He feeds his messmate (=episition=) while he shivers thus
In Megabyzus' house, and he will have
Food for his wages.
And he also uses the word in a peculiar sense in his Women dining
together, where he says--
It is a well-bred custom not to assemble
A crowd of women, nor to feast a multitude;
But to make a domestic (=oikositous=) wedding feast.
And the word =sitokouros= is used by Alexis, in his Woman sitting up all
Night or the Weavers--
You will be but a walking bread-devourer (=sitokouros=)
And Menander calls a man who is useless, and who lives to no purpose,
=sitokouros=, in his Thrasyleon, saying--
A lazy ever-procrastinating fellow,
A =sitokouros=, miserable, useless,
Owning himself a burden on the earth.
And in his Venal People he says--
Wretch, you were standing at the door the while,
Having laid down your burden; while, for us,
We took the wretched =sitokouros= in.
And Crobylus used the word =autositos= (bringing one's own provisions),
in The Man hanged--
A parasite =autositos=, feeding himself,
You do contribute much to aid your master.
And Eubulus has the word =kakositos= (eating badly, having no appetite),
in his Ganymede--
Sleep nourishes him since he's no appetite (=kakositos=).
And the word =oligositos= (a sparing eater) occurs in Phrynichus, in his
The solitary Man--
What does that sparing eater (=oligositos=) Hercules there?
And Pherecrates, or Strattis, in his Good Men--
How sparingly you eat, who in one day
Swallow the food of an entire trireme.
53. When Plutarch had said all this about parasites, Democritus, taking
up the discourse, said, And I myself, 'like wood well-glued to wood,' as
the Theban poet has it, will say a word about flatterers.
For of all men the flatterer fares best,
as the excellent Menander says. And there is no great difference between
calling a man a flatterer and a parasite. Accordingly, Lynceus the
Samian, in his Commentaries, gives the name of parasite to Cleisophus,
the man who is universally described as the flatterer of Philip, the
king of the Macedonians (but he was an Athenian by birth, as Satyrus the
Peripatetic affirms, in his Life of Philip). And Lynceus
says--"Cleisophus, the parasite of Philip, when Philip rebuked him for
being continually asking for something, replied, 'I am very forgetful.'
Afterwards, when Philip had given him a wounded horse, he sold him; and
when, after a time, the king asked him what had become of him, he
answered, 'He was sold by that wound of his.' And when Philip laughed at
him, and took it good-humouredly, he said, 'Is it not then worth my
while to keep you?'" And Hegesander the Delphian, in his Commentaries,
makes this mention of Cleisophus:--"When Philip the king said that
writings had been brought to him from Cotys, king of Thrace, Cleisophus,
who was present, said, 'It is well, by the gods.' And when Philip said,
'But what do you know of the subjects mentioned in these writings?' he
said, 'By the great Jupiter, you have reproved me with admirable
judgment.'"
54. But Satyrus, in his Life of Philip, says, "When Philip lost his eye,
Cleisophus came forth with him, with bandages on the same eye as the
king; and again, when his leg was hurt, he came out limping, along with
the king. And if ever Philip ate any harsh or sour food, he would
contract his features, as if he, too, had the same taste in his mouth.
But in the country of the Arabs they used to do these things, not out of
flattery, but in obedience to some law; so that whenever the king had
anything the matter with any one of his limbs, the courtiers pretended
to be suffering the same inconvenience: for they think it ridiculous to
be willing to be buried with him when he dies, but not to pay him the
compliment of appearing to be subject to the same sufferings as he is
while alive, if he sustains any injury." But Nicolaus of Damascus,--and
he was one of the Peripatetic school,--in his very voluminous history
(for it consisted of a hundred and forty-four books), in the hundred and
eleventh book says, that Adiatomus the king of the Sotiani (and that is
a Celtic tribe) had six hundred picked men about him, who were called by
the Gauls, in their national language, Siloduri--which word means in
Greek, Bound under a vow. "And the king has them as companions, to live
with him and to die with him; as that is the vow which they all take. In
return for which, they also share his power, and wear the same dress,
and eat the same food; and they die when he dies, as a matter of
absolute necessity, if the king dies of any disease; or if he dies in
war, or in any other manner. And no one can even say that any of them
has shown any fear of death, or has in the least sought to evade it when
the king is dead."
55. But Theopompus says, in the forty-fourth book of his Histories,
that Philip appointed Thrasydæus the Thessalian tyrant over all those of
his nation, though a man who had but little intellect, but who was an
egregious flatterer. But Arcadion the Achæan was not a flatterer, who is
mentioned by the same Theopompus, and also by Duris in the fifth book of
his History of Macedonian Affairs. Now this Arcadion hated Philip, and
on account of this hatred voluntarily banished himself from his country.
And he was a man of the most admirable natural abilities, and numbers of
clever sayings of his are related. It happened then once, when Philip
was sojourning at Delphi, that Arcadion also was there; and the
Macedonian beheld him and called him to him, and said, How much further,
O Arcadion, do you mean to go by way of banishment? And he replied--
Until I meet with men who know not Philip.
But Phylarchus, in the twenty-first book of his History, says that
Philip laughed at this, and invited Arcadion to supper, and that in that
way he got rid of his enmity. But of Nicesias the flatterer of
Alexander, Hegesander gives the following account:--"When Alexander
complained of being bitten by the flies and was eagerly brushing them
off, a man of the name of Nicesias, one of his flatterers who happened
to be present, said,--Beyond all doubt those flies will be far superior
to all other flies, now that they have tasted your blood." And the same
man says that Cheirisophus also, the flatterer of Dionysius, when he saw
Dionysius laughing with some of his acquaintances, (but he was some way
off himself, so that he could not hear what they were laughing at,)
laughed also. And when Dionysius asked him on what account he, who could
not possibly hear what was said, laughed, said--I feel that confidence
in you that I am quite sure that what has been said is worth laughing
at.
56. His son also, the second Dionysius, had numerous flatterers, who
were called by the common people Dionysiocolaces. And they, because
Dionysius himself was not very sharp sighted, used to pretend while at
supper not to be able to see very far, but they would touch whatever was
near them as if they could not see it, until Dionysius himself guided
their hands to the dishes. And when Dionysius spat, they would often put
out their own faces for him to spit upon: and then licking off the
spittle and even his vomit, they declared that it was sweeter than
honey. And Timæus, in the twenty-second book of his Histories, says that
Democles the flatterer of the younger Dionysius, as it was customary in
Sicily to make a sacrifice from house to house in honour of the nymphs,
and for men to spend the night around their statues when quite drunk,
and to dance around the goddesses--Democles neglecting the nymphs, and
saying that there was no use in attending to lifeless deities, went and
danced before Dionysius. And at a subsequent time being once sent on an
embassy with some colleagues to Dion, when they were all proceeding in a
trireme, he being accused by the rest of behaving in a seditious manner
in respect of this journey, and of having injured the general interests
of Dionysius, when Dionysius was very indignant, he said that
differences had arisen between himself and his colleagues, because after
supper they took a pæan of Phrynichus or Stesichorus, and some of them
took one of Pindar's and sang it; but he, with those who agreed with
him, went entirely through the hymns which had been composed by
Dionysius himself. And he undertook to bring forward undeniable proof of
this assertion. For that his accusers were not acquainted with the
modulation of those songs, but that he on the contrary was ready to sing
them all through one after the other. And so, when Dionysius was
pacified, Democles continued, and said, "But you would do me a great
favour, O Dionysius, if you were to order any one of those who knows it
to teach me the pæan which you composed in honour of Æsculapius; for I
hear that you have taken great pains with that."
And once, when some friends were invited to supper by Dionysius,
Dionysius coming into the room, said, "O, my friends, letters have been
sent to us from the generals who have been despatched to Naples;" and
Democles interrupting him, said, "By the gods, they have done well, O
Dionysius." And he, looking upon him, said, "But how do you know whether
what they have written is in accordance with my expectation or the
contrary?" And Democles replied, "By the gods, you have properly rebuked
me, O Dionysius." Timæus also affirms that there was a man named
Satyrus, who was a flatterer of both the Dionysii.
57. And Hegesander relates that Hiero the tyrant was also rather weak
in his eyes; and that his friends who supped with him made mistakes in
the dishes on purpose, in order to let him set them right, and to give
him an opportunity of appearing clearer-sighted than the rest. And
Hegesander says that Euclides, who was surnamed Seutlus, (and he too was
a parasite,) once when a great quantity of sow-thistles (=sonkos=) was
set before him at a banquet, said, "Capaneus, who is introduced by
Euripides in his Suppliant Women, was a very witty man--
Detesting tables where there was too much pride (=onkos=).
But those who were the leaders of the people at Athens, says he, in the
Chremonidean war, flattered the Athenians, and said, "that everything
else was common to all the Greeks; but that the Athenians were the only
men who knew the road which leads to heaven." And Satyrus, in his Lives,
says that Anaxarchus, the Eudæmonical philosopher, was one of the
flatterers of Alexander; and that he once, when on a journey in company
with the king, when a violent and terrible thunderstorm took place, so
as to frighten everybody, said--"Was it you, O Alexander, son of
Jupiter, who caused this?" And that he laughed and said--"Not I; for I
do not wish to be formidable, as you make me out; you also desire me to
have brought to me at supper the heads of satraps and kings." And
Aristobulus of Cassandria says that Dioxippus the Athenian, a
pancratiast, once when Alexander was wounded and when the blood flowed,
said--
'Tis ichor, such as flows from the blessed gods.
