2. Faults in Early Training.--To low ideals of home life and

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_SOCIAL WORK SERIES_

BROKEN HOMES

A STUDY OF FAMILY DESERTION AND

ITS SOCIAL TREATMENT

_By_

JOANNA C. COLCORD

SUPERINTENDENT OF THE CHARITY ORGANIZATION SOCIETY

OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK

NEW YORK

RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION

1919

COPYRIGHT, 1919, BY

THE RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION

WM F. FELL CO PRINTERS

PHILADELPHIA

PREFACE

No less thoughtful a critic of men and manners than Joseph Conrad has

remarked recently that a universal experience "is exactly the sort of

thing which is most difficult to appraise justly in the individual

instance." The saying might have been made the motto of this book, for

in its pages Miss Colcord--with all the eagerness of the newer school of

social workers, bent upon understanding, upon making allowances--seeks

that just appraisal to which Conrad refers. Marital infelicities and

broken homes are not universal, fortunately, but some of the human

weaknesses which lead to them are very nearly so.

To one who brings a long perspective to any theme in social work, Broken

Homes suggests the successive stages through which the art of social

case work has progressed. Twenty years ago the editor of this Series was

responsible for the following sentences in an annual report: "One of our

most difficult problems has been how to deal with deserted wives with

children.... One good woman, whose husband had left her for the second

time more than a year ago, declared often and emphatically that she

would never let him come back. We rescued her furniture from the

landlord, found her work, furnished needed relief, and befriended the

children; but the drunken and lazy husband returned the other day, and

is sitting in the chairs we rescued, while he warms his hands at the

fire that we have kept burning."

The passage belongs to the first and what might be termed the "muddling

along" period of dealing with family desertion, but the fact that boards

of directors actually were willing to print such frank statements about

their own shortcomings was a sign that the period was drawing to a

close.

This first stage was succeeded by a disciplinary period, in which

earnest attempts were made to enact laws that would punish the deserter

and aid in his extradition whenever he took refuge across a state line.

Laws of the strictest, and these well enforced, seemed for a while the

only possible solution.

Then gradually, with the unfolding of a philosophy and a technique of

helping people in and through their social relationships, a new way of

dealing with this ancient and perplexing human failing was developed.

This third way involved a more careful analysis of relationships and

motives, a greater variety in approach, an increased flexibility in

treatment, a new faith, perhaps, in the re-creative powers latent in

human nature. But it is unnecessary to enlarge upon a point of view

which these pages admirably illustrate. Desertion laws continue to serve

a definite purpose, as Miss Colcord makes clear, but no longer are they

either the first or the second resort of the skilful probation officer,

family case worker, or child protective agent.

Just after the Russell Sage Foundation published a treatise on Social

Diagnosis two years ago, a number of letters came to the author urging

that a volume on the treatment of social maladjustments in individual

cases follow. But this second subject is not yet ready for the large

general treatise. A topic so new as social case treatment must be

developed aspect by aspect, preferably in small, practical volumes each

written by a specialist. This is such a volume, and Miss Colcord breaks

new ground, moreover, in that her book illustrates the whole present

trend of social work as applied to individuals.

Grateful acknowledgment should be made to the social case workers who

have furnished valuable contributions to the body of data gathered for

the present study. Miss Colcord wishes mention made of her especial

indebtedness to Miss Betsey Libbey, Miss Helen Wallerstein and Miss

Elizabeth Wood of Philadelphia; Mr. C.C. Carstens and Miss Elizabeth

Holbrook of Boston; Mrs. A.B. Fox and Mr. J.C. Murphy of Buffalo; Miss

Caroline Bedford of Minneapolis; Mr. Stockton Raymond of Columbus; Mrs.

Helen Glenn Tyson of Pittsburgh; Mr. Arthur Towne of Brooklyn; Mr. E.J.

Cooley, Mr. Charles Zunser, Mr. Hiram Myers, and Miss Mary B. Sayles of

New York. Many others not here mentioned were untiring in answering

questions and furnishing needed information.

MARY E. RICHMOND

_Editor of the Social Work Series_

NEW YORK, May, 1919.

CONTENTS

PAGE

I. INTRODUCTION 7

II. WHY DO MEN DESERT THEIR FAMILIES? 17

III. CHANGES OF EMPHASIS IN TREATMENT 50

IV. FINDING THE DESERTING HUSBAND 65

V. FURTHER ITEMS IN THE INVESTIGATION 91

VI. THE DETAILS OF TREATMENT 106

VII. THE DETAILS OF TREATMENT (_Continued_) 125

VIII. THE HOME-STAYING NON-SUPPORTER 149

IX. NEXT STEPS IN CORRECTIVE TREATMENT 164

X. NEXT STEPS IN PREVENTIVE TREATMENT 185

INDEX 201

BROKEN HOMES

I

INTRODUCTION

It has frequently been said that desertion is the poor man's divorce

but, like many epigrams, this one hardly stands the test of experience.

