(10.) They who sit peaceably by their own firesides among their

friends, and in the midst of a large town, where there is nothing to

fear either for their wealth or their lives, breathe fire and sword,

busy themselves with wars, destructions, conflagrations, and massacres,

cannot bear patiently that armies are in the field and do not meet;

or, if in sight, that they do not engage; or, if they engage, that

the fight was not more sanguinary, and that there were scarcely ten

thousand men killed on the spot. They are sometimes so infatuated as to

forget their dearest interests, their repose and security, for the sake

of change, and from a liking for novelty and extraordinary events; some

of them would even be satisfied with seeing the enemy at the very gates

of Dijon or Corbie,[491] with beholding chains stretched across the

streets and barricades thrown up, for the satisfaction of hearing and

of communicating the news.

(11.) Demophilus, on my right, is full of lamentations, and exclaims,

“Everything is lost; we are on the brink of ruin; how can we resist

such a powerful and general league?[492] What can we do, I dare not

say to vanquish, but to make head by ourselves against so many and

such powerful enemies? There never was anything like it as long as

the monarchy has existed! A hero, an Achilles, would have to succumb!

Besides,” adds he, “we have committed some very serious blunders; I

know what I am talking about, for I have been a soldier myself; I have

seen some battles, and have learned a good deal from studying history.”

Then he falls to admiring Olivier le Daim and Jacques Cœur,[493]

who, according to him, were men after his own heart, and ministers

indeed. He retails his news, which is sure to be the most melancholy

and disadvantageous that could be invented. Now a party of our soldiers

has fallen into an ambush, and are cut to pieces; presently some of

our troops, shut up in a castle, surrender at discretion, and are all

put to the sword. Should you tell him that such a report is incorrect,

and wants confirmation, he will not listen to you, but affirms that

a general has been killed, and though it is certain that he has only

been slightly wounded, and you tell him so, he deplores his death, is

sorry for the widow, the children, and the State, and is even sorry

for himself, for he has lost a good friend and an influential person.

He tells you the German horse are invincible, and turns pale if you

but name the Imperial cuirassiers.[494] “If we attack such a place,”

continues he, “we shall be obliged to raise the siege; we shall have to

remain on the defensive without engaging in action, or if we do fight,

we shall certainly be beaten, and then the enemy will be upon the

frontiers.” Demophilus gives them wings, and brings them presently into

the heart of the kingdom; he fancies he already hears the alarm-bells

ring in the towns, and thinks of his property and his estate; he does

not know where to take his money, his movables, and his family, and

whether to escape to the Swiss Cantons or to Venice.

But Basilides, on my left, raises suddenly an army of three hundred

thousand men, and will not abate a single troop; he has a list of all

the squadrons, battalions, generals, and officers, not omitting the

artillery and baggage. All these troops are at his entire disposal;

some he sends into Germany, others into Flanders, reserves a certain

number for the Alps, a smaller quantity for the Pyrenees, and conveys

the rest beyond seas; he knows their marches, he can tell what they

will do, and what they will not do; you would think he had the Kingʼs

ear, or was the ministerʼs confidant. If the enemies are beaten,[495]

and lose about nine or ten thousand men, he positively avers it was

thirty, neither more nor less; for his numbers are always as settled

and certain as if he had the best intelligence. Tell him in the

morning we have lost a paltry village, he not only puts off a dinner

to which the day before he had invited his friends, but does not take

any dinner himself on that day; and if he eats a supper it is without

appetite. If we besiege a town strong through its natural position, and

regularly fortified,[496] well stored with provisions and ammunition,

defended by a good garrison, commanded by a brave general, he tells

you the town has its weak spots, which are badly fortified, is in want

of powder, has a governor who lacks experience, and will capitulate

eight days after the trenches are opened. Another time he runs himself

quite out of breath, and after he has recovered himself a little he

exclaims, “I have some important news for you; our enemies are beaten

and totally routed; the general and principal officers, or at least

the greater part of them, are all killed, or have perished. What a

tremendous slaughter! We certainly have been very lucky!” Then he sits

down and takes a rest, after having told us the news, which only wants

a trifle more confirmation; for it is certain there has been no battle

at all. He assures us further that some prince, dreading our arms, has

abandoned the League and left his confederates in the lurch, and that

a second is inclined to follow his example; he believes firmly, with

the populace, that a third is dead,[497] and names you the place where

he is buried; and even when the common people[498] are undeceived, he

offers to lay a wager it is true. He knows for a fact that T. K. L.

