).
[282] Ibid. 2. 42.
[283] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 6.
[284] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 43.
[285] Ibid. 2. 18; Florus l.c.
[286] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 7 Quin illud quoque ultimum dedecus belli,
capta sunt castra praetorum--nec nominare ipsos pudebit--castra Manli
Lentuli, Pisonis Hypsaei. Itaque qui per fugitivarios abstrahi
debuissent praetorios duces profugos praelio ipsi sequebantur. P.
Popillius Laenas, the consul of 132 B.C., was praetor in Sicily either
immediately before, or during the revolt (C.I.L. i. n. 351. l. g).
[287] Strabo vi. 2. 6. For the question whether they held Messana
see p. 98.
[288] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 2 Quis crederet Siciliam multo cruentius
servili quam Punico bello esse vastatam?
[289] [Greek: _epi tae prophasei ton drapeton_] (Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 48).
Wallon (_Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 307) takes these words to mean
that the peasantry professed to be marching against the slaves.
[290] Mahaffy (l.c.) has raised and discussed this question. His
conclusions are (i) that the pirates may have been influenced by a sense
of business honour to the effect that the man-stealer should abide by
his bargain, (ii) that these pirates may have received some large bribe,
direct or indirect, from Rome, (iii) that the natural enmity between the
slaves and the pirates may have hindered an agreement for transport,
(iv) that the Cilician slaves, accustomed to permanent robber-bands, may
have not held it impossible that Rome would acquiesce in such a creation
in Sicily, (v) that the Syrian towns would not have troubled about the
restoration of such of their members as had become slaves, even had they
not feared to offend Rome. He remarks that the return of even free
exiles to a Hellenistic city was a cause of great disturbance.
[291] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.; Oros. v. 9.
[292] C.I.L. i. nn. 642, 643.
[293] Oros. v. 9. This _Mamertium oppidum_ of Orosius has often been
interpreted as Messana (_Mamertinorum oppidum_, Bücher, p. 68); for,
although the slaves of this town had not revolted (Oros. v. 6. 4), it
might have been captured by the rebels. Schäfer, however (_Jahrb. f.
Class. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) explains Mamertium as Morgantia
(_Murgentinum oppidum_).
[294] Val. Max. ix. 12 _ext_. 1. Diodorus (xxxiv. 2. 20) calls him
Comanus and speaks of his being captured during the siege of
Tauromenium.
[295] Oros. v. 9.
[296] Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 308.
[297] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 8.
[298] For the _lex Rupilia_ see Cic. _in Verr_. ii. 13. 32; 15. 37; 16.
39; 24. 59.
[299] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8. Plutarch speaks of an "attempt" ([Greek:
_epecheiraese men oun tae diorthosei_]); but the effort perhaps went no
further than the testing of opinion to discover the probability of
support. The enterprise may have belonged to the praetorship of Laelius
(145 B.C.).
[300] Polyb. vi. 11.
[301] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 203.
[302] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 104 Fuit Gracchus diligentia Corneliae matris a
puero doctus et Graecis litteris eruditus. Id. Ib. 58. 211 Legimus
epistulas Corneliae matris Gracchorum: apparet filios non tam in gremio
educatos quam in sermone matris. Cf. Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. i. 1. 6;
Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1.
[303] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1. The King referred to in this story is
perhaps Ptolemy Euergetes, who reigned from 146 to 117 B.C.
[304] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.
[305] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ pp. 208 foll., 258.
[306] Polyb. vi. 14 [Greek: _krinei men oun ho daemos kai diaphorou_]
(money penalties) [Greek: _pollakis ... thanatou de krinei monos_].
[307] Polyb. vi. 16 [Greek: _opheilousi d' aei poiein oi daemarchoi to
dokoun to daemo kai malista stochazesthai taes toutou boulaeseos_].
[308] Polyb. vi. 57.
[309] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.
[310] Ibid.
[311] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 2.
[312] Ibid., 4 [Greek: _outos haen periboaetos hoste taes ton Augouron
legomenaes hierosonaes axiothaenai di' aretaen mallon hae dia taen
eugeneian_.] Tiberius may have filled the place vacated by the death of
his father (_circa_ 148 B.C.). He would have been barely sixteen; and
Plutarch says (l.c.) that he had but just emerged from boyhood.
Election to the augural college at this time was effected by
co-optation. See Underhill in loc.
[313] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4.
[314] Cic. _pro Cael_. 14. 34; Suet. _Tib_. 2.
[315] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4. The story is also told of the betrothal of
Cornelia herself to the elder Gracchus (Liv. xxxviii. 57; Val. Max. iv.
2. 3; Gell. xii. 8); but Plutarch records a statement of Polybius that
Cornelia was not betrothed until after her father's death, and Livy
(l.c.) is conscious of this version.
[316] Fannius ap. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4 [Greek: _tou ge teichous
epebae ton polemion protos_]. As the context seems to show that Tiberius
did not remain until the end of the siege, the _teichos_ was probably
that of Megara, the suburb of Carthage (Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 244);
cf. App. _Lib_. 117.
[317] Plut. l.c.
[318] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7; cf. App. _Iber_. 83; Nitzsch _Die
Gracchen_ p. 280; Long _Decline of Rom. Rep_. i. p. 83.
[319] Plut. l.c.
[320] Vellei. ii. 1 Mancinum verecundia, poenam non recusando, perduxit
huc, ut per fetialis nudus ac post tergam religatis manibus dederetur
hostibus. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7 [Greek: _ton men gar hypaton
epsaephisanto gymnon kai dedemenon paradounai tois Nomantinois, ton d'
allon epheisanto panton dia Tiberion_.] Cf. Cic. _de Off_. iii.
30. 109.
[321] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 103 (Ti. Gracchus) propter turbulentissimum
tribunatum, ad quem ex invidia foederis Numantini bonis iratus
accesserat, ab ipsa re publica est interfectus. Id. _de Har. Resp_. 20.
43 Ti. Graccho invidia Numantini foederis, cui feriendo, quaestor C.
Mancini consulis cum esset, interfuerat, et in eo foedere improbando
senatus severitas dolori et timori fuit, eaque res illum fortem et
clarum virum a gravitate patrum desciscere coegit. The same motive is
suggested by Vellei. ii. 2; Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. vii. 4. 13; Dio Cass.
_frg_. 82; Oros. v. 8. 3; Florus ii. 2 (iii. 14).
[322] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.
[323] Plut. l.c.
[324] Plut. l.c.
[325] Gell. i. 13. 10 Is Crassas a Sempronio Asellione et plerisque
aliis historiae Romanae scriptoribus traditur habuisse quinque rerum
bonarum maxima et praecipua: quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilissimus,
quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissimus, quod pontifex maximus.
[326] Cic. _Acad. Prior_. ii. 5. 13 Duo ... sapientissimos et
clarissimos fratres, P. Crassum et P. Scaevolam, aiunt Ti. Graccho
auctores legum fuisse, alterum quidem, ut videmus, palam; alterum, ut
suspicantur, obscurius.
[327] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 9.
[328] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9 [Greek: _esemnologaese peri tou Italikou
genous_]. The expression suggests the further question whether Gracchus
intended Italians, as well as Romans, to benefit by his law. On this
question see p. 115. But, whatever our opinion on this point, the
widening of the issue by an appeal to Italian interests was natural, if
not inevitable.
