5. Influence of Companions.--As a factor in desertion this is closely

connected with the two just discussed. Neighborhood standards, as they

affect individuals, are apt to be transmitted through the small group

that stands nearest, and a man's companions have the freest opportunity

to influence him during their common periods of recreation. The

influence of companions is not often met as a force deliberately exerted

to bring about desertion; but, on the other hand, a man's own mental

contrast between his condition and that of his unmarried companions

often plays a definite part in his decision to desert, if he has begun

to yearn for freedom. The influence of companions is particularly

connected with the "wanderlust" type of desertion.

6. Expectation of Charitable Relief.--It used to be held that many men

who would otherwise remain at home and support, might be encouraged to

desert if they had reason to believe that their wives and families would

be cared for in their absence. This was no doubt often the case before

social workers had learned to discriminate in treatment between deserted

wives and widows, or to press with vigor the search for deserting men.

At present, it is the experience of social workers that few men

deliberately reckon upon transferring the burden of their family's

support to others, or are induced by these considerations to leave.[14]

* * * * *

In trying to determine the cause for any given desertion it is well to

keep in mind from the beginning that there is probably more than one,

and that the obvious causes that first appear are almost certain

themselves to be the effects of more deeply underlying causes. A young

vaudeville actor of Italian parentage married a Jewish girl, a cabaret

singer, and took her home to live with his parents. Was his subsequent

desertion to be ascribed to difference in nationality and religion, to

interference of relatives, to irregular and unsettling occupation, or to

a combination of all three? Would all marriages so handicapped turn out

as badly? If not, what further factors entered to lower the threshold of

resistance to disintegration in this particular case?

This last question is after all the most important one of the foregoing

series. It is one which the social case worker must never be content to

leave unanswered.

FOOTNOTES:

[6] All names of deserters given throughout the text are pseudonyms.

[7] For an excellent discussion of the process of rationalization see

The Psychology of Insanity, Bernard Hart, Cambridge University Press,

1914.

[8] For a thoughtful discussion of this point see Eubank, E.E.: A Study

of Family Desertion. Chicago Department of Public Welfare, 1916.

[9] Brandt, Lilian: Family Desertion. The Charity Organization Society

of New York City, 1905.

[10] For a fuller discussion of forced marriages, see p. 92 sq.

[11] See also p. 98.

[12] See also p. 154.

[13] Two books may be suggested: Forel on The Sexual Question and

Havelock Ellis on Sex in Relation to Society (Vol. VI of Studies in the

Psychology of Sex).

[14] See p. 70 sq. for a discussion of collusive desertion.

III

CHANGES OF EMPHASIS IN TREATMENT

Unconsciously and imperceptibly, the point of view about the treatment

of desertion has been changing during the past fifteen years. The case

worker's attention used to be focussed on the danger of increasing the

desertion rate by a policy of too sympathetic care for deserters'

families. Little study was made of individual causes, and in so far as

there was a general policy of treatment it was to insist, wherever a

desertion law existed, that the deserted wife go at once to court and

institute proceedings against her husband. He was often not seen by the

social worker until he appeared in court. The policy toward the family

meantime was to reduce its size by commitment of the children until

their mother could support herself unaided; or, if relief was given, to

give smaller amounts than to a widow or the wife of a man in hospital.

As soon as the man had been placed under court order or had returned

home, old records generally show that the social worker's efforts were

relaxed, and often the final entry is, "Case closed--family

self-supporting."

There were excellent reasons underlying much of the practice. Few laws

were at that time in existence or at all adequately enforced, and any

man who desired was at liberty, so far as the community was concerned,

to walk off and leave his family at any time. The multiplicity of

sources of relief in the large communities and the absence of anything

resembling investigation constituted almost an invitation to men to

desert. It did not occur to the charitable public to draw any line

between the widow and the deserted wife, or indeed to inquire which of

these two a woman was, so long as she was a good mother and "seemed

worthy." No wonder that the pioneering social agencies, busy forging

tools out of the very ore, took a rigid stand on such a question of

social policy as this. Although their deterrents failed to eradicate the

evil of desertion or indeed to touch its sources, there is little doubt

that they did lessen its volume by creating a wholesome respect for the

power of the law in the mind of the would-be deserter and by fostering

in his wife a disposition to stand up for her rights. The more lenient

and more constructive policies now in force have been made possible in

part by these changes of attitude. The very fact that the collusive

desertion, once fairly common, is now seldom met with, illustrates the

salutary effects of the earlier methods of treatment.

But the fact remains that no marked change has been seen in the

desertion rate, that successive desertions have not been prevented in

individual cases. Hardly any statistical figure in the work of family

social agencies shows so little fluctuation from year to year and

between different cities, as the percentage of deserted families. It

generally forms from ten to fifteen per cent of the work of any such

society.