is very successful against the Emperor,[499] that the Grand Turk[500]

is making formidable preparations, and will not hear of peace; and

that the Vizier will once more show himself before Vienna.[501] He

claps his hands and is as delighted as if there were not the smallest

doubt about it. The triple alliance[502] is a Cerberus[503] with him,

and the enemy only so many monsters to be knocked on the head. He

talks of nothing but laurels, palm-branches, triumphs, and trophies;

in conversation he speaks of “our august hero, our mighty potentate,

our invincible monarch,” and whatever you do, you will not get him to

say simply, “The King has a great many enemies; they are powerful,

united, and exasperated; he has conquered them, and I hope he will

always do so.” This style, too bold and decisive for Demophilus, is not

sufficiently pompous or grandiloquent for Basilides; his head is full

of other expressions; he is planning inscriptions for triumphal arches

and pyramids to adorn the capital when the conqueror will enter it; and

as soon as he hears that the armies are in sight of each other, or that

a town is invested, he has his clothes hung out and aired, so that they

should be ready when a _Te Deum_ is sung in the cathedral.[504]

(12.) A business which has to be discussed by the plenipotentiaries or

by the diplomatic agents of crowned heads and republics must needs be

unusually intricate and difficult if its conclusion requires a longer

time than the settling of the preliminaries, nay, even than the mere

regulating of ranks, precedences, and other ceremonies.

A minister or a plenipotentiary is a chameleon or a Proteus;[505]

sometimes, like a practised gambler, he hides his temper and character,

either to avoid any conjectures or guesses, or to prevent any part of

his secret escaping through passion or weakness; and at other times

he knows how to assume any character most suited to his designs, or

which is required, as it may be his interest artfully to appear to

other people as they think he really is. Thus when he intends to

conceal that his master is very formidable or very weak, he is resolute

and inflexible to prevent any large demands; or he is easygoing,

so as to give others an opportunity of making some demands, and so

secure the same liberty. At other times he is either diplomatic and

disingenuous, so as to veil a truth whilst telling it, because it is of

some importance to him to have it divulged but not believed; or else he

is free and open, so that when he wishes to conceal what should not be

known, people should nevertheless believe that he is acquainted with

everything they wish to know, and be convinced that they have been told

everything. In like manner he is fluent and verbose to excite others

to talk, or prevent their saying what he does not wish or ought not to

hear; to speak of many and various things which modify and destroy each

other, and leave the mind hovering between confidence and distrust;

to make amends for an expedient thoughtlessly proposed by suggesting

another; or he is sedate and taciturn to induce others to talk, to

listen for a long time, so that he may afterwards obtain the same

favour himself, speak with authority and weight, and utter promises or

threats which will influence people and produce a strong impression.

He begins and speaks first, the better to discover the opposition and

contradictions, the intrigues and cabals, of foreign ministers about

some proposals he has made, to take his measures and reply to them; and

at another meeting he speaks last, that he may be sure not to speak

in vain, and to be exact, so as perfectly to be aware on what support

he can reckon for his master and his allies, as well as to know what

he ought to ask and what he can get. He knows how to be clear and

explicit, or still better, how to be ambiguous and obscure, and to use

words and phrases with a double meaning, which he can render more or

less forcible as the occasion or his interest may require. He asks for

a little because he will not grant much; he asks for much to make sure

of a little. At first he insists upon getting a few trifling things,

which he afterwards pretends to be of small value, so as not to prevent

him for asking for one of greater value; he avoids, on the contrary, to

gain at first an important point, if it is likely to prevent him from

obtaining several others of less importance, but which, when united,

exceed the other in value. His demands are extravagant, but he knows

beforehand they will be denied, so he is provided with a convenient

excuse for refusing those he knows will be made, and which he does

not wish to grant; as industrious to aggravate the enormity of these

demands, and to let his adversaries admit, if possible, that there

may be reasons why they cannot agree, as to weaken those which they

pretend to have for not granting him what he solicits so urgently;