58. And Epicrates the Athenian, having gone on an embassy to the king,
according to the statement of Hegesander, and having received many
presents from him, was not ashamed to flatter the king openly and
boldly, so as even to say that the best way was not to choose nine
archons every year, but nine ambassadors to the king. But I wonder at
the Athenians, how they allowed him to make such a speech without
bringing him to trial, and yet fined Demades ten talents, because he
thought Alexander a god; and they put Evagoras to death, because when he
went as ambassador to the king he adored him. And Timon the Phliasian,
in the third book of his Silli, says that Ariston the Chian, an
acquaintance and pupil of Zeno the Citiean, was a flatterer of Persæus
the philosopher, because he was a companion of Antigonus the king. But
Phylarchus, in the sixth book of his Histories, says that Nicesias the
flatterer of Alexander, when he saw the king in convulsions from some
medicine which he had taken, said--"O king, what must we do, when even
you gods suffer in this manner?" and that Alexander, scarcely looking
up, said--"What sort of gods? I am afraid rather we are hated by the
gods." And in his twenty-eighth book the same Phylarchus says that
Apollophanes was a flatterer of Antigonus who was surnamed Epitropus,
who took Lacedæmon, and who used to say that the fortune of Antigonus
Alexandrized.
59. But Euphantus, in the fourth book of his Histories, says that
Callicrates was a flatterer of Ptolemy, the third king of Egypt, who was
so subtle a flatterer that he not only bore an image of Ulysses on his
seal, but that he also gave his children the names of Telegonus, and
Anticlea. And Polybius, in the thirteenth book of his Histories, says
that Heraclides the Tarentine was a flatterer of the Philip whose power
was destroyed by the Romans; and that it was he who overturned his whole
kingdom. And in his fourteenth book, he says that Philo was a flatterer
of Agathocles the son of Oenanthe, and the companion of the king
Ptolemy Philopator. And Baton of Sinope relates, in his book about the
tyranny of Hieronymus, that Thraso, who was surnamed Carcharus, was the
flatterer of Hieronymus the tyrant of Syracuse, saying that he every day
used to drink a great quantity of unmixed wine. But another flatterer,
by name Osis, caused Thraso to be put to death by Hieronymus; and he
persuaded Hieronymus himself to assume the diadem, and the purple and
all the rest of the royal apparel, which Dionysius the tyrant was
accustomed to wear. And Agatharchides, in the thirtieth book of his
Histories, says--"Hæresippus the Spartan was a man of no moderate
iniquity, not even putting on any appearance of goodness; but having
very persuasive flattering language, and being a very clever man at
paying court to the rich as long as their fortune lasted. Such also was
Heraclides the Maronite, the flatterer of Seuthes the king of the
Thracians, who is mentioned by Xenophon in the seventh book of the
Anabasis.
60. But Theopompus, in the eighteenth book of his Histories, speaking of
Nicostratus the Argive, and saying how he flattered the Persian king,
writes as follows--"But how can we think Nicostratus the Argive anything
but a wicked man? who, when he was president of the city of Argos, and
when he had received all the distinctions of family, and riches, and
large estates from his ancestors, surpassed all men in his flatteries
and attentions to the king, outrunning not only those who bore a part in
that expedition, but even all who had lived before; for in the first
place, he was so anxious for honours from the barbarian, that, wishing
to please him more and to be more trusted by him, he brought his son to
the king, a thing which no one else will ever be found to have done. And
then, every day when he was about to go to supper he had a table set
apart, to which he gave the name of the Table of the King's Deity,
loading it with meat and all other requisites; hearing that those who
live at the doors of the royal palace among the Persians do the same
thing, and thinking that by this courtier-like attention he should get
more from the king. For he was exceedingly covetous, and not scrupulous
as to the means he employed for getting money, so that indeed no one was
ever less so. And Lysimachus was a flatterer and the tutor of Attalus
the king, a man whom Callimachus sets down as a Theodorean, but
Hermippus sets him down in the list of the disciples of Theophrastus.
And this man wrote books also about the education of Attalus, full of
every kind of adulation imaginable. But Polybius, in the eighth book of
his Histories, says, "Cavarus the Gaul, who was in other respects a good
man, was depraved by Sostratus the flatterer, who was a Chalcedonian by
birth."
61. Nicolaus, in the hundred and fourteenth book of his Histories, says
that Andromachus of Carrhæ was a flatterer of Licinius Crassus, who
commanded the expedition against the Parthians; and that Crassus
communicated all his designs to him, and was, in consequence, betrayed
to the Parthians by him, and so destroyed. But Andromachus was not
allowed by the deity to escape unpunished. For having obtained, as the
reward of his conduct, the sovereignty over his native place Carrhæ, he
behaved with such cruelty and violence that he was burnt with his whole
family by the Carrhans. And Posidonius the Apamean, who was afterwards
surnamed Rhodius, in the fourth book of his Histories, says that Hierax
of Antioch, who used formerly to accompany the singers called Lysiodi
on the flute, afterwards became a terrible flatterer of Ptolemy, seventh
king of Egypt of that name, who was also surnamed Euergetes; and that he
had the very greatest influence over him, as also he had with Ptolemy
Philometor, though he was afterwards put to death by him. And Nicolaus
the Peripatetic states that Sosipater was a flatterer of Mithridates, a
man who was by trade a conjurer. And Theopompus, in the ninth book of
his History of Grecian Affairs, says that Athenæus the Eretrian was a
flatterer and servant of Sisyphus the tyrant of Pharsalus.
62. The whole populace of the Athenians, too, was very notorious for the
height to which it pushed its flattery; accordingly, Demochares the
cousin of Demosthenes the orator, in the twentieth book of his
Histories, speaking of the flattery practised by the Athenians towards
Demetrius Poliorcetes, and saying that he himself did not at all like
it, writes as follows--"And some of these things annoyed him greatly, as
they well might. And, indeed, other parts of their conduct were utterly
mean and disgraceful. They consecrated temples to Leæna Venus and Lamia
Venus, and they erected altars and shrines as if to heroes, and
instituted libations in honour of Burichus, and Adeimantus, and
Oxythemis, his flatterers. And poems were sung in honour of all these
people, so that even Demetrius himself was astonished at what they did,
and said that in his time there was not one Athenian of a great or
vigorous mind." The Thebans also flattered Demetrius, as Polemo relates
in the treatise on the Ornamented Portico at Sicyon; and they, too,
erected a temple to Lamia Venus. But she was one of Demetrius's
mistresses, as also was Leæna. So that why should we wonder at the
Athenians, who stooped even to become flatterers of flatterers, singing
pæans and hymns to Demetrius himself?
Accordingly Demochares, in the twenty-first book of his Histories,
says--"And the Athenians received Demetrius when he came from Leucadia
and Corcyra to Athens, not only with frankincense, and crowns, and
libations of wine, but they even went out to meet him with hymns, and
choruses, and ithyphalli, and dancing and singing, and they stood in
front of him in multitudes, dancing and singing, and saying that he was
the only true god, and that all the rest of the gods were either asleep,
or gone away to a distance, or were no gods at all. And they called him
the son of Neptune and Venus, for he was eminent for beauty, and affable
to all men with a natural courtesy and gentleness of manner. And they
fell at his feet and addressed supplications and prayers to him."
63. Demochares, then, has said all this about the adulatory spirit and
conduct of the Athenians. And Duris the Samian, in the twenty-second
book of his Histories, has given the very ithyphallic hymn which they
addressed to him--
Behold the greatest of the gods and dearest
Are come to this city,
For here Demeter[398:1] and Demetrius are
Present in season.
She indeed comes to duly celebrate
The sacred mysteries
Of her most holy daughter--he is present
Joyful and beautiful,
As a god ought to be, with smiling face
Showering his blessings round.
How noble doth he look! his friends around,
Himself the centre.
His friends resemble the bright lesser stars,
Himself is Phoebus.
Hail, ever-mighty Neptune's mightier son;
Hail, son of Venus.
For other gods do at a distance keep,
Or have no ears,
Or no existence; and they heed not us--
But you are present,
Not made of wood or stone, a genuine god.
We pray to thee.
First of all give us peace, O dearest god--
For you are lord of peace--
And crush for us yourself, for you've the power,
This odious Sphinx;
Which now destroys not Thebes alone, but Greece--
The whole of Greece--
I mean th' Ætolian, who, like her of old,
Sits on a rock,
And tears and crushes all our wretched bodies.
Nor can we him resist.
For all th' Ætolians plunder all their neighbours;
And now they stretch afar
Their lion hands; but crush them, mighty lord,
Or send some Oedipus
Who shall this Sphinx hurl down from off his precipice,
Or starve him justly.
64. This is what was sung by the nation which once fought at Marathon,
and they sang it not only in public, but in their private houses--men
who had once put a man to death for offering adoration to the king of
Persia, and who had slain countless myriads of barbarians. Therefore,
Alexis, in his Apothecary or Cratevas, introduces a person pledging one
of the guests in a cup of wine, and represents him as saying--
Boy, give a larger cup, and pour therein
Four cyathi of strong and friendly drink,
In honour of all present. Then you shall add
Three more for love; one for the victory,
The glorious victory of King Antigonus,
Another for the young Demetrius.
* * * * *
And presently he adds--
Bring a third cup in honour now of Venus,
The lovely Venus. Hail, my friends and guests;
I drink this cup to the success of all of you.
65. Such were the Athenians at that time, after flattery, that worst of
wild beasts, had inspired their city with frenzy, that city which once
the Pythia entitled the Hearth of Greece, and which Theopompus, who
hated them, called the Prytaneum of Greece; he who said in other places
that Athens was full of drunken flatterers, and sailors, and
pickpockets, and also of false witnesses, sycophants, and false
accusers. And it is my opinion that it was they who introduced all the
flattery which we have been speaking of, like a storm, or other
infliction, sent on men by the gods; concerning which Diogenes said,
very elegantly--"That it was much better to go =es korakas= than =es
kolakas=, who eat up all the good men while they are still alive;" and,
accordingly, Anaxilas says, in his Young Woman--
The flatterers are worms which prey upon
All who have money; for they make an entrance
Into the heart of a good guileless man,
And take their seat there, and devour it,
Till they have drain'd it like the husk of wheat,
And leave the shell; and then attack some other.