When examined closely it is neither illuminating nor, if the testimony

of social case workers can be accepted, is it true. It is true, of

course, that many of the causes of domestic infelicity which lead to

divorce among the well-to-do may bring about desertion among the less

fortunate, but the deserting man does not, as a rule, consider his

absences from home as anything so final and definite as divorce.

In a study of desertion made by the Philadelphia Society for Organizing

Charity in 1902,[1] it was found that 87 per cent of the men studied

had deserted more than once. The combined experience of social workers

goes to show that a comparatively small number of first deserters make

so complete a break in their marital relations that they are never heard

from again, and that an even smaller number actually start new families

elsewhere, although no statistical proof of this last statement is

available. One social worker of experience says that in her judgment

desertion, instead of being a poor man's divorce, comes nearer to being

a poor man's vacation.

A man who had always been a good husband and father was discharged

from hospital after a long and exhausting illness and returned to

his family--wife and seven children--in their five-room tenement.

Ten days later he disappeared suddenly, but reappeared some two

weeks later in very much better health and ready to resume his

occupation and the care of his family. His explanation of his

apparent desertion was that he was unable to stand the confusion of

his home and "had needed rest." He had "beaten his way" to

Philadelphia and visited a friend there.

The reporter of the foregoing remarks that it illustrates "unconscious

self-therapy," and that the patient's disappearance might have been

avoided if the services of a good medical-social department had been

available at the hospital where the man was treated.

It is more difficult to justify the thirst for experience of another

deserting husband who came to the office of a family social agency after

an absence of a few months, with effusive thanks for the care of his

family and the explanation that he "had always wanted to see the West,

and this had been the only way he could find of accomplishing it."

In fact, case work has convinced social workers that there are few

things less permanent than desertion. In itself this provisional quality

tends to create irritation in the minds of many of the profession. It is

upsetting to plan for a deserted family which stops being deserted, so

to speak, overnight. But in their understandable despair social workers

sometimes overlook essential facts about the nature of marriage. The

_permanence_ of family life is one of the foundation stones of their

professional faith; yet they may fail to recognize certain

manifestations of this permanence as part and parcel of the end for

which they are striving. They would see no point in the practice adopted

by a certain social agency which deals with many cases of family

desertion. This society, when it has had occasion to print copies of a

deserter's photograph to use in seeking to discover his present

whereabouts, often presents his wife with an enlargement of the picture

suitable for framing. The procedure displays, nevertheless, a profound

insight not only into human nature but into the human institution called

marriage.

In the next chapter will be considered some of the causes that make men

leave their homes. To deal effectively with the situation created by

desertion, however, we have need of a wider knowledge than this. Not

only what takes men away but what keeps them from going, what brings

them back, what leads to their being forgiven and received into their

homes again, are matters that seriously concern the social case worker.

What is it that makes this plant called marriage so tough of fiber and

so difficult to eradicate from even the most unfriendly soil?

It is fortunate (since the majority of case workers are unmarried) that

simply to have been a member of a family gives one some understanding of

these questions. The theorist who maintains that marriage is purely

economic, or that it is entirely a question of sex, has either never

belonged to a real family or has forgotten some of the lessons he

learned there.

Many volumes have been written upon the history of marriage, or rather

of the family, since, as one historian justly puts it, "marriage has its

source in the family rather than the family in marriage."[2] In all

these studies the influence of law, of custom, of self-interest, and of

economic pressure, is shown to have molded the institution of marriage

into curious shapes and forms, some grievous to be borne. But is it not

after all the crystallized and conventionalized records of past time

which have had to be used as the source material of such studies, and

could the spiritual values of the family in any period be found in its

laws and learned discourses? We might rather expect to find students of

these sources preoccupied with the outward aspects, the failures, the

unusual instances. It is as true of human beings as of nations, that the

happy find no chronicler. "Out of ... interest and joy in caring for

children in their weakness and watching that weakness grow to strength,

family life came into being and has persisted."[3] It is hardly

conceivable that in any society, however primitive, there were not some

real families--even when custom ran otherwise--in which marriage meant

love and kindness and the mutual sharing of responsibilities. And these

families, today as always, are the creators and preservers of the

spiritual gains of the human race. It has been beautifully said of the

family in such a form, that "it is greater than love itself, for it

includes, ennobles, makes permanent, all that is best in love. The pain

of life is hallowed by it, the drudgery sweetened, its pleasures

consecrated. It is the great trysting-place of the generations, where

past and future flash into the reality of the present. It is the great

storehouse in which the hardly-earned treasures of the past, the

inheritance of spirit and character from our ancestors, are guarded and

preserved for our descendants. And it is the great discipline through

which each generation learns anew the lesson of citizenship that no man

can live for himself alone."[4] It follows that the most trying and

discouraging feature of social work with deserted wives; namely, their

determination to take worthless men back and back again for another

trial, is often only a further manifestation of the extraordinary

viability of the family.