and as diligent in vaunting and in enlarging upon the little he has

to offer as he is in despising openly the little they are willing to

grant. He pretends to make some extraordinary proposals which beget

distrust, and cause to be rejected what indeed, if accepted, could not

be performed; this also serves to colour his exorbitant demands, and

throws on his antagonists the responsibility of a refusal. He grants

more than is asked, so as to get still more than he gives. You have to

pray, entreat, and beseech him for a long time to obtain some trifling

favour, so as to destroy all expectations and uproot all thoughts of

asking anything more important of him; or, if he is persuaded to grant

it, it is always on such conditions that he may share in its profits

and advantages. He directly or indirectly espouses the interest of an

ally, if he finds it at the same time conducive to the advancing of

his own pretensions; he talks of nothing but peace and alliances, the

public tranquillity and the public interests, and thinks, indeed, only

of his own, or rather of his masterʼs and the Stateʼs he represents.

Sometimes he reconciles some people who were opposed to one another,

and sometimes he divides those who were united; he intimidates the

powerful and encourages the weak; he draws several weak States into a

league against a more powerful one, under the pretence of a balance of

power, and then joins the former to turn the scale; but his protection

and his alliance are always expensive. He knows how to interest those

with whom he treats, and by a dexterous management and by shrewd and

subtle subterfuges he makes them perceive what private advantage,

profits, and honours they may derive through a certain pliability,

which does not in the least clash with their instructions nor with the

intentions of their masters. And in order not to be thought impregnable

on his side, he betrays some anxiety to better his fortunes, and then

receives some proposals which unveil to him the most secret intentions,

the most profound designs, and the last resource of his opponents,

and which he turns to his own advantage. If sometimes he is a loser

by certain stipulations, which have at last been settled, he clamours

loudly; and if he is not, he is still louder, and puts the losers on

their justification and defence. His court has laid down rules of

conduct for his guidance, all his measures are preconcerted, and his

smallest advances arranged beforehand; and yet, whilst subjects of the

greatest difficulty are treated and certain points are most strenuously

contested, he behaves as if his yielding was voluntary, unexpected,

and purely a condescension on his part; he dares even pledge his word

that a certain proposal will be approved of, and that his master will

not disavow his proceedings; he allows false reports to be spread

concerning his instructions, which are represented as very limited,

but he knows he has some private instructions which he never discloses

until obliged to do so, and when it would damage him not to bring them

forward. All his intrigues aim at something solid and substantial,

for which he always is ready to sacrifice punctilios and imaginary

points of honour. He possesses a great deal of coolness, is armed with

courage and patience, and wearies and discourages others, but is never

weary himself! He takes precautions and is hardened against all delays

and procrastination, against all reproaches, suspicions, mistrust,

difficulties, and obstacles, convinced that time and circumstances

will influence the minds of his opponents, and accomplish the desired

end. He goes so far as to pretend he has a secret purpose in breaking

off the negotiations, while he passionately desires their continuance;

but, on the contrary, when he has strict orders to do his utmost to

break them off, he thinks the best way to effect it is to urge they

should be continued and speedily despatched. If some important event

happens, he affects either haughtiness or affability, as it may be to

his advantage or prejudice; and if he is so perspicacious as to foresee

it, he hurries it on or temporises according as the state for whom he

labours dreads or desires it, and acts according to these emergencies.

He shapes his actions to suit time, place, and opportunities, his own

strength or weakness, the genius of the nation he has to deal with, and

the mood and character of the personages with whom he is negotiating.

All his designs and maxims, all the devices of his policy, tend only to

prevent his being deceived, and to deceive others.[506]

(13.) The French nation require their sovereign to be grave in his

deportment.[507]

(14.) One of the misfortunes of a prince is to be often overburdened

with a secret of which the communication would be dangerous; he is

fortunate if he can meet with a faithful confidant to whom he can

unbosom himself.[508]

(15). A prince can get everything he wants except the pleasures of a

private life: only the charms of friendship and the fidelity of his

friends can console him for such a great loss.