[329] App. l.c.
[330] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 9.
[331] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9; cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.
[332] The most respectable of the authorities for the Licinian law
having dealt with the land question is Varro (_R.R_. 1. 2. 9 Stolonis
illa lex, quae vetat plus D jugera habere civem R). A similar account is
found in many other authors (Liv. vi. 35; Vellei. ii. 6; Plut. _Cam_.
39; Gell. vi. 3. 40; Val. Max. viii. 6. 3). A variant in the maximum
amount permitted to a single holder is given by [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_.
20 [(Licinius Stolo) legem scivit, ne cui plebeio plus centum jugera
agri habere liceret]; or the word "plebeio," if not a mistake, may
suggest another clause in the supposed law.
[333] Cato ap. Gell. vi. (vii.) 3. 37. Cato asks whether any enactment
punishes _intent_ (for the Rhodians were charged with having _intended_
hostility to Rome), and points his argument by the following _reductio
ad absurdum_ of legislation conceived in this spirit, Si quis plus
quingenta jugera habere voluerit, tanta poena esto: si quis majorem
pecuum numerum habere voluerit, tantum damnas esto.
[334] On this subject see Niese _Das sogenannte Licinisch-sextische
Ackergesetz_ (Hermes xxiii. 1888), Soltau _Das Aechtheit des licinischen
Ackergesetzes von_ 367 v. Chr. (Hermes xxx. 1895).
[335] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.
[336] Cic. _de Leg. Agr_. ii. 29. 81 Nec duo Gracchi, qui de plebis
Romanae commodis plurimum cogitaverunt, nec L. Sulla ... agrum Campanum
attingere ausus est. Cf. i. 7. 21.
[337] Exemptions were specified in the agrarian law of C. Gracchus,
which must have appeared in that of his elder brother. They are noticed
in the extant _Lex agraria_ (C.I.L. 1. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3.
11) l. 6 Extra eum agrum, quei ager ex lege plebive scito, quod C.
Sempronius Ti. f. tr. pl. rog(avit), exceptum cavitumve est nei
divideretur.... The law of C. Gracchus is here mentioned as being the
later enactment. Cicero, when he writes (_ad Att_. 1. 19. 4) of his own
attitude to the Flavian agrarian law of 60 B.C. Liberabam agrum eum, qui
P. Mucio L. Calpurnio consulibus publicus fuisset, is probably referring
to land that, public in 133 B.C., still remained public in his own day.
[338] See Voigt _Ueber die staatsrechtliche Possessio und den Ager
Compascuus_ p. 229.
[339] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 9 [Greek: _anekainize ton nomon maedena ton
pentakosion plethron pleon hechein, paisi d' auton hyper ton palaion
nomon prosetithei ta haemisea touton_]. Liv. _Ep_. lviii. Ne quis ex
publico agro plus quam mille jugera possideret, cf. [Victor] _de Vir.
Ill_. 64. The conclusion stated in the text, which is gained by a
combination of these passages, is, however, somewhat hazardous.
[340] App, _Bell, Civ_. 1. 11 [Greek: _ekeleue tous plousious ... mae,
en ho peri mikron diapherontai, ton pleonon hyperidein, misthon hama
taes peponaemenaes exergasias autarkae pheromenous taen exaireton aneu
timaes ktaesin es aei bebaion hekasto pentakosion plethron, kai paisin,
ois eisi paides, ekasto kai touton ta haemisea_]. If [Greek: _aneu
timaes_] means "without paying for it," the phrase has no relation to
the _timae_ mentioned by Plutarch (see the next note) which was a
valuation to be _received_ by the dispossessed. It can scarcely mean
"without further compensation"; but, if interpreted in this way, the two
accounts can be brought into some relation with each other.
[341] Plut, _Ti. Gracch_. 9 [Greek: _ekeleuse timaen proslambanontas
ekbainein hon adikos ekektaento_].
[342] Siculus Flaccus (p. 136 Lachm.); cf. Mommsen l.c.
[343] There is a reference to this limit in the extant _Lex Agraria_ (C.
I. L. i. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3. 11) l. 14 Sei quis ... agri jugra
Non amplius xxx possidebit habebitve, but there is no direct evidence to
connect it with the Gracchan legislation.
[344] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 10.
[345] Cf. p. 110.
[346] Mommsen l.c.
[347] App, _Bell. Civ_. i. 10
[348] Cic. _de Leg. Agr_. ii. 12. 31 Audes etiam, Rulle, mentionem
facere legis Semproniae, nec te ea lex ipsa commonet III viros illos
XXXV tribuum suffragio creatos esse? App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9 [Greek:
_prosetithei ... taen loipaen treis airetous andras, henallassomenous
kat' hetos, dianemein tois penaesin_]. Strachan-Davidson (in loc.)
doubts this latter characteristic of the magistracy. The history of the
land-commission proves at least that the occupants of the post were
perpetually re-eligible and could be chosen in their absence. Thus
Gracchus, in spite of his two years' quaestorship in Sardinia, was still
a commissioner in 124 B.C. (App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 21). See Mommsen
_Staatsr_. ii. i. p. 632. The electing body was doubtless the _plebeian_
assembly of the tribes under the guidance of a tribune. This was the
mode prescribed by Rullus's law of 63 B.C. (Cic. _de Leg. Agr_, ii.
7. 16).
[349] App. _Bell, Civ_. i. 11.
[350] Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 10.
[351] App. l.c. [Greek: _daneistai te chrea kai tautaes epedeiknuon_.]
[352] App. l.c. [Greek: _plaethos hallo hoson en tais apoikois polesin
hae tais isopolitisin hae hallos ekoinonei taesde taes gaes, dediotes
homoios epaeesan kai es hekaterous auton diemerizonto. isopolitides_]
would naturally be the _municipia (c.f. Lex Agraria_ l. 31); but
Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) thinks that the _civitates foederatae_ are
here intended. There is a possibility that Appian has used the term
vaguely: but there is no real difficulty in conceiving the _municipia_
to be meant. Even the majority, that had received Roman citizenship,
still continued to bear the name, and they may have continued to enjoy
municipal rights in public land. The wealthier classes in these towns
were therefore alarmed; the poorer classes (possessed of Roman
citizenship) hoped for a share in the assignment.
[353] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10.
[354] Plut. l.c.
[355] Plut. l.c.
[356] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _ouden eipein legontai peri allaelon phlauron,
oude rhaema prospesein thaterou pros ton heteron di' horgaen
anepitaedeion_.]
[357] Diod. xxxiv 6 [Greek: _synerreon eis taen Rhomaen oi hochloi apo
taes choras hosperei potamoi tines eis taen panta dynamenaen dechesthai
thalattan_.]
[358] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 12.
[359] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _paroxyntheis ho Tiberios ton men
philanthropon epaneileto nomon, ton d' haedio te tois pollois kai
sphodroteron epi tous adikountas eisepheren haedae, keleuon existasthai
taes choras haen ekektaento para tous proterous nomous_]. Plutarch is
apparently thinking of the abolition of what he calls the _timae_
(c. 9.); but his words do not necessarily imply that the original
concessions mentioned by Appian (p. 114) were removed.
[360] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10.
[361] Plut. l.c.