It is true that, into this enduring quality, many elements enter, some

homely or merely material. A desire for support, or for a resumption of

sex relations, may play a part in a wife's decision to forgive the

wanderer. There are many other factors--use and wont; pride in being

able to show a good front to the neighbors; a feeling that it is

unnatural to be receiving support from other sources. Just the mere

desire to have his clothes hanging on the wall and the smell of his pipe

about, the hundreds of small details that go to make up the habit of

living together, have each their separate pull on the woman whose

instinct to be wife and mother to her erring man is urging her to give

in; Home is, in both their minds,

" ... the place where when you have to go there

They have to take you in....

Something you somehow haven't to deserve."[5]

A woman who had left her home town and found clerical work in a strange

city, in order not to be near her syphilitic husband from whom she had

determined to separate, said, "When you've been married to a man, you

can't get over feeling your place is with him."

However we may deplore the results in a given case, the spineless woman

who takes her husband back many times may nevertheless be giving a

demonstration of the thing we are most interested in conserving--the

durability and persistence of the family. And so the social worker who

is enabled by experience or imagination to enter into the real meaning

of family life is neither scornful nor amused when Mrs. Finnegan is

found, on the morning when her case against Finnegan is to come up in

the domestic relations court, busily washing and ironing his other shirt

in order that he may make a proper appearance and not disgrace the

family before the judge.

* * * * *

An attempt will be made in this small book to analyze some causal

factors in the problem of the deserter, to touch upon recent changes in

the attitude of social workers toward deserted families, to present

illustrations from the best discoverable practice in the treatment of

desertion, and to suggest certain possible next steps, both on the legal

and on the social side. For lack of space, it will be impossible to

consider the closely related problems of the deserting wife, the

unmarried mother, or the divorced couple. It is assumed throughout that

the reader is familiar with the general theory of modern case work; and

no more is here attempted than to give a number of suggestions which

will be found to be practical, it is hoped, when the social worker deals

with the home marred and broken by desertion, or when he seeks to

prevent this evil by such constructive measures as are now possible.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Twenty-fourth Annual Report of the Philadelphia Society for

Organizing Charity, p. 25.

[2] Goodsell, Willystine: The Family as a Social and Educational

Institution, p. 8. New York, The Macmillan Co., 1915.

[3] Byington, Margaret F.: Article on "The Normal Family," _Annals of

the American Academy of Political and Social Science_, May, 1918.

[4] Bosanquet, Helen: The Family, p. 342. London, Macmillan & Co., 1906.

[5] Frost, Robert: North of Boston, p. 20. New York, Henry Holt & Co.,

1915.

II

WHY DO MEN DESERT THEIR FAMILIES?

"Before the deserter there was a broken man," said a district secretary

who has had conspicuous success in dealing with such men. By this

characterization she meant not necessarily a physical or mental wreck,

but a man bankrupt for the time being in health, hopes, prospects, or in

all three; a man who lacked the power or the will to dominate adverse

conditions, who had allowed life to overcome him. Such an unfortunate

may not be conscious of his own share in bringing about the difficulties

in which he finds himself, but he is always aware that something has

gone seriously wrong in his life. His grasp of this fact is the one sure

ground upon which the social worker can meet him at the start.

We should distinguish between the _causes_ that bring about a given

desertion, and the _conscious motives in the mind of the deserter_. It

is well for the social worker to make the latter the starting point in

dealing with the man, accepting the most preposterous as at least worthy

of discussion. The absconder is often too inarticulate and ill at ease

to give a clear picture of what was in his mind when he went away. If he

was out of work, it may have been a perfectly sincere belief that he

would find work elsewhere, or perhaps only a speculative hope that he

might. (These are not in the beginning genuine desertions, but often

become so later on.) It is possible that, beset by irritations and

perplexities, the thought of cutting his way out at one stroke from all

his difficulties made an appeal too strong to be resisted. Or perhaps he

flung out of the house and away, in a passion of anger and jealousy

which later crystallized into cold dislike. The spell of an infatuation

for another woman might well have been the cause; or he may have been

mentally deranged through alcohol. Simple weariness of the burden which

he has not strength of body or mind to carry and ought never to have

assumed is one attitude to be reckoned with, and failure to realize or

in his heart accept the binding nature of his obligations is another.