And Plato says, in his Phædrus--"Nature has mingled some pleasure which
is not entirely inelegant in its character of a flatterer, though he is
an odious beast, and a great injury to a state." And Theophrastus, in
his treatise on Flattery, says that Myrtis the priest, the Argive,
taking by the ear Cleonymus (who was a dancer and also a flatterer, and
who often used to come and sit by him and his fellow-judges, and who was
anxious to be seen in company with those who were thought of
consideration in the city), and dragging him out of the assembly, said
to him in the hearing of many people, You shall not dance here, and you
shall not hear us. And Diphilus, in his Marriage, says--
A flatterer destroys
By his pernicious speeches
Both general and prince,
Both private friends and states;
He pleases for a while,
But causes lasting ruin.
And now this evil habit
Has spread among the people,
Our courts are all diseased,
And all is done by favour.
So that the Thessalians did well who razed the city which was called
Colaceia (Flattery), which the Melians used to inhabit, as Theopompus
relates in the thirtieth book of his History.
66. But Phylarchus says, that those Athenians who settled in Lemnos were
great flatterers, mentioning them as such in the thirteenth book of his
History. For that they, wishing to display their gratitude to the
descendants of Seleucus and Antiochus, because Seleucus not only
delivered them when they were severely oppressed by Lysimachus, but also
restored both their cities to them,--they, I say, the Athenians in
Lemnos, not only erected temples to Seleucus, but also to his son
Antiochus; and they have given to the cup, which at their feasts is
offered at the end of the banquet, the name of the cup of Seleucus the
Saviour.
Now some people, perverting the proper name, call this flattery
=areskeia=, complaisance; as Anaxandrides does in his Samian, where he
says--
For flattery is now complaisance call'd.
But those who devote themselves to flattery are not aware that that art
is one which flourishes only a short time. Accordingly, Alexis says in
his Liar--
A flatterer's life but a brief space endures,
For no one likes a hoary parasite.
And Clearchus the Solensian, in the first book of his Amatory treatises,
says--"No flatterer is constant in his friendship. For time destroys the
falsehood of his pretences, and a lover is only a flatterer and a
pretended friend on account of youth or beauty." One of the flatterers
of Demetrius the king was Adeimantus of Lampsacus, who having built a
temple in Thriæ, and placed statues in it, called it the temple of Phila
Venus, and called the place itself Philæum, from Phila the mother of
Demetrius; as we are told by Dionysius the son of Tryphon, in the tenth
book of his treatise on Names.
67. But Clearchus the Solensian, in his book which is inscribed
Gergithius, tells us whence the origin of the name flatterer is derived;
and mentioning Gergithius himself, from whom the treatise has its name,
he says that he was one of Alexander's flatterers; and he tells the
story thus--"That flattery debases the characters of the flatterers,
making them apt to despise whoever they associate with; and a proof of
this is, that they endure everything, well knowing what they dare do.
And those who are flattered by them, being puffed up by their adulation,
they make foolish and empty-headed, and cause them to believe that they,
and everything belonging to them, are of a higher order than other
people." And then proceeding to mention a certain young man, a Paphian
by birth, but a king by the caprice of fortune, he says--"This young man
(and he does not mention his name) used out of his preposterous luxury
to lie on a couch with silver feet, with a smooth Sardian carpet spread
under it of the most expensive description. And over him was thrown a
piece of purple cloth, edged with a scarlet fringe; and he had three
pillows under his head made of the finest linen, and of purple colour,
by which he kept himself cool. And under his feet he had two pillows of
the kind called Dorian, of a bright crimson colour; and on all this he
lay himself, clad in a white robe.
68. "And all the monarchs who have at any time reigned in Cyprus have
encouraged a race of nobly-born flatterers as useful to them; for they
are a possession very appropriate to tyrants. And no one ever knows them
(any more than they do the judges of the Areopagus), either how many
they are, or who they are, except that perhaps some of the most eminent
may be known or suspected. And the flatterers at Salamis are divided
into two classes with reference to their families; and it is from the
flatterers in Salamis that all the rest of the flatterers in the other
parts of Cyprus are derived; and one of these two classes is called the
Gergini, and the other the Promalanges. Of which, the Gergini mingle
with the people in the city, and go about as eavesdroppers and spies in
the workshops and the market-places; and whatever they hear, they report
every day to those who are called their Principals. But the Promalanges,
being a sort of superior investigators, inquire more particularly into
all that is reported by the Gergini which appears worthy of being
investigated; and the way in which they conduct themselves towards every
one is so artificial and gentle, that, as it seems to me, and as they
themselves allege, the very seed of notable flatterers has been spread
by them over all the places at a distance. Nor do they pride themselves
slightly on their skill, because they are greatly honoured by the kings;
but they say that one of the Gergini, being a descendant of those
Trojans whom Teucer took as slaves, having selected them from the
captives, and then brought and settled in Cyprus, going along the
sea-coast with a few companions, sailed towards Æolis, in order to seek
out and re-establish the country of his ancestors; and that he, taking
some Mysians to himself, inhabited a city near the Trojan Ida, which was
formerly called Gergina, from the name of the inhabitants, but is now
called Gergitha. For some of the party being, as it seems, separated
from this expedition, stopped in Cymæa, being by birth a Cretan race,
and not from the Thessalian Tricca, as some have affirmed,--men whose
ignorance I take to be beyond the skill of all the descendants of
Æsculapius to cure.
69. "There were also in this country, in the time of Glutus the Carian,
women attaching themselves to the Queens, who were called flatterers;
and a few of them who were left crossed the sea, and were sent for to
the wives of Artabazus and Mentor, and instead of =kolakides= were
called =klimakides= from this circumstance. By way of making themselves
agreeable to those who had sent for them, they made a ladder
(=klimakia=) of themselves, in such a manner that there was a way of
ascending over their backs, and also a way of descending, for their
mistresses when they drove out in chariots: to such a pitch of luxury,
not to say of miserable helplessness, did they bring those silly women
by their contrivance. Therefore, they themselves, when they were
compelled by fortune to quit that very luxurious way of living, lived
with great hardship in their old age. And the others who had received
these habits from us, when they were deprived of their authority came to
Macedonia; and the customs which they taught to the wives and princesses
of the great men in that country by their association with them, it is
not decent even to mention further than this, that practising magic arts
themselves, and being the objects of them when practised by others, they
did not spare even the places of the greatest resort, but they became
complete vagabonds, and the very scum of the streets, polluted with all
sorts of abominations. Such and so great are the evils which seem to be
engendered by flattery in the case of all people who admit from their
own inclination and predisposition to be flattered."
70. And a little further Clearchus goes on as follows:--"But still a man
may have a right to find fault with that young man for the way in which
he used those things, as I have said before. For his slaves stood in
short tunics a little behind the couch: and as there are now three men
on whose account all this discussion has been originated, and as all
these men are men who have separate names among us, the one sat on the
couch close to his feet, letting the feet of the young man rest upon his
knees, and covering them with a thin cloth; and what he did further is
plain enough, even if I do not mention it. And this servant is called by
the natives Parabystus, because he works his way into the company of
those men even who do not willingly receive him, by the very skilful
character of his flatteries. The second was one sitting on a certain
chair which was placed close to the couch; and he, holding by the hand
of the young man, as he let it almost drop, and clinging to it, kept on
rubbing it, and taking each of his fingers in turn he rubbed it and
stretched it, so that the man appeared to have said a very witty thing
who first gave that officer the name of Sicya.[403:1] The third,
however, was the most noble of all, and was called Theer (or the wild
beast), who was indeed the principal person of the whole body, and who
stood at his master's head, and shared his linen pillows, lying upon
them in a most friendly manner. And with his left hand he kept smoothing
the hair of the young man, and with his right hand he kept moving up and
down a Phocæan fan, so as to please him while waving it, without force
enough to brush anything away. On which account, it appears to me, that
some high-born god must have been angry with him and have sent a fly to
attack the young man, a fly like that with whose audacity Homer says
that Minerva inspired Menelaus, so vigorous and fearless was it in
disposition.
"So when the young man was stung, this man uttered such a loud scream in
his behalf, and was so indignant, that on account of his hatred to one
fly he banished the whole tribe of flies from his house: from which it
is quite plain that he appointed this servant for this especial
purpose."
71. But Leucon, the tyrant of Pontus, was a different kind of man, who
when he knew that many of his friends had been plundered by one of the
flatterers whom he had about him, perceiving that the man was
calumniating some one of his remaining friends, said, "I swear by the
gods that I would kill you if a tyrannical government did not stand in
need of bad men." And Antiphanes the comic writer, in his Soldier, gives
a similar account of the luxury of the kings in Cyprus. And he
represents one of them as asking a soldier these questions--
_A._ Tell me now, you had lived some time in Cyprus?
Say you not so?
_B._ Yes, all the time of the war.
_A._ In what part most especially? tell me that.
_B._ In Paphos, where you should have seen the luxury
That did exist, or you could not believe it.
_A._ What kind of luxury?
_B._ The king was fann'd
While at his supper by young turtle-doves
And by nought else.
_A._ How mean you? never mind
My own affairs, but let me ask you this.
_B._ He was anointed with a luscious ointment
Brought up from Syria, made of some rich fruit
Which they do say doves love to feed upon.
They were attracted by the scent and flew
Around the royal temples; and had dared
To seat themselves upon the monarch's head,
But that the boys who sat around with sticks
Did keep them at a slight and easy distance.