(16.) A monarch who deservedly fills a throne finds it pleasant

sometimes to be less grand, to quit the stage, to leave off the

theatrical cloak and buskins,[509] and act a more familiar part with a

confidant.

(17.) Nothing is more creditable to a prince than the modesty of his

favourite.

(18.) No ties of friendship or consanguinity affect a favourite; he may

be surrounded on all sides by relatives and friends, but he does not

mind them; he is detached from everything, and, as it were, isolated.

(19.) The best thing a man can do who has fallen into disgrace is to

retire from the court, for it would be better for him to disappear

than to wander about in society as a former favourite, and to act a

wholly different part from his first one. If he does this and remains

in solitude, his career will be looked upon as marvellous; and though

he dies, as it were, before his time, people will only remember his

splendour and his kindness.

A favourite who has fallen into disgrace can behave still better than

by becoming a hermit and trying to be forgotten, namely, by attempting

some lofty and noble deed, if he can do so, for which he will be

greatly praised, his reputation exalted, or, at least, confirmed; and

by which also it will be clearly proved that he deserved his former

favour, so that people will pity his downfall, and partly blame his

ill-luck.[510]

(20.) I do not doubt that a favourite who has a sufficiently powerful

and lofty mind must often feel embarrassed and abashed at the meanness,

littleness, and flattery, at the superfluous cares and frivolous

attentions of those who run after him, follow him, and cling to him,

like the vile creatures they are; no doubt he laughs and sneers at them

in private to make amends for the restraint he has to impose on himself

in public.

(21.) Ye who are in office, ministers of state or favourites, give

me leave to offer you some advice. Do not trust to your progeny to

look after your reputation when you are gone, or expect that they

will preserve the lustre of your name; titles pass away, a princeʼs

favour is evanescent, honours are lost, wealth is spent, and merit

degenerates. It is true you have children worthy of you, and I shall

even add, capable of maintaining the position you leave them; but can

you say the same thing of your grandchildren? Do not believe me, but

cast your eyes for once on some men whom you despise, and who are

descended from the very persons to whom you succeed, though you are

now in such a high position. Be virtuous and humane; and, if you ask

what more is necessary, I will tell you: “Humanity and virtue.” Then

you can command the future and be independent of posterity; then you

can be certain to last as long as the monarchy. And when in ages to

come some people will point out the ruins of your castles, and perhaps

only the spot where they once existed, the thought of your praiseworthy

deeds will still remain fresh in their minds; they will look eagerly

at portraits and medallions of you, and will say, “The man[511] whose

effigies you behold was one who dared to address his prince forcibly

and freely, and was more afraid of injuring than of displeasing him;

he did not oppose his being good and generous, nor his speaking of

his good cities and of his good people. In this other personage whose

portrait you see[512] you will observe strongly marked lineaments and

an austere and majestic air; his reputation increases every year, and

the greatest politicians cannot compete with him. His chief design was

to establish the authority of the prince, and to ensure the lives and

property of the people by destroying the power of the great; from this,

neither the opposition of various parties, conspiracies, treacheries,

the risk of being assassinated, nor his own infirmities, were able to

divert him; he accomplished it, and yet he had leisure to commence

another enterprise, since continued and completed by the best and

greatest of our princes, the extirpation of heresy.”[513]

(22.) The most artful and plausible snare that ever was set for great

men by their men of business, or for kings by their ministers, has been

the advice of liquidating their debts whilst enriching themselves.[514]

Such advice is admirable, such a maxim is useful and productive, and

proves a gold mine and a Peru, at least to those who have hitherto had

the address to instil it into their mastersʼ minds.[515]

(23.) Happy indeed is that nation whose prince appoints the very same

persons for his confidants and ministers whom the people would have

chosen themselves if they could have done so.