His temperamental instability may have been such that the desire for a

change--the "wanderlust"--was driving him to distraction. Or perhaps,

under the urge of his own subconscious feeling of failure, he may have

convinced himself that if he could "shake" the old environment and all

in it that hampered him, he could take a fresh start and make good. "If

I could only get to California," sighed Patrick Donald,[6] "I have a

feeling things would be different." With too much imagination to be

content with the situation in which he found himself, Donald had not

imagination enough to realize that he would have to take his old self

with him wherever he went, and that he might better fight things out

where he stood. Men of his sort yearn constantly for the future, not

realizing that in its truest sense the present _is_ the future.

Only in rare instances will the deserter accept the entire

responsibility for his act. To try to find justification for doing what

we want to do is characteristic of human beings, and the deserter is no

exception. He attempts to "rationalize" his conduct and so regain his

sense of self-approval and well-being by finding excuses and

justifications in the conduct of others. Even when the fault is all his,

he usually succeeds in making himself believe that his wife is more to

blame than he for his having left home.[7] The social worker who

attempts to deal with the situation the deserter creates should know

this attitude in advance and be prepared, through some simple

rule-of-thumb psychology, to attack the obsession and bring him, first

of all, to see and face squarely his own responsibility.

Many blanket theories have been developed to explain desertion--that it

is due to economic pressure; that it is the result of bad housekeeping;

that its causes can all be reduced to sex incompatibility. All these

factors: undoubtedly have their bearing on the problem, but there is no

one cause or group of causes underlying breakdowns in family morale. The

ratio of desertions has been observed to decrease rather than to

increase in "hard times";[8] moreover, it is a matter of common

observation that not all slovenly and incompetent wives are deserted,

and that many married couples in all walks of life whose sex

relationships are unsatisfactory, nevertheless maintain the fabric of

family life and support and bring up their children with an average

degree of success. None of these three factors alone will serve,

therefore, as a fundamental causation unit in desertion. Many

statistical attempts have been made to study the causes of desertion,

and to assign to each its mathematical percentage of influence. The

report of a court of domestic relations gives such an analysis of over

1,500 cases, listing 25 causes, and carefully calculating the percentage

of cases due to each. A summary of these percentages grouped under five

heads is as follows:

_Percentage_

1. Distinct sex factors 39.03

2. Alcohol and narcotic drugs 37.00

3. Temperamental traits 15.40

4. Economic issues 6.27

5. Mental and physical troubles 2.30

------

100.00

It would be easy to criticize the foregoing on the score of grouping.

Can alcoholism and drug addiction be separated from mental and physical

disorders? And how distinguish infallibly between sex factors,

temperamental traits, and mental disabilities? But the main defect in

such statistical studies is that they assume in each case one cause, or

at least one cause sufficiently dominant to dwarf the rest; and few of

the causes listed are really fundamental. The mind instinctively begins

to reach back after the causes of all these causes. The social worker

who made the sweeping assertion that there are two great reasons for

marital discord--"selfishness in men and peevishness in women,"--came a

good deal nearer to an accurate statement of fact with infinitely less

trouble.

Looked at from the point of view of the social worker, desertion is

itself only a symptom of some more deeply seated trouble in the family

structure. The problem presented, if it could have been recognized in

time, is not essentially different from what it would have been before

the man's departure. Without attempting, therefore, any statistical

analysis of the causes of desertion, we may nevertheless be able to

examine one by one a number of possible _contributory factors_ in

marital unhappiness and therefore in desertion. No attempt will be made

in the list that follows to distinguish between primary and secondary

causes, nor to arrange them in any order of importance. An effort to get

from case workers lists so arranged resulted only in confusion, each

person emphasizing a different set of factors. The groupings here given,

therefore, are no more than a placing of the more obviously related

factors together and a leading from past history up to the present.

Considering first the personal as distinguished from the community

factors in desertion, these may be listed as follows:

CONTRIBUTORY FACTORS IN THE MAN AND WOMAN

1. Actual Mental Deficiency.--Character weaknesses such as were spoken

of earlier in this chapter grade down by degrees into real mental defect

or disorder, and not even the psychiatrist can always draw the line.

A physician connected with the Municipal Court in Boston gives as his

opinion that while the percentage of actually insane or feeble-minded

among deserters is no higher than among other offenders they are

extremely likely to present some of the phenomena of psychopathic

personality. Such people have to be studied by the social worker and the

psychiatrist, and not from the behavior side only, but with a view to

discovering what sort of equipment for life was handed down to them from

their family stock.

The plan for the future of a fifteen-year-old boy which was made by

a society for family social work was markedly modified when it was

discovered that not only his father but his grandfather had been a

man of violent and abusive temper, who drank habitually and

neglected their family obligations. With this sort of heredity and

an ineffective mother, whom he was accustomed to seeing treated with

abuse and disrespect, it was felt important to remove the boy, who

showed some promise, to surroundings where he could be under firm

discipline and learn decent standards of family life.