And so they did not perch, but hover'd round,
Neither too far nor yet too near, still fluttering,
So that they raised a gentle breeze to blow
Not harshly on the forehead of the king.
72. The flatterer (=kolax=) of that young man whom we have been speaking
of must have been a =malakokolax=, (a soft flatterer,) as Clearchus
says. For besides flattering such a man as that, he invents a regular
gait and dress harmonizing with that of those who receive the flattery,
folding his arms and wrapping himself up in a small cloak; on which
account some men call him Paranconistes, and some call him a Repository
of Attitudes. For really a flatterer does seem to be the very same
person with Proteus himself. Accordingly he changes into nearly every
sort of person, not only in form, but also in his discourse, so very
varied in voice he is.
But Androcydes the physician said that flattery had its name
(=kolakeia=) from becoming glued (=apo tou proskollasthai=) to men's
acquaintance. But it appears to me that they were named from their
facility; because a flatterer will undergo anything, like a person who
stoops down to carry another on his back, by reason of his natural
disposition, not being annoyed at anything, however disgraceful it may
be.
And a man will not be much out who calls the life of that young Cyprian
a wet one. And Alexis says that there were many tutors and teachers of
that kind of life at Athens, speaking thus in his Pyraunus--
I wish'd to try another style of life,
Which all men are accustom'd to call wet.
So walking three days in the Ceramicus,
I found it may be thirty skilful teachers
Of the aforesaid life, from one single school.
And Crobylus says in his Female Deserter--
The wetness of your life amazes me,
For men do call intemperance now wetness.
73. And Antiphanes, in his Lemnian Women, lays it down that flattery is
a kind of art, where he says--
Is there, or can there be an art more pleasing,
Or any source of gain more sure and gainful
Than well-judged flattery? Why does the painter
Take so much pains and get so out of temper?
Why does the farmer undergo such risks?
Indeed all men are full of care and trouble.
But life for us is full of fun and laughter.
For where the greatest business is amusement,
To laugh and joke and drink full cups of wine,
Is not that pleasant? How can one deny?
'Tis the next thing to being rich oneself.
But Menander, in his play called the Flatterer, has given us the
character of one as carefully and faithfully as it was possible to
manage it: as also Diphilus has of a parasite in his Telesias. And
Alexis, in his Liar, has introduced a flatterer speaking in the
following manner--
By the Olympian Jove and by Minerva
I am a happy man. And not alone
Because I'm going to a wedding dinner,
But because I shall burst, an it please God.
And would that I might meet with such a death.
And it seems to me, my friends, that that fine epicure would not have
scrupled to quote from the Omphale of Ion the tragedian, and to say--
For I must speak of a yearly feast
As if it came round every day.
74. But Hippias the Erythræan, in the second book of his Histories of
his own Country, relating how the kingdom of Cnopus was subverted by the
conduct of his flatterers, says this--"When Cnopus consulted the oracle
about his safety, the god, in his answer, enjoined him to sacrifice to
the crafty Mercury. And when, after that, he went to Delphi, they who
were anxious to put an end to his kingly power in order to establish an
oligarchy instead of it, (and those who wished this were Ortyges, and
Irus, and Echarus, who, because they were most conspicuous in paying
court to the princes, were called adorers and flatterers,) they, I say,
being on a voyage in company with Cnopus, when they were at a distance
from land, bound Cnopus and threw him into the sea; and then they sailed
to Chios, and getting a force from the tyrants there, Amphiclus and
Polytechnus, they sailed by night to Erythræ, and just at the same time
the corpse of Cnopus was washed up on the sea-shore at Erythræ, at a
place which is now called Leopodon. And while Cleonice, the wife of
Cnopus, was busied about the offices due to the corpse, (and it was the
time of the festival and assembly instituted in honour of Diana
Stophea,) on a sudden there is heard the noise of a trumpet; and the
city is taken by Ortyges and his troops, and many of the friends of
Cnopus are put to death; and Cleonice, hearing what had happened, fled
to Colophon.
75. "But Ortyges and his companions, establishing themselves as tyrants,
and having possessed themselves of the supreme power in Chios, destroyed
all who opposed their proceedings, and they subverted the laws, and
themselves managed the whole of the affairs of the state, admitting none
of the popular party within the walls. And they established a court of
justice outside the walls, before the gates; and there they tried all
actions, sitting as judges, clothed in purple cloaks, and in tunics with
purple borders, and they wore sandals with many slits in them during the
hot weather; but in winter they always walked about in women's shoes;
and they let their hair grow, and took great care of it so as to have
ringlets, dividing it on the top of their head with fillets of yellow
and purple. And they wore ornaments of solid gold, like women, and they
compelled some of the citizens to carry their litters, and some to act
as lictors to them, and some to sweep the roads. And they sent for the
sons of some of the citizens to their parties when they supped together;
and some they ordered to bring their own wives and daughters within. And
on those who disobeyed they inflicted the most extreme punishment. And
if any one of their companions died, then collecting the citizens with
their wives and children, they compelled them by violence to utter
lamentations over the dead, and to beat their breasts, and to cry out
shrilly and loudly with their voices, a man with a scourge standing over
them, who compelled them to do so--until Hippotes, the brother of
Cnopus, coming to Erythræ with an army at the time of a festival, the
people of Erythræ assisting him, set upon the tyrants, and having
punished a great many of their companions, slew Ortyges in his flight,
and all who were with him, and treated their wives and children with the
very extremity of ill-usage, and delivered his country."
76. Now from all this we may understand, my friends, of how many evils
flattery is the cause in human life. For Theopompus, in the nineteenth
book of his history of the Transactions of Philip, says, "Agathocles was
a slave, and one of the Penestæ in Thessaly, and as he had great
influence with Philip by reason of his flattery of him, and because he
was constantly at his entertainments dancing and making him laugh,
Philip sent him to destroy the Perrhæbi, and to govern all that part of
the country. And the Macedonian constantly had this kind of people
about him, with whom he associated the greater part of his time, because
of their fondness for drinking and buffoonery, and in their company he
used to deliberate on the most important affairs." And Hegesander the
Delphian gives a similar account of him, and relates how he sent a large
sum of money to the men who are assembled at Athens at the temple of
Hercules in Diomea, and who say laughable things; and he ordered some
men to write down all that was said by them, and to send it to him. And
Theopompus, in the twenty-sixth book of his History, says "that Philip
knowing that the Thessalians were an intemperate race, and very
profligate in their way of living, prepared some entertainments for
them, and endeavoured in every possible manner to make himself agreeable
to them. For he danced and revelled, and practised every kind of
intemperance and debauchery. And he was by nature a buffoon, and got
drunk every day, and he delighted in those occupations which are
consistent with such practices, and with those who are called witty men,
who say and do things to provoke laughter. And he attached numbers of
the Thessalians who were intimate with him to himself, still more by his
entertainments than by his presents." And Dionysius the Sicilian used to
do very nearly the same thing, as Eubulus the comic poet tells us in his
play entitled Dionysius;--
But he is harsh and rigorous to the solemn,
But most good-humour'd to all flatterers,
And all who jest with freedom. For he thinks
Those men alone are free, though slaves they be.
77. And indeed Dionysius was not the only person who encouraged and
received those who had squandered their estates on drunkenness and
gambling and all such debauchery as that, for Philip also did the same.
And Theopompus speaks of such of them in the forty-ninth book of his
History, where he writes as follows:--"Philip kept at a distance all men
who were well regulated in their conduct and who took care of their
property; but the extravagant and those who lived in gambling and
drunkenness he praised and honoured. And therefore he not only took care
that they should always have such amusements, but he encouraged them to
devote themselves to all sorts of injustice and debauchery besides. For
what disgraceful or iniquitous practices were there to which these men
were strangers, or what virtuous or respectable habits were there which
they did not shun? Did they not at all times go about shaven and
carefully made smooth, though they were men? And did not they endeavour
to misuse one another though they had beards? And they used to go about
attended by two or three lovers at a time; and they expected no
complaisance from others which they were not prepared to exhibit
themselves. On which account a man might very reasonably have thought
them not =hetairoi= but =hetairai=, and one might have called them not
soldiers, but prostitutes. For though they were =androphonoi= by
profession, they were =andropornoi= by practice. And in addition to all
this, instead of loving sobriety, they loved drunkenness; and instead of
living respectably they sought every opportunity of robbing and
murdering; and as for speaking the truth, and adhering to their
agreements, they thought that conduct quite inconsistent with their
characters; but to perjure themselves and cheat, they thought the most
venerable behaviour possible. And they disregarded what they had, but
they longed for what they had not; and this too, though a great part of
Europe belonged to them. For I think that the companions of Philip, who
did not at that time amount to a greater number than eight hundred, had
possession so far as to enjoy the fruits of more land than any ten
thousand Greeks, who had the most fertile and large estates." And he
makes a very similar statement about Dionysius, in his twenty-first
book, when he says, "Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily encouraged above all
others those who squandered their property in drunkenness and gambling
and intemperance of that sort. For he wished every one to become ruined
and ready for any iniquity, and all such people he treated with favour
and distinction."
78. And Demetrius Poliorcetes was a man very fond of mirth, as
Phylarchus relates in the tenth book of his History. But in the
fourteenth book he writes as follows:--"Demetrius used to allow men to
flatter him at his banquets, and to pour libations in his honour,
calling him Demetrius the only king, and Ptolemy only the prefect of the
fleet, and Lysimachus only a steward, and Seleucus only a superintendent
of elephants, and in this way he incurred no small amount of hatred."
And Herodotus states that Amasis the king of the Egyptians was always a
man full of tricks, and one who was used to turn his fellow feasters
into ridicule; and when he was a private man he says he was very fond of
feasting and of jesting, and he was not at all a serious man. And
Nicolaus, in the twenty-seventh book of his History, says that Sylla the
Roman general was so fond of mimics and buffoons, being a man very much
addicted to amusement, that he gave such men several portions of the
public land. And the satyric comedies which he wrote himself in his
native language, show of how merry and jovial a temperament he was in
this way.