[362] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 12. Plutarch (_Ti. Gracch_. 11) preserves a
tradition that the meeting was practically broken up by the adherents of
the _possessores_ who, to prevent the passing of an illegal decree,
carried off the voting urns.
[363] [Greek: _Mallios kai phoulbios_] (Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 11). Schäfer
(_Jahrb. f. Class. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) thinks that the first name is a
mistake for that of Manilius the jurist, consul in 149 B.C., and that
the second refers to Ser. Fulvius Flaccus, consul in 135 B.C.
[364] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 12 _oi dunatoi tous daemarchous aexioun
hepitrepsai tae boulae peri hon diapherontai_.
[365] App. _l. c_.
[366] App. _l. c_.
[367] Or in _contio_ held before the meeting. The scene is described in
Plut. _Ti. Gracch_, 11.
[368] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _hypeipon ho Tiberios hos ouk estin archontas
amphoterous kai peri pragmaton megalon ap' isaes exousias diapheromenous
aneu polemou diexelthein ton chronon_.]
[369] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 12.
[370] Cf. Mommsen _Staatsr_. iii. p. 409, note 1.
[371] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 12.
[372] This is the name given by Appian (_Bell. Civ_. 1. 13); Plutarch
(_Ti. Gracch_. 13) calls him Mucius; Orosius (v. 8. 3) Minucius.
[373] App. _Iber_. 83. Cf. Liv. xxvii. 20, xxix. 19. See Mommsen
_Staatsr_. i. p. 629.
[374] Mommsen l.c.
[375] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 13; Plut. _Ti. Gracch. 13.
[376] Liv. _Ep_. lviii Promulgavit et aliam legem agrariam, qua sibi
latius agrum patefaceret, ut iidem triumviri judicarent qua publicus
ager, qua privatus esset. The titles borne by the commissioners appear
as III vir a. d. a. (_Lex Latina Tabulae Bantinae_, C.I.L. 1. 197;
Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 9; cf. _Lex Acilia Repetundarum_ 1. 13, C.I.L.
i. 198; Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 10): III vir a. i. a. (C.I.L. i. nn.
552-555); III vir a.d.a. i. (C.I.L. i. n. 583).
[377] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 13.
[378] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 13.
[379] Plut. l.c.
[380] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14.
[381] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 315.
[382] Liv. _Ep_. lviii Deinde, cum minus agri esset quam quod dividi
posset sine offensa etiam plebis, quoniam eos ad cupiditatem amplum
modum sperandi incitaverat, legem se promulgaturum ostendit, ut iis, qui
Sempronia lege agrum accipere deberent, pecunia quae regia Attali
fuisset divideretur. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64 Tulit ut ea familia quae
ex Attali hereditate erat ageretur et populo divideretur, Cf. Plut.
_Ti. Gracch_. 14; Oros. v. 8. 4.
[383] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.
[384] Ibid.; Oros. v. 8. 4.
[385] Plut. l.c.. Cicero (_Brut_. 21. 81) speaks of a speech of
Metellus "contra Ti. Gracchum". Plutarch's citation may be from
this speech.
[386] Cicero regarded Octavius's deposition as the ruin of Gracchus.
_Brut_. 25. 95 Injuria accepta fregit Ti. Gracchum patientia civis in
rebus optimis constantissimus M. Octavius. _De Leg_. iii. 10. 24 Ipsum
Ti. Gracchum non solum neglectus sed etiam sublatus intercessor evertit;
quid enim illum aliud perculit, nisi quod potestatem intercedenti
collegae abrogavit? The deposition was an act of "seditio" (_pro
Mil_. 27. 72).
[387] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. Section 81.
[388] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14.
[389] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 15.
[390] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 14.
[391] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 16 [Greek: _authis allois nomois anelambane to
plaethos, tou te chronou ton strateion aphairon, kai didous
epikaleisthai ton daepon apo ton dikaston kai tois krinousi tote
synklaetikois ousi [triakosiois] katamignus ek ton hippeon ton ison
arithmon_.] Dio Cass. _Frg_. 88 [Greek: _ta dikastaeria apo taes boulaes
epi tous hippeas metaege_] (Cf. Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 34).
[392] Polyb. vi. 19.
[393] There was already such a maximum according to Polybius (vi. 19).
What it precisely was, is uncertain, as the passage is corrupt.
According to Lipsius's reading, it was twenty years, according to
Casaubon's, sixteen under ordinary conditions, twenty in emergencies.
The knights were required to serve ten campaigns. See Marquardt
_Staatsverw_. ii. p. 381. The nature of the reduction proposed by
Gracchus is unknown.
[394] _Lex Acilia_ ll. 23 and 74.
[395] Cic. _de Fin_. ii. 16. 54.
[396] No mention is made of the appeal in five cases in which criminal
commissions had been established by the senate. The dates of these
commissions are B.C. 331 (Liv. viii. 18; Val. Max. ii. 5. 3), 314 (Liv.
ix. 26), 186 (Liv. xxxix. 8-19), 184 (Liv. xxxix. 41) and 180 (Liv.
xl. 37).
[397] Vellei. ii. 2 (Tiberius Gracchus) pollicitus toti Italiae
civitatem.
[398] Cicero is perhaps stating the result, rather than the intention,
of the Gracchan legislation when he says (_de Rep_. iii. 29. 41) Ti.
Gracchus perseveravit in civibus, sociorum nominisque Latini jura
neglexit ac foedera. No point in the Gracchan agrarian law is more
remarkable than its strict, perhaps inequitable, legality. That its
author consciously violated treaty relations is improbable.
[399] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 14.
[400] For the qualifications at this period see Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p.
505.
[401] Dio Cass. _frg_. 88 [Greek: _epecheiraese kai es to epion etos meta
tou adelphou daemarchaesai kai ton pentheron hypaton apodeixai_].
[402] App. l.c.
[403] Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 523. Dio Cassius indeed says (_fr_. 22)
[Greek: _koluphen to tina dis taen archaen lambanein_]; but tradition held
that the proviso had been violated in the early plebeian agitations.
[404] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 14.
[405] App. l.c.; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 13. The scene is thus described
by Asellio (a contemporary):--Orare coepit, id quidem ut se defenderent
liberosque suos, eumque, quem virile secus tum in eo tempore habebat,
produci jussit populoque commendavit prope flens (Gell. ii. 13. 5).
Appian also speaks of a son, Plutarch of children.
[406] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_., 16.
[407] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 15.
[408] [Greek: _prostataes de tou Rhomaion daemou_] (Plut. _Ti. Gracch_.
17).
[409] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16.
[410] Richter _Topographie_ p. 128.
[411] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 18.
[412] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.
[413] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 15.
[414] Ibid. 16.
[415] The dictator was usually nominated by the consul between midnight
and morning (Liv. viii. 23), for the purpose of the avoidance of
unfavourable omens.
[416] Tradition ultimately carried it back to the fourth century B.C. In
the revolution threatened by Manlius Capitolinus (384 B.C., Liv. vi. 19)
the phrase Ut videant magistrates ne quid ... res publica detrimenti
capiat was believed to have been employed.