Feeble-mindedness, closely connected as it usually is with industrial

inefficiency in the man, bad housekeeping in the woman, and lack of

self-control in both, is of course, a potent factor in non-support and

probably also in desertion.

2. Faults in Early Training.--To low ideals of home life and of

personal obligation, which were imbibed in youth, can be traced much

family irresponsibility. It is by no means the rule, however, for

children always to follow in the footsteps of weak or vicious parents;

and it is the experience of social workers that such children, taught by

observation to avoid the faults seen in their own homes, often make good

parents themselves. Perhaps even more insidious in its effect on later

marital history is the home in which no self-control is learned. The

so-called "good homes" in which children are exposed to petting,

coddling, and overindulgence--and these homes are not confined to the

wealthy--produce adults who do not stand up to their responsibilities. A

probation officer in Philadelphia tells of the mother of a young

deserter who could not account for her son's delinquency. "He _ought_ to

be a good boy," she complained; "I carried him up to bed myself every

night till he was eleven years old."

3. Differences in Background.--Even though both man and wife come from

good homes, if those homes are widely different in standards and in

cultural background strains may develop in later life between the

couple. Differences in race, religion and age are recognized as having a

causative relation to desertion. Miss Brandt[9] found that, in about 28

per cent of the cases where these facts were ascertained, the husband

and wife were of different nationality. "In the general population of

the United States in 1900 only 8.5 per cent was of mixed parentage, and

for New York City the proportion was less than 13 per cent.... A

difference in nationality was more than twice as frequent among the

cases of desertion as among the general population of the city where it

is most common." Miss Brandt's figures for difference of religion are

less significant, but it existed in 19 per cent of the total number of

cases for which information on this point was available. In 27 per cent

of the families where age-facts were learned, there were differences of

over six years between the two; in 15 per cent the woman was older than

the man.

Other differences which should find mention under this heading are those

that arise when the environment is changed by immigration. The man who

precedes his wife by many years in coming to America has often outgrown

her when she finally joins him, even if he has formed no other family

ties. The handicap is not wholly overcome when the couple come to this

country together, for the much greater opportunities of the man to

learn American ways may drive a wedge between him and his wife. On the

other hand it is a popular saying, particularly among young Italian

immigrants, that girls who have been in America too long do not make

good wives, that when a man wants to marry he had better send for a girl

from the old country; and these marriages seem on the whole to turn out

well.

4. Wrong Basis of Marriage.--Included here should be hasty marriages,

mercenary marriages, marriages entered into unwillingly after pregnancy

had occurred, as well as marriages where coercion was a factor for other

reasons.[10]

When there have been sex relations before marriage, unless the custom of

the community sanctions such intimacy, there are likely to develop

jealousies, quarrels, and ill feeling. "He do be always castin' it up at

me, but sure, 'twas himself was to blame" is one version of the age-old

story.

There should also be included here those irregular unions called

"common law marriages," which are still permitted in many of our states.

The protection supposed to be afforded to the woman by this institution

is mainly fictitious, as it is practically impossible to secure

conviction for bigamy if one of the marriages was of the common law

variety. A common law husband who deserts, even if he admits his wife's

legal claim upon him, does not feel morally bound; and this fact

undoubtedly plays its part in the causation of such desertions.[11]

5. Lack of Education.--More is included under this title than scanty

"book-learning." Not only the morally undisciplined child but the

mentally undisciplined youth is handicapped as spouse and parent.

Ignorance of the physical and spiritual bases of married life is a

potent cause of desertion. So also is a limited industrial equipment.

Irregular school attendance, early "working papers," a dead-end job with

no educational possibilities in it--these form a frequent background

for later unsuccess in life and in marriage.

There seemed at first no good explanation for the desertion of

Alfred West. Both his record and his wife's were good, and their

mutual fondness for the children seemed a strong bond. They

constantly bickered, however, over the small income Alfred was able

to earn, and his wife and her relatives "looked down" upon him as

being lower than they in the social scale. Inquiry into past history

showed that he had grown up in a southern community where there were

no facilities for education, and that he could not even read and

write until after his marriage. Although of average capacity, he was

restricted by his early lack of training in his choice of a job; and

the mortification and sense of inferiority which his wife fostered

led to discouragement and indifference, which ended in desertion. A

thorough understanding of the two backgrounds involved enabled a

social worker to effect a real reconciliation, with the woman's eyes

opened to her ungenerous behavior and the man taking steps to

improve his education in a night school.