Gradually, therefore, the repressive features of the earlier treatment

have been abandoned, and there has come about a realization of the

complexity of causes that bring about family breakdowns. In particular,

the relation of sex maladjustments to failure in marriage have received

the serious attention of the social worker. On the question of court

intervention there has been almost a right-about face; the best social

practitioners now say, unhesitatingly and unequivocally, that they take

cases into court only as a matter of last resort, after case work

methods have been tried and have failed. In no other case where court

action is undertaken by one individual against another does the relation

between them remain unchanged. One could not conceive of a business

partnership failing to be annulled by one partner who brought suit

against another; yet we expect the marriage relation to survive this. As

a matter of fact, such is its vitality that it often does. But many

times the result of court action is only to deaden once and for all the

tiny spark from which marital happiness might have been rekindled. As

long as it survives, both man and wife feel in their inmost hearts that,

no matter what his offense, to "take him to court" is treason against

the intangible bonds that still hold between them. No matter how far

apart they have drifted, or how unforgivable has been the deserter's

offense, something irrevocable does happen to the fabric of marriage, a

few poor shreds of which may still exist between the two, when his wife

appears in a court of law to make complaint against him. It is an

instinctive realization that she is abandoning hope which underlies many

a woman's reluctance to "take a stand against her husband." Many social

workers (including some probation officers and court workers) now feel

that such a stand should be urged only in the full conviction that the

protection of the woman and children demands it, and that there is

nothing else to be done.

This must not, however, be interpreted as a criticism of the laws

concerning desertion or of the courts which administer them. If they

were not there in the background, ready to be taken advantage of when

all else fails, the social worker's hands would be tied, and the

possibility of a rich and flexible treatment of desertion problems would

be lost to her. It is precisely because they had no such recourse that

the case workers of an earlier day had to adopt a policy which now

seems rigid. It is because they were instrumental in securing better

laws and specialized courts that the latter day social worker can push

forward her own technique of dealing with homes that are disintegrating.

Another great change in emphasis has been upon the question of

interviewing the man, and of being sure that his side, or what he thinks

is his side, has been thoroughly understood. Social workers are under

conviction of sin in the matter of dealing too exclusively with the

woman of the family; in desertion cases it is more than desirable, it is

vitally necessary to have dealings with the man. Many social workers

feel that, at all events with a first desertion, they would rather take

the risk of having the man vanish a second time after having been found,

than have him arrested before an attempt to talk the matter out with

him. More stringent measures, they believe, can be resorted to

later--but the man must first be convinced that he will be listened to

patiently and with the intent to deal fairly. The case worker knows that

the power of the human mind to "rationalize" anti-social conduct is

infinite; and that, besides the few "justifiable deserters," there are

many who have succeeded in convincing themselves that their action is

warrantable. A deserter who could allege nothing else against his wife,

averred that he had placed under the bed two matches, crossed, and a

week later found them in the same position, proving his contention that

she was slovenly and did not keep the rooms clean.

The man who, aided by a sore conscience, has worked himself into such a

state of mind as this must be permitted to talk himself out before he

can be made to see the true state of affairs. In the minds of both man

and woman there is likely to be found a superstructure of suspicion,

jealousy, misinterpretation and distrust, built upon the basic fact of

their incompatibility, which has to be pulled down before the true

causes can be probed. To arrest a man in this state of mind is in his

eyes simply to "take sides" against him. Eventually he may have to be

arrested, but, in the case worker's experience, the chances of success

are ten to one if the man can be induced to take some voluntary step

toward reconciliation without the intervention of the law. In many

instances a real interview with the man, while not exonerating him,

would have thrown new light on the woman's statements.

A family social work society writes: A young woman with her mother

and little boy were referred for aid by a medical social department

because her husband had deserted and she was unable to work. The

doctors feared that her breakdown would result in insanity, so they

asked that her wishes be respected in not seeing the man's family.

She recovered, but it was later found that her husband, while not

doing all that he might for her, had been living at home a good deal

of the time and did not know that his family was in receipt of aid.

Some years ago a charity organization society, which maintained a

special bureau for treatment of desertion cases, was asked by a Mrs.

Clara Williams to help her find her husband, John, who had left her

some years previously and was living with another woman, so that she

might force him to contribute to the support of herself and her two

children. Mrs. Williams was a motherly appearing person who kept a

clean, neat home, and seemed to take excellent care of her children.

She was voluble concerning her husband's misdeeds and very bitter

toward him, which seemed only natural. The fact of the other

household was corroborated from other sources, and Mr. Williams'

work references indicated that he had been quarrelsome and difficult

for his employers to get along with, although a competent workman.