[417] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19 [Greek: _epei ... prodidosin ho archon
taen polin, oi boulomenoi tois nomois boaethein akoloutheite_.] The
most specific and juristically exact account of these proceedings (one
probably drawn from Livy) is preserved by Valerius Maximus (iii. 2. l7):
--In aedem Fidei publicae convocati patres conscripti a consule Mucio
Scaevola quidnam in tali tempestate faciendum esset deliberabant,
cunctisque censentibus ut consul armis rem publicam tueretur, Scaevola
negavit se quicquam vi esse acturum. Tum Scipio Nasica Quoniam, inquit,
consul dum juris ordinem sequitur id agit ut cum omnibus legibus Romanum
imperium corruat, egomet me privatus voluntati vestrae ducem offero....
Qui rem publicam salvam esse volunt me sequantur.
[418] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16; Plut. l.c. Appian speculates as to the
meaning of the act. It may have been meant to attract the attention of
his supporters, it may have been a signal of war, it may have been
intended to veil the impending deed of horror from the eyes of the gods.
Cf. Vellei. ii. 3.
[419] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.
[420] [Cic.] _ad Herenn_, iv. 55. 68.
[421] In the highly rhetorical exercise contained in [Cic.] _ad Herenn_.
iv. 55. 68 is to be found the following picture:--Iste spumans ex ore
scelus, anhelans ex infirmo pectore crudelitatem, contorquet brachium et
dubitanti Graccho quid esset, neque tamen locum, in quo constiterat,
relinquenti, percutit tempus.
[422] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16.
[423] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.
[424] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16 [Greek: _kai pantas autous nyktos
exerripsan es to rheuma ton potamou_]. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64
(Gracchi) corpus Lucretii aedilis manu in Tiberim missum; unde ille
Vespillo dictus.
[425] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1.
[426] Vellei. ii. 3. 3 Hoc initium in urbe Roma civilis sanguinis
gladiorumque impunitatis fuit. Inde jus vi obrutum potentiorque habitus
prior, discordiaeque civium antea condicionibus sanari solitae ferro
dijudicatae (cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 17).
Cic. _de Rep_. i. 19. 31 Mors Tiberii Gracchi et jam ante tota illius
ratio tribunatus divisit populum unum in duas partes.
[427] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20 [Greek: _tautaen protaen historousin en
Rhomae stasin, aph' ou to basileuesthai katelysan, aimati kai phono
politon diakrithaenai_.]
[428] Sall. _Jug_. 31. 7 Occiso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare aiebant,
in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt. Val. Max. iv. 7, 1 Cum
senatus Rupilio et Laenati consulibus mandasset ut in eos, qui cum
Graccho consenserant, more majorum animadverterent ... Cf. Vellei.
ii. 7. 4.
[429] Cic. _de Amic_. 11. 37.
[430] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20.
[431] Cic. _de Amic_. ii. 37; Val. Max. iv. 7. 1.
[432] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20.
[433] Ibid. 21.
[434] Val Max. v. 3. 2 e Is quoque (Scipio Nasica) propter iniquissimam
virtutum suarum apud cives aestimationem sub titulo legationis Pergamum
secessit et quod vitae superfuit ibi sine ullo ingratae patriae
desiderio peregit. Cf. Plut. l.c.; Strabo xiv. 1. 38. See Waddington
_Fastes_ p. 662.
[435] Vellei. ii. 3. 1 P. Scipio Nasica ... ob eas virtutes primus
omnium absens pontifex maximus factus est. The other view, that Nasica
was already pontifex maximus before his exile, was widely prevalent and
is stated by nearly all our authorities (Cic. _in Cat_. i. 1. 3; Val.
Max. 1. 4. 1; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16).
[436] Plut. l.c.
[437] Val. Max. vii. 2, 6 Par illa sapientia senatus. Ti. Gracchum
tribunum pl. agrariam legem promulgare ausum morte multavit. Idem ut
secundum legem ejus per triumviros ager populo viritim divideretur
egregie censuit.
[438] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21, C.I.L. i. n. 552 C. Sempronius _Ti. F.
Grac_., Ap. Claudius C. F. Pulc., P. Licinius P. F. Crass. III vir. A.
I. A. (Cf. nn. 553. 1504), n. 583 (82-81 B.C.) M. Terentius M. F.
Varro Lucullus Pro Pr. terminos restituendos ex s. c. coeravit qua P.
Licinius Ap. Claudius C. Graccus III vir A. D. A. I. statuerunt. These
_termini_ suggest the _limites Graccani_ of the _Liber Coloniarum
(Gromatici_ ed. Lachmann, pp. 209. 210) which may refer to the agrarian
assignments under the _leges Semproniae_ (of Ti. and C. Gracchus) rather
than to the colonial foundations of the younger brother.
[439] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Seditiones a triumviris Fulvio Flacco et
C. Graccho et C. Papirio Carbone agro dividendo creatis excitatae.
App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 18. C.I.L. i. n. 554 M. Folvios M.F. Flac.,
C. Sempronius Ti. F. Grac., C. Paperius C.F. Carb. III vire. A.I.A.
(cf. n. 555).
[440] C.I.L. i. 551 (Wilmanns 797) Primus fecei ut de agro poplico
aratoribus cederent pastores.
[441] Liv. _Ep_. lix. (131 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCXVIII milia
DCCCXXIII praeter pupillos et viduas. Ib. lx. (125 B.C.) Censa sunt
civium capita CCCLXXXXIIII milia DCCXXVI. See de Boor _Fasti Censorii_.
[442] Mommsen _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 3.
[443] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 18 [Greek: _amelounton de ton kektaemenon
autaen (sc. taen gaen) apographesthai, kataegorous ekaerytton
endeiknynai; kai tachy plaethos haen dikon chalepon_].
[444] App. l.c.
[445] Unless we take such to be the meaning of Hyginus (_de Condic.
Agr_. p. 116) Vectigales autem agri sunt obligati, quidam r. p. P. R.,
quidam coloniarum aut municipiorum aut civitatium aliquarum. Qui et ipsi
plerique ad populum Romanum pertinentes.... The passage seems to state
that some _agri_ which owed _vectigal_ to communities belonged to the
Roman people. There might therefore be a fear of their resumption,
although it should have been remote, since these lands, as the context
shows, were dealt with by a system of lease (for its nature see Mitteis
_Zur Gesch. der Erbpacht im Alterthum_ pp. 13 foll.), and leaseholds do
not seem to have been threatened by Gracchus.
[446] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 19.
[447] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21. Hom. _Od_. i. 47.
[448] Cic. _Phil_. xi. 8. 18; Liv. _Ep_. lix.; Eutrop. iv. 19.
[449] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Cum Carbo tribunus plebis rogationem tulisset, ut
eundem tribunum plebi, quoties vellet, creare liceret, rogationem ejus
P. Africanus gravissima oratione dissuasit. Cic. _de Amic_. 25. 95
Dissuasimus nos (Laelius), sed nihil de me: de Scipione dicam libentius.
Quanta illi, dii immortales! fuit gravitas! quanta in oratione majestas!
... Itaque lex popularis suffragiis populi repudiata est. Cf. Cic. _de
Or_. ii. 40. 170.
[450] Vellei. ii. 4. 4 Hic, eum interrogante tribuno Carbone quid de Ti.