6. Occupational Faults.--Closely allied to the foregoing, and in some

respects growing out of it, are the shortcomings on the employment side

that contribute to marital instability. Most of these can be referred

back to lack of education or opportunity in youth, or to defects of

character. Laziness, incompetence, lack of skill in any trade, lack of

application, or, on the other hand, the possession by a man with no

business "stake" in the community of a trade at which he can work

wherever he takes a fancy to go, or of a trade which is seasonal and

shifting--all these have a direct relation to desertion.

The wife's competence and willingness to earn often seems to have a

causal connection with the man's failure as "provider."[12]

Corresponding to and complementing the man's industrial defects, and

springing from the same causes, is the woman's failure in the business

of being a housewife. The wife's laziness, incompetence, lack of

interest, and lack of skill and knowledge create, as one case worker

puts it, "the sort of home that tends to get itself deserted." These

faults of the wife are responsible for as many desertions, probably, as

are the faults of the husband. When the man and the wife are both

industrial failures we get the extremity of family breakdown to be found

in records of "chronic non-support" cases.

7. Wanderlust.--As a cause of family desertion this has probably been

overestimated. Some item of this sort appears in every list of causes of

desertion which has ever been compiled, and there are more or less

exceptional cases in which it probably plays a part. The boy who becomes

a vagabond in childhood and early takes to the road does not, however,

seem to be a marrying man; and the instances from case work in which it

is clear that the thirst for adventure was at the bottom of desertion

are rare. The man whose line of work before marriage led him from place

to place seems, in fact, hardly to contribute his quota to the ranks of

wife-deserters, and it is unusual to find sailors or other wanderers

from force of circumstance figuring among them.

8. Money Troubles.--As has already been said, it is impossible to show

any direct relation between small incomes and desertion. The connection

between low wage and non-support is of course a great deal closer. The

inadequate income unquestionably acts indirectly to break down family

morale in much the same way as does lowered physical vitality.

But marital discord that springs from the _handling_ of the family

finances is another matter, and it recurs regularly in the history of

what went on prior to desertion. One deserter, traced to a southern

city, returned voluntarily and begged the assistance of the social

worker interested to reform his wife's spending habits. "I made good

money and I never opened my pay envelope on her," said he, "but the

week's wages was always gone by Thursday." Many men, however, who make a

boast of turning over unbroken pay envelopes to their wives borrow back

so much in daily advances that their net contribution is only a fraction

of their wages.

Some desertions brought about by financial difficulties are not,

strictly speaking, marital problems at all. Debts resulting from his own

extravagance or dishonesty may cause a man to leave home to escape

prosecution or disgrace. One such man kept in touch with his family,

sending money at irregular intervals for some years, but always moving

on to another place before he could be found. It proved impossible to

get in communication with him, and finally he stopped writing and

disappeared.

9. Ill Health: Physical Debility.--All social workers agree that

physical condition plays a part, though usually only indirectly and

secondarily, in causing desertion. In the man, it may lower his

vitality, cause irregular work, and superinduce a condition of

despondency and readiness to give in. In the woman, it brings about

careless housekeeping, loss of attractiveness, and disinclination to

marital intercourse--all factors which contribute directly to desertion.

Continued ill health of the wife brings burdens, financial and other,

which may help through discouragement to break down the husband's

morale.

There should be included here some consideration of one of the most

puzzling types of abandonment--the "pregnancy desertion." Attempts have

been made to explain it on the ground of the instinctive aversion of the

male sex for domestic crises. But the impulse that causes the

prosperous householder to move to his club when house-cleaning time

arrives will hardly serve to explain such a custom, and as a matter of

fact other domestic crises, such as illnesses of the children, do not

have any such effect upon the man who habitually absents himself from

home before the birth of each child. Other possible reasons for it are

the well-known irritability and "difficulty" of women in this condition,

and their aversion to sexual intercourse. Some pregnancy deserters take

the step in the hope that their wives will bring about an abortion; but

this is a modern and sophisticated development and the institution of

"pregnancy desertion" is one of undoubted antiquity. Its prevalence

among certain European immigrants would almost point to its being a

racial tradition. Ethnologists who have studied strange marriage

customs, such as the "couvade," ought to turn their attention to

discovering the causes of this other and socially more important marital

vagary.

10. Temperamental Incompatibility.--It is difficult to catalogue and

appraise the causal factors in desertion that lie in personality. They

are closely related to differences in background and are intimately

involved with the sex relations of the pair. We cannot, however, admit

that they are identical with the latter, as some students of the subject

claim; or that the only incompatibility in marriage is sex

incompatibility. Indeed, two people may be so incompatible as to find in

sex their only common ground.

The commonest of these temperamental differences center about

standards of right and wrong or proper and improper conduct.

Especially is this manifested in the bringing up of the children.