The problem seemed to the desertion agent a perfectly clear and

uncomplicated one and he proceeded to handle it according to the

formula. Some very clever detective work followed, in the course of

which the man was traced from one suburban city to another, and his

present place of employment found in the city where his wife lived,

although he lived just across the border of another state. The

warrant was served upon the man as he stepped from the train on his

way to work, and he appeared in the domestic relations court. He did

not deny the desertion but made some attempt to bring counter

charges against his wife. When questioned about his present mode of

living he became silent and refused to testify further. He was

placed under bond, which was furnished by the relatives of the woman

with whom he was living, to pay his wife $6.00 a week. No probation

was thought necessary and the case was closed, both the court and

the charity organization society crediting themselves with a case

successfully handled and terminated.

About a year later Mrs. Williams again applied, stating that her

husband's bond had lapsed, his payment had ceased, and that she had

no knowledge of his whereabouts. Although her home and children were

still immaculate she failed to satisfy the social worker who this

time visited her home with the plausible story which she had told

before. The children's health was not good and they seemed

unnaturally repressed and unhappy. Ugly reports that Mrs. Williams

drank came to the society. The school teacher deplored the effect

which the morbid nature of Mrs. Williams was having on her youngest

child--a daughter just entering adolescence. The son, a boy a little

older, was listless and unsatisfactory at his work, and defiant and

secretive toward any attempt to get to know him better. He spent

many nights away from home and was evidently not on good terms with

his mother. As soon as Mrs. Williams saw that real information was

desired she began indulging in fits of rage in which she displayed

such an exaggerated ego as to cause some doubts as to her mentality.

Baffled at every turn the case worker decided to interview the man,

if possible, to see if through him any clue to the situation might

be gained. The first step was to gain the confidence of a former

fellow-workman and friend of his who now maintained his own small

shop. This was done after several visits, the deserting husband

consenting to an evening meeting in his friend's shop.

A most illuminating interview followed. Mr. Williams was found to be

an intelligent though melancholy and self-centered man. The couple

had married somewhat late in life, it being Mrs. Williams' second

marriage. She had been strongly influenced by her mother to marry

him and had never had any real affection for him. It became very

evident from his story that the strongly developed egotism of both

the husband and wife had made a real marriage impossible between

them, and the visitor became convinced of the genuineness of Mr.

Williams' protestations that he endured the constant abuse and

ill-treatment of his wife as long as it had been possible to do so.

As her drinking habits took more hold upon her and he had realized

that the break was coming he had endeavored to place the children in

homes, and had once had his wife taken into court. There her

plausible story and good appearance resulted in the case being

dismissed with a reprimand to the husband. He then left home, but

continued to send her money at intervals, although as he got older

he was able to earn less at his trade. Socialism was his religion,

and it was his preaching of this doctrine in season and out to his

fellow workmen which had earned him the ill-will of his employers.

He defended his present mode of living, vigorously putting up a

strong argument that it was a real marriage, whereas the other had

only been a sham. He spoke in terms of affection of the woman who

was giving him the only real home he had ever known, and only wished

that the state of public opinion would permit his taking his young

daughter into his home. The boy, he realized, had grown entirely

away from him and they could never mean anything to each other. It

was his habit to make frequent trips back to the region where his

family lived in order that he might stand on the corner and watch

his children go by. He gave readily much information about his own

and his wife's past connections, including the addresses of many of

her relatives whose existence she had denied, and he successfully

proved that her claims as to his lapsed payments were false by

producing the entire series of post office receipts covering his

remittances to her and extending down to the very week of the

interview.[15]

There have been striking changes not only in the treatment of the

deserter but in that of his family. Writing in 1910, Miss Breed[16]

deprecates the habit of fostering the deserter's "easy-going conviction

that his family will get along somehow without him" by giving relief.

She approves offering full support in an institution, but is reluctant

to recommend any form of aid in the home, even from relatives. It is

better, she feels, to give entire support to some of the children in

foster homes, leaving the mother only those she can care for.

Much can be said for even so stringent a policy as this. An unstable

home, with a worthless father an intermittent member of the household,

is as bad an environment as children can have--its very fluctuations

making for nervous instability and a wrong point of view later on.

There is a possibility that other would-be deserters may be deterred by

temporarily breaking up the home, and that an occasional absconding

father may be brought back. But the fact remains that social workers

have, in practice, departed far from this point of view. Out of more

than twenty-five case workers of experience who were interviewed or

written to in preparation for this book, only one believed there had not

been a decided change toward a policy of more liberal relief.

One district secretary told of a woman who had more than once taken

back a disreputable husband whom she always professed to dislike.

Aid was given sparingly and intermittently during his absences; but

finally the woman in a burst of frankness told the secretary that

she had never felt confident the society would stand behind her.

Each time the man came back with money in his hand, she cheated

herself into believing that he meant "a new leaf." A budget was

worked out with her, and a promise given of an adequate income as

long as she kept her husband away. She has faithfully kept her side

of the bargain for over three years.