Gracchi caede sentiret, respondit, si is occupandae rei publicae animum
habuisset, jure caesum. Et cum omnis contio adclamasset, "Hostium,"
inquit, "armatorum totiens clamore non territus, qui possum vestro
moveri, quorum noverca est Italia?" Val. Max. vi. 2. 3 Orto deinde
murmure "Non efficietis," ait, "ut solutos verear quos alligatos
adduxi." Cf. Cic, _pro Mil_. 3. 8; Liv. _Ep_. lix; Plut. _Ti.
Gracch_. 21.
[451] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 19 [Greek: _ho d' es tous polemous autois
kechraemenos prothymotatois hyperidein ... oknaese_.]
[452] Liv. _Ep_. lvii.
[453] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 19.
[454] Liv. _Ep_. lviii (p. 127).
[455] App. l.c.
[456] App. l.c.
[457] App. l.c.
[458] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.
[459] Oros. v. 10. 9; Cic. _de Amic_. 3. 12.
[460] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.
[461] Plut. _Rom_. 27 [Greek: _oi men automatos onta physei nosodae
kamein legousin_.]
[462] Villei. ii. 4 Mane in lectulo repertus est mortuus, ita ut quaedam
elisarum faucium in cervice reperirentur notae.
[463] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _kai deinon outos ergon ep' andri
to proto kai megisto Rhomaion tolmaethen ouk etyche dikaes oud' eis
elenchon proaelthen; enestaesan gar oi polloi kai katelysan taen krisin
hyper tou Gaiou phobaethentes, mae peripetaes tae aitia tou phonou
zaetoumenou genaetai_.] Vellei. ii. 4 De tanti viri morte nulla habita
est quaestio. Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix.
[464] Schol. Bob. _ad Cic. Milon_. 7. p. 383.
[465] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.
[466] Schol. Bob. l.c.; cf. Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.
[467] Plut. l.c.
[468] Cic. _ad Fam_. ix. 21. 3, _ad Q. fr_. ii 3. 3, _de Or_. ii. 40.
170. Cf. _de Amic_. 12. 41.
[469] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.
[470] App. l.c.
[471] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20 [Greek: _hos enioi dokousin, ekon apethane
synidon hoti ouk esoito dynatos kataschein hon hyposchoito_.] For the
theory of suicide cf. Plut. _Rom_. 27 [Greek: _oi d' auton hyph' eautou
pharmakois apothanein (legousin)_.]
[472] Schol. Bob. _in Milon_, l.c.
[473] Val. Max. iv. 1. 12.
[474] Cic. _de Leg_. iii. 16. 35 Carbonis est tertia (lex tabellaria) de
jubendis legibus ac vetandis.
[475] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.
[476] App. Bell. _Civ_. i. 21 [Greek: _kai gar tis haedae nomos
ekekyroto, ei daemarchos endeoi tais parangeliais, ton daemon ek
panton epilegesthai_.] It is possible that Appian has misconstrued
the provision that, if enough candidates did not receive the absolute
majority required for election (_explere tribus_), any one--even a
tribune already in office--should be eligible. See Strachan-Davidson
in loc.
[477] Or possibly by securing that some of its candidates should not
receive the number of votes requisite for election. See the last note.
[478] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 21 [Greek: _kai tines esaegounto tous
symmachous hapantas, oi dae teri taes gaes malista antelegon, es taen
Rhomaion politeian anagrapsai, os meizoni chariti peri taes gaes ou
dioisomenous; kai edechonto hasmenoi touth' oi Italiotai, protithentes
ton chorion taen politeian_.]
[479] Cic. _de Off_. iii. 11. 47 Male etiam qui peregrinos urbibus uti
prohibent eosque exterminant, ut Pennus apud patres nostros.... Nam esse
pro cive qui civis non sit rectum est non licere; quam legem tulerunt
sapientissimi consules Crassus et Scaevola (95 B.C.); usu vero urbis
prohibere peregrinos sane inhumanum est. For the date of Pennus's law
see Cic. _Brut_. 28. 109:--Fuit ... M. Lepido et L. Oreste consulibus
quaestor Gracchus, tribunus Pennus.
[480] Festus p. 286 Resp. multarum civitatum pluraliter dixit C.
Gracchus in ea, quam conscripsit de lege p. Enni (Penni _Müller_) et
peregrinis, cum ait: "eae nationes, cum aliis rebus, per avaritiam atque
stultitiam res publicas suas amiserunt".
[481] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 34 [Greek: _Phoulouios phlakkos hypateion
malista dae protos ode es to phanerotaton haerethize tous Italiotas
epithymein taes Rhomaion politeias hos koinonous taes haegemonias anti
hypaekoon esomenous_]. (Cf. i. 21), Val. Max. ix. 5. 1 M. Fulvius
Flaccus consul, ... cum perniciosissimas rei publicae leges introduceret
de civitate Italiae danda et de provocatione ad populum eorum, qui
civitatem mutare noluissent, aegre compulsus est ut in Curiam veniret.
[482] Liv. xxxviii. 36. Four tribunes vetoed a _rogatio_ to grant voting
rights to the _municipia_ of Formiae, Fundi and Arpinum in 188 B.C. on
the ground that the senate's judgment had not been taken, but Edocti
populi esse, non senatus jus, suffragium quibus velit impertire,
destiterunt incepto.
[483] Val. Max. ix. 5, 1 Deinde partim monenti, partim oranti senatui ut
incepto desisteret, responsum non dedit ... Flaccus in totius amplissimi
ordinis contemnenda majestate versatus est. Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_.
i. 21.
[484] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 34 [Greek: _esaegoumenos de taen gnomaen
kai epimenon autae karteros, upa taes boulaes epi tina strateian
exepemphthae dia tode_].
[485] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Ammian, xv. 12. 5.
[486] An isolated notice speaks of a rising at Asculum. [Victor] _de
Vir. Ill_. 65 (C. Gracchus) Asculanae et Fregellanae defectionis
invidiam sustinuit.
[487] Liv. viii. 22.
[488] Liv. xxvii. 10.
[489] Liv. _Ep_. lx L. Opimius praetor Fregellanos, qui defecerant, in
deditionem accepit; Fregellas diruit. Cf. Vellei. ii. 6; Obsequens 90;
Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3; [Cic.] _ad Herenn_. iv. 15. 22.
[490] Vellei. i. 15 Cassio autem Longino et Sextio Calvino ...
consulibus Fabrateria deducta est.
[491] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3.
[492] It has been supposed that this boy may really have been the son of
Attalus brother of Eumenes, a fruit of the transitory connection between
this prince and Stratonice, which followed the false news of Eumenes's
death in 172 B.C. See F. Köpp _De Attali III patre_ in _Rhein. Mus_.
xlviii. pp. 154 ff.; Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa _Real, Enc_. p. 2170, and
for the temporary marriage of Attalus with Stratonice Plut. _de Frat.
Amor_. 18; Polyb. xxx. 2. 6. Livy (xlii. 16) and perhaps Diodorus (xxix.
34) speak only of Attalus's wooing, not of his marriage. If Attalus the
Third was not the son of Eumenes, he was at least adopted by the king
and was clearly recognised as his heir. The official view made the
relationship between the Attali that of uncle and nephew.
[493] For the guardianship of the younger Attalus see Strabo xiii. 4. 2.