Extreme self-righteousness on the part of one or the other, nagging

and petty criticism, unreasonable jealousy, "sulking spells," violent

quarrels, are some of its manifestations. The idea of _possession_

exercised by either of the couple, and especially a tendency to

dominate or try to control on the part of the woman, may be a causal

factor in desertion. The lack of a saving sense of humor in one or

both is often a complicating factor. These comparatively minor

differences take on a serious complexion in the minds of the couple;

and it is surprising how often a deserting man will give promptly and

with every appearance of feeling justified some cause for his

desertion which falls clearly under this head. "People forgive each

other the big things; it's the little things they can't forgive."

11. Sex Incompatibility.--There comes under this heading a wide range

of causative factors which play an important part in marital discord.

Some of them are better understood by the social worker than was

formerly the case; but many of them are obscure even to the practitioner

of mental medicine, to whom their results come daily. Distasteful as the

task may be, the social worker should familiarize herself, through

reading or through instruction by a qualified physician, in the commoner

forms of these maladjustments. This is not urged because it is part of

the social worker's task to make detailed inquiry into such matters or

to pass judgment upon them, but because they often clamor for attention

and need to be recognized by the first responsible person to whose

notice they are brought. Unless she knows, for instance, what

constitutes excess in sex relations, a worker may misunderstand the

situation described to her and condemn a man for being a selfish brute,

when the trouble is really sexual anæsthesia in the wife. It is well

known that this single cause operates disastrously to disrupt many

marriages or else to render them insupportable. The warning should be

added, however--and it cannot be added too emphatically--that the social

worker must scrupulously refrain from making diagnoses in these cases,

even tentatively; she must refer such data as come to her either to the

general practitioner or to the psychiatrist, selecting one or the other

as the symptoms presented may indicate.

Less well understood by the lay worker are actual maladjustments, both

physical and mental (or spiritual), which prevent the complete

satisfaction of one or both. Some of these are curable by medical care,

others by instruction and education. This instruction should be given,

needless to say, by the physician and not by the case worker. If

uncorrected such maladjustments are apt to result in marital shipwreck.

No attempt can be made here to discuss actual sex perversions in their

relation to desertion. Their effect is obvious; and the social worker

should be sufficiently well informed, not only from a few standard books

on the subject,[13] but from a knowledge of the phrases which are used

in the tenements, to understand them, so that significant symptoms are

not overlooked. So intimately are sex difficulties connected with the

neuroses that the lay social worker should consult the psychiatrist

freely wherever one is available, before attempting to deal with them.

12. Vicious Habits.--Sexual immorality, through its degenerative

effect on personality and the lowered ideals of marriage it induces, has

a real effect in bringing about desertion. The "other man" and the

"other woman" type of desertion, however, is often itself only a

consequence of a previously existing state of temperamental or sexual

incompatibility. If these underlying causes can be attacked and changed

such a desertion may be "repairable."

A young man deserted his wife and three children and eloped with an

eighteen-year-old girl who had made his acquaintance in a street car

flirtation. He had been "an obedient boy with good principles," and

his later record showed steadiness and ability; but he and his wife

had been drifting apart--their marital relations had not been "quite

the same" as formerly. Arrested and brought back, he did not impute

any blame to her, however, but said he "must have been crazy." In

spite of the circumstances, the judge decided to give him six months

in the penitentiary; and a man visitor from the family social agency

interested began at once to try to secure an influence over him. On

his release the couple again went to housekeeping. The wife had been

cautioned on how to receive him; but things went badly at first, and

the man began again insisting that they were mismated. (He "had the

other girl still considerably on his conscience and heart.") Tangles

continually arose which the society's visitor was hard put to it to

straighten out. Once the wife found a letter from the girl; but

finally, after the charity organization society in the city where he

had left the girl reported that she was doing well and not breaking

her heart about him, the man decided to "cut out" the

correspondence. A little later the girl eliminated herself by

marrying. A year after the reconciliation the wife told the friendly

visitor that the trouble was gone between them, and "it was just

like a new life." For another year efforts were continued to

strengthen the attachment and make the home more attractive, at the

end of which time it was felt that the home was stable enough to

need no further supervision.

For reasons of convenience we may include here the causal relations

between venereal disease and desertion. In so far as syphilis brings

about mental and physical deterioration, the relation between the two is

obvious. The presence of the disease in the man, if known to his wife,

may lead her to sever relations with him in self-protection, and this

severance, in turn, may lead ultimately to desertion or complete

separation. Often separation is desirable, but the syphilitic who is on

the whole a good family man raises some of the most difficult questions

with which the social worker has to deal. Whether to try to force him

out of the home and thus make an unwilling deserter; whether to violate

the diagnosis given in confidence by passing it on to the wife for her

protection--these are only two of the puzzles that may arise.