The extension in many states of "state aid to mothers" to cover

deserted wives is an indication of this changed view. In most states,

however, some safeguards are set up; the wife must take out a warrant,

and a given number of years must elapse during which the man shall not

have been heard from, before state aid can be granted to the wife.

Finally, it is more clearly recognized than formerly that the time to

"close the case" is not just after the man's return.

A case supervisor speaks of "the strong temptation to close our

records as soon as relief becomes unnecessary. The man's return to

the family is often the critical point at which there is need of

skilful and sympathetic friendship. These cases cry out for

continued treatment. We need to think more humanely about all the

unsettling elements in our urban civilization and to see that all

the nice individual adjustments that as case workers we can make are

made. If the man's work gives him no opportunity for

self-expression, what attempt are we making to give him such

opportunities outside his work, to connect him with a trade union,

with clubs and with fraternities? How much are we thinking about

cures for inebriates, psychoanalysis, vocational guidance,

recreation?"

Briefly, then, changes in the social worker's attitude toward treatment

have meant less emphasis on punitive and repressive measures, more

consideration of the man's point of view, less tendency to press court

action, at least in the beginning, fewer commitments of children, a more

liberal relief policy (partly as a preventive of "forced

reconciliations"), and lastly, longer supervision after the man has

resumed support of his family.

FOOTNOTES:

[15] Adapted from the writer's article on "Desertion and Non-Support in

Family Case Work," _The Annals of the Academy of Political and Social

Science_, May, 1918, p. 98.

[16] Breed, Mary: Eleventh New York State Conference, 1910, p. 76.

IV

FINDING THE DESERTING HUSBAND

A few years ago a young Jewish woman reported to the National Desertion

Bureau[17] that her husband had left her and their children.

The couple had never got on well, and the man seemed to have been a

melancholy and impractical fellow. The usual methods of the Bureau

brought no results in finding the missing husband. Then the wife was

more carefully questioned, and urged to tell all that she could

recall or had heard about her husband's early life, his tastes and

peculiarities. Among other things the Bureau learned that the man's

father had died in America years ago, having come here to make a

home for the family left behind in Russia. The boy had grown up in

ignorance of the place of his father's death and burial, and, as the

eldest son, he felt it his duty to find his father's grave. Filled

with this idea he came to America as soon as he was grown and

landed in New York, but his few poor clues availed him little

against the difficulties of poverty and a new and complex

environment. In the end he gave up the search, married, and settled

down on the east side. After the sudden quarrel which led to his

leaving home, his wife thought it possible that his old obsession

might have reawakened. The Bureau, supplied with the clues in

question, had little difficulty in discovering the father's burial

place in St. Louis; and the cemetery authorities promised to send

word if the missing husband should appear. Sure enough, a short time

afterward he arrived, and, after visiting the grave, returned, not

unwillingly, and took up his family duties again under the

supervision of a probation officer.

The flexibility of method and the readiness to see and utilize new

resources which are displayed in the foregoing account are great assets

to the one who must institute search for a missing husband and father.

The thing that sets desertion cases apart in a class of peculiar

technical difficulty for the case worker is not simply that the man is

away from his family. There is no man to deal with in a widow's family,

but widows' families present comparatively simple problems. The

deserter, though absent, is still not only a potential but also a real

factor in the family situation. The plans of the family are often made

with one eye to his return; he is the unseen but plainly felt obstacle

to much that the social worker wants to accomplish. The children look

forward to his reappearance with dread or with joy (for many deserters

have a way with them, decidedly, and are welcome visitors to their

children). In short, he is usually at the key point in the situation. No

plan can safely be made that leaves him out, but--there's the rub!--you

cannot include him at once for he is not to be reached, certainly not at

the outset. The discovery of the deserter's whereabouts is not only the

first but the most urgent of the problems that confront the worker who

tries to deal with a deserted family. Unless he can be found the whole

plan rests upon shifting sand.

A prompt and vigorous effort to find the absentee is therefore a first

requisite in dealing with family desertion. Unfortunately, many case

workers, having started bravely and exhausted the first crop of clues,

become discouraged and fall back on the supposition that the man is

permanently out of the scene, and that it only remains to make plans for

the family. Numberless case histories attest the unwisdom of this

assumption. It is not making an extreme statement to say that, as long

as the family remains under active care or until the missing man is

proved to be dead, the effort to find him should not be abandoned. Mr.

Carstens, in discussing this point, says:

To carry on this search persistently is the great safeguard. It is

rare when in the course of a few months the true state of affairs

will not have been revealed, though it may have been quite hidden at

the start.[18]

Broken Homes: A Study of Family Desertion and its Social Treatment · 第 2 / 9 段