(24.) The mastering of the details of business and a diligent

application to the smallest necessities of the state are essential

to a good administration, though, in truth, too much neglected in

these latter times by kings and their ministers; it is a knowledge

greatly to be desired in a prince who is ignorant of it, and highly

to be valued in him who has acquired it.[516] Indeed, what benefits

and what increase of pleasure would accrue to a people by their

prince extending the bounds of his empire into the territories of his

enemies, by their sovereignties becoming provinces of his kingdom, by

his overcoming them in sieges and battles, by neither the plains nor

the strongest fortifications affording any security against him, by

the neighbouring nations asking aid of one another, and entering into

leagues to defend themselves and put a stop to his conquests, by their

leagues being in vain, by his continual advances and triumphs, by their

last hopes being frustrated by the monarch recovering his health,[517]

and thus affording him the pleasure of seeing the young princes, his

grandchildren, maintain and enhance his glory, beholding them lead an

army into the field, take the strongest fortresses, conquer new states,

command old and experienced officers rather by their genius and merit

than by the privilege of their noble birth, observing them tread in

the footsteps of their victorious father and imitate his goodness, his

willingness to learn, his justice, vigilance, and magnanimity. What

signifies it to me, in a word, or to any of my fellow-subjects, that

my sovereign be successful and overwhelmed with glory, through his own

actions as well as through those of his family and servants; that my

country is powerful and dreaded, if, sad and uneasy, I have to live

oppressed and poor; if, while I am secured against any inroads of the

enemy, I am exposed in the public squares or the streets of our cities

to the dagger of the assassin; or if rapine and violence are less to

be feared in the darkest nights amidst the densest forests than in our

streets; if security, order, and cleanliness have not rendered the

residing in our cities so delightful, and have not introduced there

plenty as well as the pleasures of social intercourse; or if, being

weak and defenceless, my property is to be encroached upon by some

great man in the neighbourhood; if there is not a provision made to

protect me against his injustice; if I have not within reach so many

masters, and excellent masters too, to instruct my children in sciences

and arts, which will one day raise their fortunes; if the improvement

of trade will not facilitate my providing myself with more decent

clothing[518] and wholesome food for my sustenance, at a reasonable

rate; if, to conclude, through the care my sovereign takes of me, I am

not as satisfied with my lot as his virtues must needs make him with

his own?

(25.) Eight or ten thousand men are to a prince like money; with

their lives he buys a town or a victory; but, if he can obtain either

at a cheaper rate, and is sparing of them, he is like a man who is

bargaining and knows better than any other the value of money.

(26.) All things succeed in a monarchy where the interests of the state

are identical with those of the prince.

(27.) To call a king the father of his people[519] is not so much to

eulogise him as to call him by his name and to define what he is.

(28.) There exists a sort of interchange or permutation of duties

between a sovereign and his subjects, and between them and him; and

I shall not decide which are most obligatory and most difficult. On

the one hand, we have to determine what are the bounden duties of

reverence, assistance, service, obedience, and dependence, and on the

other what are the indispensable obligations of goodness, justice, and

protection. To say the prince can dispose of the lives of the people,

is to tell us only that through their crimes men have become subjected

to the laws and justice which the king administers; to add that he is

absolute master of all his subjectsʼ goods without any considerations,

without rendering any accounts, or without discussion, is the language

of flattery, the opinion of a favourite who will recant on his

deathbed.[520]

(29.) When on a fine evening a numerous flock of sheep is seen on a

hill quietly browsing thyme and wild thyme, or nibbling in a meadow

the short and tender grass which has escaped the scythe of the reaper,

the careful and diligent shepherd is amongst them; he does not lose

sight of them, but follows them, leads them, changes their pasture;

if they wander, he calls them together; if a hungry wolf approaches,

he sets his dog on to beat him off; he keeps them and defends them;

and when the sun rises he is already in the fields, which he leaves at

its setting. What an amount of care, watchfulness, and assiduity is

needed! Which condition seems to you the most delicious and the most

unfettered, that of the sheep or of the shepherd? Was the flock made

for the shepherd or the shepherd for the flock? This is an artless

representation of a nation and its prince, but then the prince must be

good.

The "Characters" of Jean de La Bruyère · 第 15 / 37 段