The relation of alcoholism to non-support and desertion is too well

known to require discussion. The causative relation between alcohol and

desertion is so direct that it probably ought not to be included under

contributory causes at all. As it is an active poison to the cells of

the nervous system, it may bring about deteriorations of mind and

character that are directly to blame for such anti-social acts as

desertion. The same is true in less degree of the use of narcotics;

though drug habits are far less common in connection with desertion than

alcoholism. What relation drugs and alcohol will hold to desertion after

July 1, 1919, remains to be seen. Alcoholism in the woman is, however, a

real contributory factor, and one frequently met with. The experience of

social workers leads them to believe that alcohol is more devastating in

its effects on character with women than with men, and that there is

less hope of a cure. The great majority of so-called "justifiable

deserters" are the husbands of alcoholic women.

Gambling in its effect on family income will be discussed in connection

with non-support, to which it bears a much more direct relation than to

desertion. In its degenerative effect upon character it may have,

however, a real causal relation to the latter.

The habit of desertion itself is a degenerative one, not only upon the

deserter but upon his home. The "intermittent husband" often weakens and

demoralizes his wife in almost the same ratio as his own progress

down-hill.

CONTRIBUTORY FACTORS IN THE COMMUNITY

1. Interference of Relatives.--The tendency of relatives to take sides

against their "in-laws" is a matter of everyone's observation. It is

frequently found as a serious factor in desertion. Many case stories

which will be used in the following chapters to illustrate other points

show also the harmful interference of relatives in what might otherwise

have been a fairly stable home. Relatives can be a factor in marital

discord without actively interfering. One high-tempered young couple

formed what amounted to a habit of frequent quarrels and temporary

separations simply because the parents of both stood ready to take them

back whenever they chose to live apart. Relatives within the home as

well as outside it may exercise an unfortunate influence on marital

relations. The desertion of a middle-aged man who married a widow was

found to be directly caused by the antagonism which grew up between him

and his grown step-children.

2. Racial Attitude toward Marriage.--The racial factor is important in

desertion. Not only the individual's own background, but the attitude of

the people whence he sprang toward the sanctity of marriage, toward the

position of women, and toward the importance of restraint in sexual

relations, will have an effect upon the desertion rate of a given racial

group. A study was recently made of 480 deserters known to the New York

Charity Organization Society in 1916-17 whose nationality was given. The

results in percentage form are given for what they may be worth,

compared with the same percentage in 2,987 families of known

nationalities which were under care for all causes during the same year.

NATIONALITY OR RACE

| |Per cent

|Per cent |among 2,987

Race or place of birth |among 480 |families under

|deserters |care for all

| |causes

---------------------------------------------------

United States--white | 30.6 | 29.7

United States--colored | 11.2 | 5.6

Irish | 9.7 | 14.7

Other British | 5.0 | 4.7

German | 6.2 | 6.2

Italian | 20.2 | 28.0

Austrian | 5.5 | 4.8

Russian | 2.8 | 1.0

Polish | 3.3 | 1.2

Other | 5.5 | 4.1

----------------------------------------------------

| 100.0 | 100.0

3. Community Standards.--It cannot be too emphatically stated that any

tendency in the community to belittle or ridicule the estate of

matrimony has a definite cumulative effect on desertion. The "when a

man's married" series in the comic supplements, certain comic films in

the moving picture shows, the form of drama popularly called "bedroom

farce" are examples of these destructive forces. Most of the people who

laugh at them accept them as a humorous formula and are not seriously

affected by them; but their educational effect on young people is bound

to be bad and false to the last degree. In so far as they overemphasize

romantic love and disparage conjugal love, the theater and the popular

press do this generation great disservice.

Another way in which the community may affect the popular conception of

marriage is in the administration of civil marriage. Lack of care in

enforcing the laws and lack of gravity in performing the ceremonies may

have a decided reaction on respect for those laws and for the

institution itself. Similarly, the administration of divorce laws may

affect the popular conception of marriage. One entire neighborhood

condoned the situation in which a deserted wife immediately went to live

with another man, on the ground that "if they had been rich, they could

have got a divorce."

4. Lack of Proper Recreation.--This may seem a subject to be

discussed under personal factors; but proper recreation, after all,

depends in large measure upon what the community provides or makes

available. The American tendency for the man to get his recreation apart

from his family, in saloons and social clubs, is responsible for many

family maladjustments. Any change in family habits of recreation which

means that the man and wife enjoy fewer things together is a danger

signal the seriousness of which is not always appreciated. Social

workers are inclined to undervalue not only the influence of faulty

recreation as a factor in family breakdown, but also the possibilities

of good recreation as an aid in family reconstruction.

Broken Homes: A Study of Family Desertion and its Social Treatment · 第 1 / 9 段