The recognition of the regent as king is clearly attested by
inscriptions (Fränkel _Inschriften von Pergamon_ nn. 214 ff., 224, 225,
248. In n. 248.) the future Attalus the Third is called by the king
[Greek: _ho tadelphon nios_] (l. 18, cf. l. 32 [Greek: _ho theios
mon_] used by Attalus the Third) and has some power of appointment to
the priesthood. There is no sign that the nephew was in any other
respect a co-regent of the uncle. See Fränkel op. cit. p. 169.
[494] Liv. xxxviii. cc. 12, 23, 25; Polyb. xxi. 39.
[495] Liv. xliv. 36; xlv. 19.
[496] Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa _Real. Enc_. p. 2168 foll.
[497] Polyb. xxxii. 22; Diod. xxxi. 32 b.
[498] For the details of this struggle see Wilcken l.c. p. 2172;
Ussing _Pergamos_ p. 50.
[499] Ussing op. cit. p. 51.
[500] Strabo xiii. 4. 2.
[501] Strabo l.c.; Lucian. _Macrob_. 12. He was sixty-one years old at
his accession and eighty-two years old at the time of his death.
[502] Justin. xxxvi. 4; Diod. xxxiv. 3.
[503] Once, indeed, he seems to have taken the field with some success,
as is proved by a decree in honour of a victory (Fränkel _Inschr. von
Pergamon_ n. 246). A vote of the town of Elaea honours the king [Greek:
_aretaes heneken kai andragathias taes kata polemon, krataesanta ton
hupenantion_] (l. 22). The victory is also mentioned in n. 249.
[504] Liv. _Ep_. lviii. Heredem autem populum Romanum reliquerat
Attalus, rex Pergami, Eumenis filius. Cf. ib. lix; Strabo xiii. 4. 2;
Vellei. ii. 4; Val. Max. v. 2, ext. 3; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14; Eutrop.
iv. 18; Justin. xxxvi. 4. 5; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15); Oros. v. 8; App.
_Mithr_. 62.
[505] Sall. _Hist_. iv. 69 Maur. (Epistula Mithridatis) Eumenen, cujus
amicitiam gloriose ostentant, initio prodidere (Romani) Antiocho, pacis
mercedem; post habitum custodiae agri captivi sumptibus et contumeliis
ex rege miserrimum servorum effecere, simulatoque impio testamento
filium ejus Aristonicum, quia patrium regnum petiverat, hostium more per
triumphum duxere.
[506] The reality of the will is attested by a Pergamene inscription
(Fränkel _Inschr. von Pergamon_ n. 249). The inscription records a
resolution taken by the [Greek: _daemos_] on the proposal of the [Greek:
_strataegoi_]. The resolution is elicited after the will has become
known and in view of its ratification by Rome (l. 7 [_Greek: dei de
epicurothaenai taen diathaekaen hupo Rhomaion_]). Pergamon has by the
death of the king, and perhaps in accordance with the will (see p. 177),
been left "free" (l. 5 Attalus by passing away [Greek: _apoleloipen taen
patrida haemon eleutheran_)]. The first result of this freedom is that
the people extends the privileges of its citizenship. Full civic rights
are given to Paroeci (i.e. _incolae_) and (mercenary) soldiers; the
rights of Paroeci are given to other classes:--freedmen, royal and
public slaves. The motive assigned for the conferment is public
security, and the extension of rights seems to be justified (l. 6) by
the liberal spirit shown by the late king in the organisation of his
conquests (see p. 175 note 2). The ruling idea seems to be that, if
Pergamon was to be free, she must be strong. See Frankel in loc.,
Ussing _Pergamos_ p. 55.
[507] At the same time the self-governing character of the civic
corporation might be recognised: and Attalus, if he made the will, may
have been courteous enough to recognise the "freedom" of the city from
this point of view. See p. 177.
[508] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Cum testamento Attali regis legata populo Romano
libera esse deberet (Asia). Cf. pp. 175, 176, notes 5 and 1.
[509] Justin. xxxvi. 4. 6 Sed erat ex Eumene Aristonicus, non justo
matrimonio, sed ex paelice Ephesia, citharistae cujusdam filia, genitus,
qui post mortem Attali velut paternum regnum Asiam invasit. The
epitomator of Livy (lix.) speaks of him as "Eumenis filius". Strabo
(xiv. 1. 38) describes him as [Greek: _dokon tou genous einai tou ton
basileon_].
[510] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).
[511] Strabo xiv. 1. 38.
[512] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 26 [Greek: _to paraplaesion de_] (to the slave
revolt in Sicily) [Greek: _gegone kai kata taen Asian kata tous autous
kairous, Aristonikou men antipoiaesamenou taes mae prosaekousaes
basileias, ton de doulon dia tas ek ton despoton kakouchias
synaponoaesamenon ekeino kai megalois atychaemasi pollas poleis
peribalonton_].
[513] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _eis de taen mesogaian anion haethroise
dia tacheon plaethos aporon te anthropon kai doulon ep' eleutheria
katakeklaemenon, ous Haeliopolitas ekalese_]. For the view that
Heliopolis was a merely ideal city deriving its name from the sun-god
of Syria, see Mommsen _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 1; Bücher op. cit.
pp. 105 foll. For the hopes of divine deliverance which pervade the
slave revolts, see Mahaffy in _Hermathena_ xvi. 1890, and cf. p. 89.
[514] Strabo l.c.
[515] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).
[516] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12.
[517] Strabo xiv. i. 38.
[518] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _euthus ai te poleis hepempsan plaethos, kai
Nikomaedaes ho Bithynos epekouraese kai oi ton Kappadokon basileis_].
Eutrop. iv. 20 P. Licinius Crassus infinita regum habuit auxilia. Nam et
Bithyniae rex Nicomedes Romanos juvit et Mithridates Ponticus, cum quo
bellum postea gravissimum fuit, et Ariarathes Cappadox et Pylaemenes
Paphlagon. The Pontic king was Mithradates Euergetes, not Eupator.
[519] Cic. _Phil_. xi. 8. 18 Populus Romanus consuli potius Crasso quam
privato Africano bellum gerendum dedit.
[520] In B.C. 189 (Liv. xxxvii. 51) and 180 (Liv. xi. 42).
[521] Cic. l.c. Rogatus est populus quem id bellum gerere placeret.
Crassus consul, pontifex maximus, Flacco collegae, flamini Martiali,
multam dixit si a sacris discessisset; quam multam populus remisit,
pontifici tamen flaminem parere jussit.
[522] Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix. Adversus eum (Aristonicum) P. Licinius
Crassus consul, cum idem pontifex maximus esset, quod numquam antea
factum erat, extra Italiam profectus....
[523] Quinctil, _Inst. Or_. xi. 2. 50.
[524] Gell. i. 13.
[525] Intentior Attalicae praedae quam bello (Justin. xxxvi. 4. 8).
[526] Cf. Eutrop. iv. 20 Perperna, consul Romanus (130 B.C.) qui
successor Crasso veniebat.
[527] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12; Strabo xiv. i. 38.
[528] Val. Max. _l.c. Cf_. Oros. v. 10; Florus i. 34 (ii. 20). Eutropius
(iv. 20) states that Crassus's head was taken to Aristonicus, his body
buried at Smyrna.
[529] Justin. xxxvi. 4 Prima congressione Aristonicum superatum in
potestatem suam redegit.
[530] Eutrop. iv. 20. Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix.