79. And Theophrastus, in his treatise on Comedy, tells us that the
Tirynthians, being people addicted to amusement, and utterly useless for
all serious business, betook themselves once to the oracle at Delphi in
hopes to be relieved from some calamity or other. And that the God
answered them, "That if they sacrificed a bull to Neptune and threw it
into the sea without once laughing, the evil would cease." And they,
fearing lest they should make a blunder in obeying the oracle, forbade
any of the boys to be present at the sacrifice; however, one boy,
hearing of what was going to be done, mingled with the crowd, and then
when they hooted him and drove him away, "Why," said he, "are you afraid
lest I should spoil your sacrifice?" and when they laughed at this
question of his, they perceived that the god meant to show them by a
fact that an inveterate custom cannot be remedied. And Sosicrates, in
the first book of his History of Crete, says that the Phæstians have a
certain peculiarity, for that they seem to practise saying ridiculous
things from their earliest childhood; on which account it has often
happened to them to say very reasonable and witty things because of
their early habituation: and therefore all the Cretans attribute to them
preeminence in the accomplishment of raising a laugh.
80. But after flattery, Anaxandrides the comic poet gives the next place
to ostentation, in his Apothecary Prophet, speaking thus--
Do you reproach me that I'm ostentatious?
Why should you do so? for this quality
Is far beyond all others, only flattery
Excepted: that indeed is best of all.
And Antiphanes speaks of what he calls a psomocolax, a flatterer for
morsels of bread, in his Gerytades, when he says--
You are call'd a whisperer and psomocolax.
And Sannyrion says--
What will become of you, you cursed psomocolaces.
And Philemon says in his Woman made young again--
The man is a psomocolax.
And Philippides says in his Renovation--
Always contending and =psômokolakeuôn=.
But the word =kolax= especially applies to these parasitical flatterers;
for =kolon= means food, from which come the words =boukolos=, and
=dyskolos=, which means difficult to be pleased and squeamish. And the
word =koilia= means that part of the body which receives the food, that
is to say, the stomach. Diphilus also uses the word =psômokolaphos= in
his Theseus, saying--
They call you a runaway =psômokolaphos=.
81. When Democritus had made this speech, and had asked for some drink
in a narrow-necked sabrias, Ulpian said, And what is this sabrias? And
just as Democritus was beginning to treat us all to a number of
interminable stories, in came a troop of servants bringing in everything
requisite for eating. Concerning whom Democritus, continuing his
discourse, spoke as follows:--I have always, O my friends, marvelled at
the race of slaves, considering how abstemious they are, though placed
in the middle of such numbers of dainties; for they pass them by, not
only out of fear, but also because they are taught to do so; I do not
mean being taught in the Slave-teacher of Pherecrates, but by early
habituation; and without its being necessary to utter any express
prohibition respecting such matters to them, as in the island of Cos,
when the citizens sacrifice to Juno. For Macareus says, in his third
book of his treatise on Coan Affairs, that, when the Coans sacrifice to
Juno, no slave is allowed to enter the temple, nor does any slave taste
any one of the things which are prepared for the sacrifice. And
Antiphanes, in his Dyspratus,[411:1] says--
'Tis hard to see around one savoury cakes,
And delicate birds half eaten; yet the slaves
Are not allow'd to eat the fragments even,
As say the women.
And Epicrates, in his Dyspratus, introduces a servant expressing his
indignation, and saying--
What can be worse than, while the guests are drinking,
To hear the constant cry of, Here, boy, here!
And this that one may bear a chamberpot
To some vain beardless youth; and see around
Half eaten savoury cakes, and delicate birds,
Whose very fragments are forbidden strictly
To all the slaves--at least the women say so;
And him who drinks a cup men call a belly-god;
And if he tastes a mouthful of solid food
They call him greedy glutton:
from the comparison of which iambics, it is very plain that Epicrates
borrowed Antiphanes's lines, and transferred them to his own play.
82. And Dieuchidas says, in his history of the Affairs of
Megara--"Around the islands called Arææ[412:1] (and they are between
Cnidos and Syme) a difference arose, after the death of Triopas, among
those who had set out with him on his expedition, and some returned
home, and others remained with Phorbas, and came to Ialysus, and others
proceeded with Periergus, and occupied the district of Cameris. And on
this it is said that Periergus uttered curses against Phorbas, and on
this account the islands were called Arææ. But Phorbas having met with
shipwreck, he and Parthenia, the sister of Phorbas and Periergus, swam
ashore to Ialysus, at the point called Schedia. And Thamneus met with
them, as he happened to be hunting near Schedia, and took them to his
own house, intending to receive them hospitably, and sent on a servant
as a messenger to tell his wife to prepare everything necessary, as he
was bringing home strangers. But when he came to his house and found
nothing prepared, he himself put corn into a mill, and everything else
that was requisite, and then ground it himself and feasted them. And
Phorbas was so delighted with this hospitality, that when he was dying
himself he charged his friends to take care that his funeral rites
should be performed by free men. And so this custom continued to prevail
in the sacrifice of Phorbas, for none but free men minister at this
sacrifice. And it is accounted profanation for any slave to approach
it."
83. And since among the different questions proposed by Ulpian, there is
this one about the slaves, let us now ourselves recapitulate a few
things which we have to say on the subject, remembering what we have in
former times read about it. For Pherecrates, in his Boors, says--
For no one then had any Manes,[413:1] no,
Nor home-born slaves; but the free women themselves
Did work at everything within the house.
And so at morn they ground the corn for bread,
Till all the streets resounded with the mills.
And Anaxandrides, in his Anchises, says--
There is not anywhere, my friend, a state
Of none but slaves; but fortune regulates
And changes at its will th' estates of men.
Many there are who are not free to day,
But will to-morrow free-men be of Sunium,
And the day after public orators;
For so the deity guides each man's helm.
84. And Posidonius, the stoic philosopher, says in the eleventh book of
his History, "That many men, who are unable to govern themselves, by
reason of the weakness of their intellect, give themselves up to the
guidance of those who are wiser than themselves, in order that receiving
from them care and advice, and assistance in necessary matters, they may
in their turn requite them with such services as they are able to
render. And in this manner the Mariandyni became subject to the people
of Heraclea, promising to act as their subjects for ever, if they would
supply them with what they stood in need of; having made an agreement
beforehand, that none of them would sell anything out of the territory
of Heraclea, but that they would sell in that district alone. And
perhaps it is on this account that Euphorion the epic poet called the
Mariandyni Bringers of Gifts, saying--
And they may well be call'd Bringers of Gifts,
Fearing the stern dominion of their kings.
And Callistratus the Aristophanean says that "they called the Mariandyni
=dôrophoroi=, by that appellation taking away whatever there is bitter
in the name of servants, just as the Spartans did in respect of the
Helots, the Thessalians in the case of the Penestæ, and the Cretans with
the Clarotæ. But the Cretans call those servants, who are in their
houses Chrysoneti,[414:1] and those whose work lies in the fields
Amphamiotæ, being natives of the country, but people who have been
enslaved by the chance of war; but they also call the same people
Clarotæ, because they have been distributed among their masters by lot.
And Ephorus, in the third book of his Histories, "The Cretans call their
slaves Clarotæ, because lots have been drawn for them; and those slaves
have some regularly recurring festivals in Cydonia, during which no
freemen enter the city, but the slaves are the masters of everything,
and have the right even to scourge the freemen." But Sosicrates, in the
second book of his History of Cretan Affairs, says, "The Cretans call
public servitude =mnoia=, but the private slaves they call aphamiotæ;
and the perioeci, or people who live in the adjacent districts, they
call subjects. And Dosiadas gives a very similar account in the fourth
book of his history of Cretan Affairs.
85. But the Thessalians call those Penestæ who were not born slaves, but
who have been taken prisoners in war. And Theopompus the comic poet,
misapplying the word, says--
The wrinkled counsellors of a Penestan master.
And Philocrates, in the second book of his history of the Affairs of
Thessaly, if at least the work attributed to him is genuine, says that
the Penestæ are also called Thessaloecetæ, or servants of the
Thessalians. And Archemachus, in the third book of his history of the
Affairs of Euboea, says, "When the Boeotians had founded Arnæa,
those of them who did not return to Boeotia, but who took a fancy to
their new country, gave themselves up to the Thessalians by agreement,
to be their slaves; on condition that they should not take them out of
the country, nor put them to death, but that they should cultivate the
country for them, and pay them a yearly revenue for it. These men,
therefore, abiding by their agreement, and giving themselves up to the
Thessalians, were called at that time Menestæ; but now they are called
Penestæ; and many of them are richer than their masters. And Euripides,
in his Phrixus, calls them latriæ,[415:1] in these words--
=Latris penestês hamos archaiôn domôn.=
86. And Timæus of Tauromenium, in the ninth book of his Histories, says,
"It was not a national custom among the Greeks in former times to be
waited on by purchased slaves;" and he proceeds to say, "And altogether
they accused Aristotle of having departed from the Locrian customs; for
they said that it was not customary among the Locrians, nor among the
Phocians, to use either maid-servants or house-servants till very
lately. But the wife of Philomelus, who took Delphi, was the first woman
who had two maids to follow her. And in a similar manner Mnason, the
companion of Aristotle, was much reproached among the Phocians, for
having purchased a thousand slaves; for they said that he was depriving
that number of citizens of their necessary subsistence: for that it was
a custom in their houses for the younger men to minister to the elder."