[531] Justin. l.c.
[532] Justin. xxxvi. 4 M. Aquilius consul ad eripiendum Aristonicum
Perpernae, veluti sui potius triumphi munus esse deberet, festinata
velocitate contendit.
[533] Eutrop. iv. 20; Justin. xxxvi. 4.
[534] Vellei. ii. 4.
[535] Eutrop. l.c. Aristonicus jussu senatus Romae in carcere
strangulatus est. According to Strabo (xiv. i. 38) he had been sent to
Rome by Perperna.
[536] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20) Aquillius Asiatici belli reliquias confecit,
mixtis-nefas-veneno fontibus ad deditionem quarundam urbium. Quae res ut
maturam ita infamem fecit victoriam, quippe cum contra fas deum moresque
majorum medicaminibus impuris in id tempus sacrosancta Romana arma
violasset.
[537] Strabo xiv. 1. 38 [Greek: _Manion d' Akyllios, epelthon hypatos
meta deka presbeuton, dietaxe taen eparchian eis to nyn eti symmenon
taes politeias schaema_.]
[538] An inscription with the words [Greek: _Man(i)os Aky(l)ios Man(i)ou
hypato(s) Rhomaion_] has been found near Tralles. It probably belongs to
a milestone (C.I.L. i. n. 557 = C.I.Gr. n. 2920).
[539] Where the rights of _city-states_ were in question the lines of
demarcation between "province" and "protectorate" were necessarily
vague. Even a protectorate over small political units would demand
organisation and justify the appointment of a commission.
[540] The evidence is furnished by a Cistophorus of 77 B.C. struck at
Ephesus. See Waddington _Fastes_ p. 674.
[541] His triumph is dated to 126 B.C. (628 A. U. C., 627 according to
the reckoning of the _Fasti_). See _Fasti triumph_, in C.I.L. i.
[542] Waddington _Fastes_ pp. 662 foll. Caria belongs to the province of
Asia in 76 B.C. (Le Bas-Waddington, no. 409).
[543] It is dependent on this province in the time of Cicero (_in Pis_.
35. 86).
[544] Strabo xiv. 3. 4.
[545] Justin. xxxvii. i. Cf. Bergmann in _Philologus_ 1847 p. 642.
[546] Forbiger _Handb. der All. Geogr_. ii. p. 338.
[547] Reinach _Mithridate Eupator_ p. 43.
[548] Justin. xxxviii. 5.
[549] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. xi. 10. Cf. Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. ii.
148 Asia primum devicta luxuriam misit in Italiam.... At eadem Asia
donata multo etiam gravius adflixit mores, inutiliorque victoria illa
hereditas Attalo rege mortuo fuit. Tum enim haec emendi Romae in
auctionibus regiis verecundia exempta est.
[550] Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_ i. 2, pp. 423, 762;
Reinach. _Mithridate Eupator_ p. 457.
[551] For the evidence as to the islands, see Waddington _Fastes l. c_.
[552] Regni attalici opes (Justin. xxxviii. 7. 7); Attalicae conditiones
(Hor, _Od_. i. 1. 12); Attalicae vestes (Prop. iii. 18. 19) etc. (from
Ihne _Rom. Gesch_. v., p. 76).
[553] Liv. _Ep_. lix; App. _Illyr_. 10, _Bell. Civ_. i. 19; Plin. _H.N_.
iii. 19. 129; _Fasti triumph_. C. Sempronius C.F.C.N. Tuditan. a. dcxxiv
cos. de Iapudibus k. Oct.
[554] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Florus i. 37 (iii. 2); Obsequens 90 (28); Ammian.
xv. 12. 5.
[555] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1. 2.
[556] _Fasti Triumph_. L. Aurelius L.F.L.N. Orestes pro an. dcxxi cos.
ex Sardinia vi Idus Dec. (123 B.C.)
[557] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 2.
[558] Diod. v. 17, 2.
[559] Besides Mago (Mahon), Bocchori and Guiuntum on Majorca, Iamo on
Minorca are supposed to be Punic names. See Hübner in Pauly-Wissowa
_Real. Enc_. p. 2823. On the islands generally (Baliares, later Baleares
of the Romans, [Greek: _Gymnaesiai, Baliareis_] of the Greeks) see the
same author's _Römische Heerschaft in Westeuropa_ 208 ff.
[560] Strabo iii. v. 1.
[561] Diod. v. 17. 4.
[562] Hübner in Pauly-Wissowa _Real. Enc. l. c_.
[563] They also purchased wine. They were so [Greek: _philogynai_] that
they would give pirates three or four men as a ransom for one woman
(Diod. v. 17).
[564] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _oi katoikountes eiraenaioi ... kakourgon de
tinon oligon koinonias systaesamenon pros tous en tois pelagesi laestas,
dieblaethaesan hapantes, kai diebae Metellos ep' autous ho Baliarikos
prosagoreutheis_.]
[565] Strabo l.c.
[566] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _eisaegage de (Metellos) epoikous trischilious
ton ek taes Ibaerias Rhomaion_.]
[567] _Fasti Triumph_. (121 B.C.) Q. Caecilius Q.F.Q.N. Metellus
a. dcxxxii Baliaric. procos. de Baliarib.
[568] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 2.
[569] Quae sic ab illo acta esse constabat oculis, voce, gestu, inimici
ut lacrimas tenere non possent (Cic. _de Or_, iii. 56. 214).
[570] Plut. l.c.
[571] Plut. l.c.
[572] Cic. _Brut_, 33. 125 Sed ecce in manibus vir et praestantissimo
ingenio et flagranti studio et doctus a puero, C. Gracchus.... Grandis
est verbis, sapiens sententiis, genere toto gravis. His "impetus" is
dwelt on in Tac. _de Orat_. 26.
[573] Cic. _Brut_. 33. 126 Manus extrema non accessit operibus ejus:
praeclare inchoata multa, perfecta non plane. Cf. Tac. _de Orat_. 18
Sic Catoni seni comparatus C. Gracchus plenior et uberior; sic Graccho
politior et ornatior Crassus.
[574] Cic, _de Or_. iii. 56. 214.
[575] P. 127
[576] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1.
[577] C. Gracchus ap. Charis. ii. p. 177 Qui sapientem eum faciet? Qui
et vobis et rei publicae et sibi communiter prospiciat, non qui pro
suilla humanam trucidet.
[578] Plut. l.c.
[579] Ibid. Cf. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65 Pestilentem Sardiniam
quaestor sortitus.
[580] Plut. l.c.
[581] Cic. _de Div_. i. 26. 56 C. vero Gracchus multis dixit, ut
scriptum apud eundem Coelium est, sibi in somniis quaesturam petere
dubitanti Ti. fratrem visum esse dicere, quam vellet cunctaretur, tamen
eodem sibi leto quo ipse interisset esse pereundum. Hoc, ante quam
tribunus plebi C. Gracchus factus esset, et se audisse scribit Coelius
et dixisse eum multis. Cf. Plut. l.c.
[582] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 2.
[583] Plut. l.c.
[584] Plut. l.c.
[585] Ibid. [Greek: _alla kai pollois allokotom edokei to tamian onta
proapostaenai tou archontos_].