87. And Plato, in the sixth book of the Laws, says,--"The whole question
about servants is full of difficulty; for of all the Greeks, the system
of the Helots among the Lacedæmonians causes the greatest perplexity and
dispute, some people affirming that it is a wise institution, and some
considering it as of a very opposite character. But the system of
slavery among the people of Heraclea would cause less dispute than the
subject condition of the Mariandyni; and so too would the condition of
the Thessalian Penestæ. And if we consider all these things, what ought
we to do with respect to the acquisition of servants? For there is
nothing sound in the feelings of slaves; nor ought a prudent man to
trust them in anything of importance. And the wisest of all poets says--
Jove fix'd it certain that whatever day
Makes man a slave, takes half his worth away.
And it has been frequently shown by facts, that a slave is an
objectionable and perilous possession; especially in the frequent
revolts of the Messenians, and in the case of those cities which have
many slaves, speaking different languages, in which many evils arise
from that circumstance. And also we may come to the same conclusion from
the exploits and sufferings of all sorts of robbers, who infest the
Italian coasts as piratical vagabonds. And if any one considers all
these circumstances, he may well doubt what course ought to be pursued
with respect to all these people. Two remedies now are left to
us--either never to allow, for the future, any person's slaves to be one
another's fellow-countrymen, and, as far as possible, to prevent their
even speaking the same language: and he should also keep them well, not
only for their sake, but still more for his own; and he should behave
towards them with as little insolence as possible. But it is right to
chastise them with justice; not admonishing them as if they were free
men, so as to make them arrogant: and every word which we address to
slaves ought to be, in some sort, a command. And a man ought never to
play at all with his slaves, or jest with them, whether they be male or
female. And as to the very foolish way in which many people treat their
slaves, allowing them great indulgence and great licence, they only make
everything more difficult for both parties: they make obedience harder
for the one to practise, and authority harder for the others to
exercise.
88. Now of all the Greeks, I conceive that the Chians were the first
people who used slaves purchased with money, as is related by
Theopompus, in the seventeenth book of his Histories; where he
says,--"The Chians were the first of the Greeks, after the Thessalians
and Lacedæmonians, who used slaves. But they did not acquire them in the
same manner as those others did; for the Lacedæmonians and the
Thessalians will be found to have derived their slaves from Greek
tribes, who formerly inhabited the country which they now possess: the
one having Achæan slaves, but the Thessalians having Perrhæbian and
Magnesian slaves; and the one nation called their slaves Helots, and the
others called them Penestæ. But the Chians have barbarian slaves, and
they have bought them at a price." Theopompus, then, has given this
account. But I think that, on this account, the Deity was angry with the
Chians; for at a subsequent period they were subdued by their slaves.
Accordingly, Nymphodorus the Syracusan, in his Voyage along the Coast of
Asia, gives this account of them:--"The slaves of the Chians deserted
them, and escaped to the mountains; and then, collecting in great
numbers, ravaged the country-houses about; for the island is very
rugged, and much overgrown with trees. But, a little before our time,
the Chians themselves relate, that one of their slaves deserted, and
took up his habitation in the mountains; and, being a man of great
courage and very prosperous in his warlike undertakings, he assumed the
command of the runaway slaves, as a king would take the command of an
army; and though the Chians often made expeditions against him, they
were able to effect nothing. And when Drimacus (for that was the name of
this runaway slave) found that they were being destroyed, without being
able to effect anything, he addressed them in this language: 'O Chians!
you who are the masters, this treatment which you are now receiving from
your servants will never cease; for how should it cease, when it is God
who causes it, in accordance with the prediction of the oracle? But if
you will be guided by me, and if you will leave us in peace, then I will
be the originator of much good fortune to you.'
89. "Accordingly, the Chians, having entered into a treaty with him, and
having made a truce for a certain time, Drimacus prepares measures and
weights, and a private seal for himself; and, throwing it to the Chians,
he said, 'Whatever I take from any one of you, I shall take according to
these measures and these weights; and when I have taken enough, I will
then leave the storehouses, having sealed them up with this seal. And as
to all the slaves who desert from you, I will inquire what cause of
complaint they have; and if they seem to me to have been really subject
to any incurable oppression, which has been the reason of their running
away, I will retain them with me; but if they have no sufficient or
reasonable ground to allege, I will send them back to their masters.'
Accordingly, the rest of the slaves, seeing that the Chians agreed to
this state of things, very good-humouredly did not desert nearly so much
for the future, fearing the judgment which Drimacus might pass upon
them. And the runaways who were with him feared him a great deal more
than they did their own masters, and did everything that he required,
obeying him as their general; for he punished the refractory with great
severity: and he permitted no one to ravage the land, nor to commit any
other crime of any sort, without his consent. And at the time of
festivals, he went about, and took from the fields wine, and such
animals for victims as were in good condition, and whatever else the
masters were inclined or able to give him; and if he perceived that any
one was intriguing against him, or laying any plot to injure him or
overthrow his power, he chastised him.
90. "Then (for the city had made a proclamation, that it would give a
great reward to any one who took him prisoner, or who brought in his
head,) this Drimacus, as he became older, calling one of his most
intimate friends into a certain place, says to him, 'You know that I
have loved you above all men, and you are to me as my child and my son,
and as everything else. I now have lived long enough, but you are young
and just in the prime of life. What, then, are we to do? You must show
yourself a wise and brave man; for, since the city of the Chians offers
a great reward to any one who shall kill me, and also promises him his
freedom, you must cut off my head, and carry it to Chios, and receive
the money which they offer, and so be prosperous.' But when the young
man refused, he at last persuaded him to do so; and so he cut off his
head; and took it to the Chians, and received from them the rewards
which they had offered by proclamation: and, having buried the corpse of
Drimacus, he departed to his own country. And the Chians, being again
injured and plundered by their slaves, remembering the moderation of him
who was dead, erected a Heroum in their country, and called it the
shrine of the GENTLE HERO. And even now the runaway slaves bring to that
shrine the first-fruits of all the plunder they get; and they say that
Drimacus still appears to many of the Chians in their sleep, and informs
them beforehand of the stratagems of their slaves who are plotting
against them: and to whomsoever he appears, they come to that place, and
sacrifice to him, where this shrine is."
91. Nymphodorus, then, has given this account; but in many copies of his
history, I have found that Drimachus is not mentioned by name. But I do
not imagine that any one of you is ignorant, either of what the prince
of all historians, Herodotus, has related of the Chian Panionium, and of
what he justly suffered who castrated free boys and sold them. But
Nicolaus the Peripatetic, and Posidonius the Stoic, in their Histories,
both state that the Chians were enslaved by Mithridates, the tyrant of
Cappadocia; and were given up by him, bound, to their own slaves, for
the purpose of being transported into the land of the Colchians,--so
really angry with them was the Deity, as being the first people who used
purchased slaves, while most other nations provided for themselves by
their own industry. And, perhaps, this is what the proverb originated
in, "A Chian bought a master," which is used by Eupolis, in his Friends.
92. But the Athenians, having a prudent regard to the condition of their
slaves, made a law that there should be a =graphê hybreôs=, even against
men who ill treated their slaves. Accordingly, Hyperides, the orator, in
his speech against Mnesitheus, on a charge of =aikia=, says, "They made
these laws not only for the protection of freemen, but they enacted
also, that even if any one personally ill treated a slave, there should
be a power of preferring an indictment against him who had done so."
And Lycurgus made a similar statement, in his first speech against
Lycophron; and so did Demosthenes, in his oration against Midias. And
Malacus, in his Annals of the Siphnians, relates that some slaves of the
Samians colonized Ephesus, being a thousand men in number; who in the
first instance revolted against their masters, and fled to the mountain
which is in the island, and from thence did great injury to the Samians.
But, in the sixth year after these occurrences, the Samians, by the
advice of an oracle, made a treaty with the slaves, on certain
agreements; and the slaves were allowed to depart uninjured from the
island; and, sailing away, they occupied Ephesus, and the Ephesians are
descended from these ancestors.
93. But Chrysippus says that there is a difference between a =doulos=
and an =oiketês=; and he draws the distinction in the second book of his
treatise on Similarity of Meaning, because he says that those who have
been emancipated are still =douloi=, but that the term =oiketês= is
confined to those who are not discharged from servitude; for the
=oiketês=, says he, is a =doulos=, being actually at the time the
property of a master. And all the following are called =douloi=, as
Clitarchus says, in his treatise on Dialects: =azoi=,[419:1] and
=therapontes=,[419:2] and =akolouthoi=,[419:3] and =diakonoi=,[420:1]
and =hypêreta=[420:2] and also =palmones= and =latreis=.[420:3] And
Amerias says, that the slaves who are employed about the fields are
called =herkitai=. And Hermon, in his treatise on the Cretan Dialects,
says that slaves of noble birth are called =mnôtes=. And Seleucus says,
that both men and maid servants are called =azoi=; and that a female
slave is often called =apophrasê= and =bolizê=; and that a slave who is
the son of a slave is called =sindrôn=; and that =amphipolos= is a name
properly belonging to a female slave who is about her mistress's person,
and that a =propolos= is one who walks before her mistress.
But Proxenus, in the second book of his treatise on the Lacedæmonian
Constitution, says that female servants are called among the
Lacedæmonians, Chalcides. But Ion of Chios, in his Laertes, uses the
word =oiketês= as synonymous with =doulos=, and says--
Alas, O servant, go on wings and close
The house lest any man should enter in.
And Achæus, in his Omphale, speaking of the Satyr, says--
How rich in slaves (=eudoulos=) and how well housed he was
(=euoikos=);
using, however, in my opinion, the words =eudoulos= and =euoikos= in a
peculiar sense, as meaning rather, good to his slaves and servants,
taking =euoikos= from =oiketês=. And it is generally understood that an
=oiketês= is a servant whose business is confined to the house, and that
it is possible he may be a free-born man.
94. But the poets of the old comedy, speaking of the old-fashioned way
of life, and asserting that in olden time there was no great use of
slaves, speak in this way. Cratinus, in his Pluti, says--
As for those men, those heroes old,
Who lived in Saturn's time,
When men did play at dice with loaves,
And Æginetan cakes
Of barley well and brownly baked
Were roll'd down before men
Who did in the palæstra toil,
Full of hard lumps of dough . . . .
And Crates says, in his Beasts--
_A._ Then no one shall possess or own
One male or female slave,
But shall himself, though ne'er so old,
Labour for all his needs.
_B._ Not so, for I will quickly make
These matters all come right.
_A._ And what will your plans do for us?
_B._ Why everything you call for
Should of its own accord come forth,
As if now you should say,
O table, lay yourself for dinner,
And spread a cloth upon you.
You kneading-trough, prepare some dough;
You cyathus, pour forth wine;
Where is the cup? come hither, cup,
And empt and wash yourself.
Come up, O cake. You sir, you dish,
Here, bring me up some beetroot.
Come hither, fish. "I can't, for I
Am raw on t' other side."
Well, turn round then and baste yourself
With oil and melted butter.
And immediately after this the man who takes up the opposite side of the
argument says--
But argue thus: I on the other hand
Shall first of all bring water for the hot baths
On columns raised as through the Pæonium[421:1]
Down to the sea, so that the stream shall flow
Direct to every private person's bath.
Then he shall speak and check the flowing water.
Then too an alabaster box of ointment
Shall of its own accord approach the bather,
And sponges suitable, and also slippers.
95. And Teleclides puts it better than the man whom I have just quoted,
in his Amphictyons, where he says--
I will tell you now the life
Which I have prepared for men.
First of all the lovely Peace
Everywhere was always by,
Like spring water which is poured
O'er the hands of feasted guests.
The earth produced no cause for fear,
No pains and no diseases.
And everything a man could want
Came forth unask'd for to him.
The streams all ran with rosy wine,
And barley-cakes did fight
With wheaten loaves which first could reach
A hungry man's open mouth.
And each entreated to be eaten,
If men loved dainty whiteness.
Fish too came straight unto men's doors,
And fried themselves all ready,
Dish'd themselves up, and stood before
The guests upon the tables.
A stream of soup did flow along
In front of all the couches,
Rolling down lumps of smoking meat;
And rivulets of white sauce
Brought to all such as chose to eat
The sweetest forced-meat balls.
So that there was no lack, but all
Did eat whate'er they wanted.
Dishes there were of boil'd meat too,
And sausages likewise and pasties;
And roasted thrushes and rissoles
Flew down men's throats spontaneously.
Then there were sounds of cheesecakes too
Crush'd in men's hungry jaws:
While the boys play'd with dainty bits
Of tripe, and paunch, and liver.
No wonder men did on such fare
Get stout and strong as giants.
96. And in the name of Ceres, my companions, if these things went on in
this way, I should like to know what need we should have of servants.
But the ancients, accustoming us to provide for ourselves, instructed us
by their actions while they feasted us in words. But I, in order to show
you in what manner succeeding poets (since the most admirable Cratinus
brandished the before-cited verses like a torch) imitated and amplified
them, have quoted these plays in the order in which they were exhibited.
And if I do not annoy you, (for as for the Cynics I do not care the
least bit for them,) I will quote to you some sentences from the other
poets, taking them also in regular order; one of which is that strictest
Atticist of all, namely, Pherecrates; who in his Miners says--
_A._ But all those things were heap'd in confusion
By o'ergrown wealth, abounding altogether
In every kind of luxury. There were rivers
With tender pulse and blackest soup o'erflowing,
Which ran down brawling through the narrow dishes,
Bearing the crusts and spoons away in the flood.
Then there were dainty closely kneaded cakes;
So that the food, both luscious and abundant,
Descended to the gullets of the dead.
There were black-puddings and large boiling slices
Of well-mix'd sausages, which hiss'd within
The smoking streamlet in the stead of oysters.
There too were cutlets of broil'd fish well season'd
With sauce of every kind, and cook, and country.
There were huge legs of pork, most tender meat,
Loading enormous platters; and boil'd pettitoes
Sending a savoury steam; and paunch of ox;
And well-cured chine of porker, red with salt,
A dainty dish, on fried meat balls upraised.
There too were cakes of groats well steep'd in milk,
In large flat dishes, and rich plates of beestings.
_B._ Alas, you will destroy me. Why do you
Remain here longer, when you thus may dive
Just as you are beneath deep Tartarus?
_A._ What will you say then when you hear the rest?
For roasted thrushes nicely brown'd and hot
Flew to the mouths o' the guests, entreating them
To deign to swallow them, besprinkled o'er
With myrtle leaves and flowers of anemone,
And plates of loveliest apples hung around
Above our heads, hanging in air as it seem'd.
And maidens in the most transparent robes,
Just come to womanhood, and crowned with roses,
Did through a strainer pour red mantling cups
Of fragrant wine for all who wish'd to drink.
And whatsoe'er each guest did eat or drink
Straight reappear'd in twofold quantity.
97. And in his Persians he says--
But what need, I pray you now,
Have we of all you ploughmen,
Or carters, mowers, reapers too,
Or coopers, or brass-founders?
What need we seed, or furrow's line?
For of their own accord
Rivers do flow down every road
(Though half choked up with comfits)
Of rich black soup, which rolls along
Within its greasy flood
Achilles's fat barley-cake,
And streams of sauce which flow
Straight down from Plutus's own springs,
For all the guests to relish.
Meantime Jove rains down fragrant wine,
As if it were a bath,
And from the roof red strings of grapes
Hang down, with well made cakes,
Water'd the while with smoking soup,
And mix'd with savoury omelets.
E'en all the trees upon the hills
Will put forth leaves of paunches,
Kids' paunches, and young cuttle-fish,
And smoking roasted thrushes.
98. And why need I quote in addition to this the passages from the
Tagenistæ of the incomparable Aristophanes? And as to the passage in the
Acharnenses, you are all of you full of it. And when I have just
repeated the passage out of the Thurio-Persæ of Metagenes I will say no
more, and discard all notice of the Sirens of Nicophon, in which we find
the following lines--
Let it now snow white cakes of pulse;
Let loaves arise like dew; let it rain soup;
Let gravy roll down lumps of meat i' the roads,
And cheese-cakes beg the wayfarer to eat them.
But Metagenes says this--
The river Crathis bears down unto us
Huge barley-cakes, self-kneaded and self-baked.
The other river, called the Sybaris,
Rolls on large waves of meat and sausages,
And boilèd rays all wriggling the same way.
And all these lesser streamlets flow along
With roasted cuttle-fish, and crabs, and lobsters;
And, on the other side, with rich black-puddings
And forced-meat stuffings; on the other side
Are herbs and lettuces, and fried bits of pastry.
Above, fish cut in slices and self-boil'd
Rush to the mouth; some fall before one's feet,
And dainty cheese-cakes swim around us everywhere.
And I know too that the Thurio-Persæ and the play of Nicophon were never
exhibited at all; on which account I mentioned them last.
99. Democritus now having gone through this statement distinctly and
intelligently, all the guests praised him; but Cynulcus said,--O
messmates, I was exceedingly hungry, and Democritus has given me no
unpleasant feast; carrying me across rivers of ambrosia and nectar. And
I, having my mind watered by them, have now become still more
exceedingly hungry, having hitherto swallowed nothing but words; so that
now it is time to desist from this interminable discussion, and, as the
Pæanian orator says, to take some of these things, "which if they do not
put strength into a man, at all events prevent his dying"--
For in an empty stomach there's no room
For love of beauteous objects, since fair Venus
Is always hostile to a hungry man;
as Achæus says in Æthon, a satyric drama. And it was borrowing from him
that the wise Euripides wrote--
Venus abides in fulness, and avoids
The hungry stomach.
And Ulpian, who was always fond of contradicting him, said in reply to
this,--But still,
The market is of herbs and loaves too full.
But you, you dog, are always hungry, and do not allow us to partake of,
or I should rather say devour, good discussion in sufficient plenty: for
good and wise conversation is the food of the mind. And then turning to
the servant he said,--O Leucus, if you have any remnants of bread, give
them to the dogs. And Cynulcus rejoined,--If I had been invited here
only to listen to discussions, I should have taken care to come when the
forum was full;[425:1] for that is the time which one of the wise men
mentioned to me as the hour for declamations, and the common people on
that account have called it =plêthagora=:
But if we are to bathe and sup on words,
Then I my share contribute as a listener;
as Menander says; on which account I give you leave, you glutton, to eat
your fill of this kind of food--
But barley dearer is to hungry men
Than gold or Libyan ivory;
as Achæus the Eretrian says in his Cycnus.
100. And when Cynulcus had said this, he was on the point of rising up
to depart; but turning round and seeing a quantity of fish, and a large
provision of all sorts of other eatables being brought in, beating the
pillow with his hand, he shouted out,--
Gird thyself up, O poverty, and bear
A little longer with these foolish babblers,
For copious food and hunger sharp subdues thee.
But I now, by reason of my needy condition, do not speak dithyrambic
poems, as Socrates says, but even epic poems too. For, reciting poems is
very hungry work. For, according to Ameipsias, who said in his Sling,
where he utters a prediction about you, O Laurentius,--
There are none of the rich men
In the least like you, by Vulcan,
Who enjoy a dainty table,
And who every day can eat
All delicacies that you wish.
For now, I see a thing beyond belief--
A prodigy; all sorts of kinds of fish
Sporting around this cape--tenches and char,
White and red mullet, rays, and perch, and eels,
Tunnies, and blacktails, and cuttle-fish, and pipe-fish,
And hake, and cod, and lobsters, crabs and scorpions;
as Heniochus says in his Busybody; I must, therefore, as the comic poet
Metagenes says--
Without a sign his knife the hungry draws,
And asks no omen but his supper's cause--
endure and listen to what more you have all got to say.