[586] Cic. _Div. in Caec_. 19. 61 Sic enim a majoribus nostris accepimus
praetorem quaestori suo parentis loco esse oportere: nullam neque
justiorem neque graviorem causam necessitudinis posse reperiri quam
conjunctionem sortis, quam provinciae, quam officii, quam publici
muneris societatem.
[587] A passage from Caius's speech "apud censores" is quoted by Cicero
_Orat_. 70.233.
[588] Plutarch says (C. _Gracch_. 2) that Caius [Greek: _aitaesamenos
logon outo metestaese tas gnomes ton akousanton, hos apelthein
haedikaesthai ta megista doxas_]. The passage seems to imply acquittal
by the censors, although [Greek: _ton akousanton_] suggests the larger
audience. The arguments cited by Plutarch as developed by Caius
appeared, or were repeated, in the speech that he subsequently made
before the people.
[589] Gell. xv. 12.
[590] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3; [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65.
[591] Plut. l.c.
[592] Plut. l.c.
[593] Cic. _pro Rab_. 4. 12 C. Gracchus legem tulit ne de capite civium
Romanorum injussu vestro (sc. populi) judicaretur. Plut. _C. Gracch. 4
[Greek: _(nomon eisepheren) ei tis archon akriton ekpekaerychoi politaen,
kat' auton didonta krisin to daemo_.] Schol. Ambros. p. 370 Quia
sententiam tulerat Gracchus, ut ne quis in civem Romanum capitalem
sententiam diceret. Cic. _in Cat_. iv. 5. 10; _in Verr_. v. 63. 163.
Cf. Cic. _pro Sest_. 28. 61; Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.
[594] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 4.
[595] Schol. Ambros. p. 370. Cf. Cic. _pro Sest_. 28, 61 Consule me,
cum esset designatus (Cato) tribunus plebis (63 B.C.), obtulit in
discrimen vitam suam: dixit eam sententiam cujus invidiam capitis
periculo sibi praestandam videbat. Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.
[596] Cic. _pro Domo_ 31. 82 Ubi enim tuleras ut mihi aqua et igni
interdiceretur? quod C. Gracchus de P. Popilio ... tulit. _de Leg_.
iii. 11. 26 Si nos multitudinis furentis inflammata invidia pepulisset
tribuniciaque vis in me populum, sicut Gracchus in Laenatem ...
incitasset, ferremus. Cf. _pro Cluent_. 35. 95; _de Rep_. i. 3.6. For
the speeches of Caius Gracchus on Popillius see Gell. 1.7.7; xi. 13.1.5.
[597] Cic. _post Red. in Sen_. 15. 37 Pro me non ut pro P. Popilio,
nobilissimo homine, adulescentes filii, non propinquorum multitudo
populum Romanum est deprecata.
[598] Diod. xxxv. 26 [Greek: _ho Popillios meta dakruon hypo ton ochlon
proepemphthae ekballomenos ek taes poleos_.] Cf. Plut. _C. Gracch_. 4.
[599] Vellei. ii. 7 Rupilium Popiliumque, qui consules asperrime in
Tiberii Gracchi amicos saevierant, postea judiciorum publicorum merito
oppressit invidia. It is a little difficult to harmonise Fannius's
account of Rupilius's death (ap. Cic. _Tusc_. iv. 17.40) with this
condemnation. Here Rupilius is said to have died of grief at his
brother's failure to obtain the consulship, and this failure happened
before Scipio's death (Cic. _de Am_ 20.73). But his brother may have
continued his unsuccessful efforts up to the time of Rupilius's
condemnation.
[600] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 4 [Greek: _(nomon) eisephere ... ei tinos
archontos aphaeraeto ton archaen ho daemos, ouk eonta touto deuteras
archaes metousian einai_.] Cf. Diod. xxxv. 25. Magistrates who had been
deposed, or compelled to abdicate, were known as _abacti_ (Festus p. 23
Abacti magistratus dicebantur, qui coacti deposuerant imperium).
[601] Plut. l.c.
[602] Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek: _ho Grakchos daemaegoraesas peri tou
katalysai aristokratian, daemokratian de systaesai, kai ephikomenos taes
hapanton euchraestias ton meron, ouketi synagonistas alla kathaper
authentas eiche toutous hyper taes idias tolmaes; dedekasmenos gar
hekastos tais idiais elpisin hos hyper idion agathon ton eispheromenon
nomon hetoimos haen panta kindynon hypomenein_.]
[603] Liv. _Ep_. xlviii (155 B.C.) Cum locatum a censoribus theatrum
exstrueretur; P. Cornelio Nasica auctore, tanquam inutile et nociturum
publicis moribus, ex senatus consulto destructum est, populusque
aliquamdiu stans ludos spectavit.
[604] Liv. _Ep_. lx.; Oros. v. II; Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 393.
[605] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 5 [Greek: _ho de sitikos (nomos) epeuonizon
tois penaesi taen agoran_.] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 21 [Greek:
_sitaeresion hemmaenon horisas hekasto ton daemoton apo ton koinon
chraematon, ou proteron eiothos diadidosthai_.] Vellei. ii. 6 Frumentum
plebi dari instituerat. Liv. _Ep_. lx Leges tulit, inter quas
frumentariam, ut senis et triente frumentum plebi daretur. Schol. Bob.
p. 303 Ut senis aeris et trientibus modios singulos populus acciperet.
Cf. Mommsen _Die römischen Tribus_ pp. 179 and 182.
[606] Mommsen (_Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 3) considers it rather less
than half. The average market-price of the _modius_ is difficult to fix.
A low price seems to have been about 12 asses the _modius_. See Smith
and Wilkins in Smith _Dict. of _Antiq_. i. p. 877. For occasional sales
below the market-price at an earlier period see Plin. _H.N_. xviii. 3.
17 M. Varro auctor est, cum L. Metellus (cos. 251 B.C.) in triumpho
plurimos duxit elephantos, assibus singulis farris modios fuisse.
[607] Cic. _Tusc. Disp_. iii. 20. 48 C. Gracchus, cum largitiones
maximas fecisset et effudisset aerarium, verbis ramen defendebat
aerarium.
[608] Cic. _Tusc. Disp_. iii. 20. 48.
[609] Cic. _de Off_. ii. 21. 72 C. Gracchi frumentaria magna largitio;
exhauriebat igitur aerarium: _pro Sest_. 48. 103 Frumentariam legem C.
Gracchus ferebat. Jucunda res plebei; victus enim suppeditabatur large
sine labore. Cf. _Brut_. 62. 222. Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek: _to koinon
tamieion eis aischras kai akairous dapanas kai charitas analiskon eis
heauton pantas apoblepein epoiaese_.] Cf. Oros. v. 12.
[610] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 6 [Greek: _egrapse de kai ... kataskeuazesthai
sitobolia_.] Festus p. 290 Sempronia horrea qui locus dicitur, in eo
fuerunt lege Gracchi, ad custodiam frumenti publici.
[611] This view is represented in a criticism preserved by Diodorus
xxxv. 25 [Greek: _tois stratiotais dia ton nomon ta taes archaias agogaes
austaera katacharisamenos apeithian kai anarchian eisaegagen eis taen
politeian_].
[612] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 5 [Greek: _ho de stratiotikos (nomos) esthaeta
te keleuon daemosia choraegeisthai kai maeden eis touto taes
misthophoras hyphaireisthai ton stratenomenon_].