101. And when he was silent, Masyrius said,--But since some things have
still been left unsaid in our discussion on servants, I will myself also
contribute some "melody on love" to the wise and much loved Democritus.
Philippus of Theangela, in his treatise on the Carians and Leleges,
having made mention of the Helots of the Lacedæmonians and of the
Thessalian Penestæ, says, "The Carians also, both in former times, and
down to the present day, use the Leleges as slaves." But Phylarchus, in
the sixth book of his History, says that the Byzantians used the
Bithynians in the same manner, just as the Lacedæmonians do the Helots.
But respecting those who among the Lacedæmonians are called Epeunacti,
and they also are slaves, Theopompus gives a very clear account in the
thirty-second book of his History, speaking as follows:--"When many of
the Lacedæmonians had been slain in the war against the Messenians,
those who were left being afraid lest their enemies should become aware
of their desolate condition, put some of the Helots into the beds of
those who were dead; and afterwards they made those men citizens, and
called them Epeunacti, because they had been put into the beds[426:1] of
those who were dead instead of them." And the same writer also tells
us, in the thirty-third book of his History, that among the Sicyonians
there are some slaves who are called Catonacophori, being very similar
to the Epeunacti. And Menæchmus gives a similar account in his History
of the affairs of Sicyon, and says that there are some slaves called
Catonacophori, who very much resemble the Epeunacti. And again,
Theopompus, in the second book of his Philippics, says that the
Arcadians had three hundred thousand slaves, whom they called
Prospelatæ, like the Helots.
102. But the class called Mothaces among the Lacedæmonians are freemen,
but still not citizens of Lacedæmon. And Phylarchus speaks of them thus,
in the twenty-fifth book of his History--"But the Mothaces are
foster-brothers of Lacedæmonian citizens. For each of the sons of the
citizens has one or two, or even more foster-brothers, according as
their circumstances admit. The Mothaces are freemen then, but still not
Lacedæmonian citizens; but they share all the education which is given
to the free citizens; and they say that Lysander, who defeated the
Athenians in the naval battle, was one of that class, having been made a
citizen on account of his preeminent valour." And Myron of Priene, in
the second book of his history of the Affairs of Messene, says, "The
Lacedæmonians often emancipated their slaves, and some of them when
emancipated they called Aphetæ,[427:1] and some they called
Adespoti,[427:2] and some they called Erycteres, and others they called
Desposionautæ,[427:3] whom they put on board their fleets, and some they
called Neodamodes,[427:4] but all these were different people from the
Helots." And Theopompus, in the seventh book of his history of the
Affairs of Greece, speaking of the Helots that they were also called
Eleatæ, writes as follows:--"But the nation of the Helots is altogether
a fierce and cruel race. For they are people who have been enslaved a
long time ago by the Spartans, some of them being Messenians, and some
Eleatæ, who formerly dwelt in that part of Laconia called Helos.
103. But Timæus of Tauromenium, forgetting himself, (and Polybius the
Megalopolitan attacks him for the assertion, in the twelfth book of his
Histories,) says that it is not usual for the Greeks to possess slaves.
But the same man, writing under the name of Epitimæus, (and this is what
Ister the pupil of Callimachus calls him in the treatise which he wrote
against him,) says that Mnason the Phocian had more than a thousand
slaves. And in the third book of his History, Epitimæus said that the
city of the Corinthians was so flourishing that it possessed four
hundred and sixty thousand slaves. On which account I imagine it was
that the Pythian priestess called them The People who measured with a
Choenix. But Ctesicles, in the third book of his Chronicles, says that
in the hundred and fifteenth Olympiad, there was an investigation at
Athens conducted by Demetrius Phalereus into the number of the
inhabitants of Attica, and the Athenians were found to amount to
twenty-one thousand, and the Metics to ten thousand, and the slaves to
four hundred thousand. But Nicias the son of Niceratus, as that
admirable writer Xenophon has said in his book on Revenues, when he had
a thousand servants, let them out to Sosias the Thracian to work in the
silver mines, on condition of his paying him an obol a day for every one
of them. And Aristotle, in his history of the Constitution of the
Æginetæ, says that the Æginetans had four hundred and seventy thousand
slaves. But Agatharchides the Cnidian, in the thirty-eighth book of his
history of the Affairs of Europe, says that the Dardanians had great
numbers of slaves, some of them having a thousand, and some even more;
and that in time of peace they were all employed in the cultivation of
the land; but that in time of war they were all divided into regiments,
each set of slaves having their own master for their commander.
104. After all these statements, Laurentius rose up and said,--But each
of the Romans (and this is a fact with which you are well acquainted, my
friend Masyrius) had a great many slaves. For many of them had ten
thousand or twenty thousand, or even a greater number, not for the
purposes of income, as the rich Nicias had among the Greeks; but the
greater part of the Romans when they go forth have a large retinue of
slaves accompanying them. And out of the myriads of Attic slaves, the
greater part worked in the mines, being kept in chains: at all events
Posidonius, whom you are often quoting, the philosopher I mean, says
that once they revolted and put to death the guards of the mines; and
that they seized on the Acropolis on Sunium, and that for a very long
time they ravaged Attica. And this was the time when the second revolt
of the slaves took place in Sicily. And there were many revolts of the
slaves, and more than a million of slaves were destroyed in them. And
Cæcilius, the orator from Cale Acte, wrote a treatise on the Servile
Wars. And Spartacus the gladiator, having escaped from Capua, a city of
Italy, about the time of the Mithridatic war, prevailed on a great body
of slaves to join him in the revolt, (and he himself was a slave, being
a Thracian by birth,) and overran the whole of Italy for a considerable
time, great numbers of slaves thronging daily to his standard. And if he
had not died in a battle fought against Licinius Crassus, he would have
caused no ordinary trouble to our countrymen, as Eunus did in Sicily.
105. But the ancient Romans were prudent citizens, and eminent for all
kinds of good qualities. Accordingly Scipio, surnamed Africanus, being
sent out by the Senate to arrange all the kingdoms of the world, in
order that they might be put into the hands of those to whom they
properly belonged, took with him only five slaves, as we are informed by
Polybius and Posidonius. And when one of them died on the journey, he
sent to his agents at home to bring him another instead of him, and to
send him to him. And Julius Cæsar, the first man who ever crossed over
to the British isles with a thousand vessels, had with him only three
servants altogether, as Cotta, who at that time acted as his
lieutenant-general, relates in his treatise on the History and
Constitution of the Romans, which is written in our national language.
But Smindyrides the Sybarite was a very different sort of man, my Greek
friends, who, when he went forth to marry Agaroste, the daughter of
Cleisthenes, carried his luxury and ostentation to such a height, that
he took with him a thousand slaves, fishermen, bird-catchers, and cooks.
But this man, wishing to display how magnificently he was used to live,
according to the account given to us by Chamæleon of Pontus, in his book
on Pleasure, (but the same book is also attributed to Theophrastus,)
said that for twenty years he had never seen the sun rise or set; and
this he considered a great and marvellous proof of his wealth and
happiness. For he, as it seems, used to go to bed early in the morning,
and to get up in the evening, being in my opinion a miserable man in
both particulars. But Histiæus of Pontus boasted, and it was an
honourable boast, that he had never once seen the sun rise or set,
because he had been at all times intent upon study, as we are told by
Nicias of Nicæa in his Successions.
106. What then are we to think? Had not Scipio and Cæsar any slaves? To
be sure they had, but they abided by the laws of their country, and
lived with moderation, preserving the habits sanctioned by the
constitution. For it is the conduct of prudent men to abide by those
ancient institutions under which they and their ancestors have lived,
and made war upon and subdued the rest of the world; and yet, at the
same time, if there were any useful or honourable institutions among the
people whom they have subdued, those they take for their imitation at
the same time that they take the prisoners. And this was the conduct of
the Romans in olden time; for they, maintaining their national customs,
at the same time introduced from the nations whom they had subdued every
relic of desirable practices which they found, leaving what was useless
to them, so that they should never be able to regain what they had lost.
Accordingly they learnt from the Greeks the use of all machines and
engines for conducting sieges; and with those engines they subdued the
very people of whom they had learnt them. And when the Phoenicians had
made many discoveries in nautical science, the Romans availed themselves
of these very discoveries to subdue them. And from the Tyrrhenians they
derived the practice of the entire army advancing to battle in close
phalanx; and from the Samnites they learnt the use of the shield, and
from the Iberians the use of the javelin. And learning different things
from different people, they improved upon them: and imitating in
everything the constitution of the Lacedæmonians, they preserved it
better than the Lacedæmonians themselves; but now, having selected
whatever was useful from the practices of their enemies, they have at
the same time turned aside to imitate them in what is vicious and
mischievous.
107. For, as Posidonius tells us, their national mode of life was
originally temperate and simple, and they used everything which they
possessed in an unpretending and unostentatious manner. Moreover they
displayed wonderful piety towards the Deity, and great justice, and
great care to behave equitably towards all men, and great diligence in
cultivating the earth. And we may see this from the national sacrifices
which we celebrate. For we proceed by ways regularly settled and
defined. So that we bear regularly appointed offerings, and we utter
regular petitions in our prayers, and we perform stated acts in all our
sacred ceremonies. They are also simple and plain. And we do all this
without being either clothed or attired as to our persons in any
extraordinary manner, and without indulging in any extraordinary pomp
when offering the first-fruits. But we wear simple garments and shoes,
and on our heads we have rough hats made of the skins of sheep, and we
carry vessels to minister in of earthenware and brass. And in these
vessels we carry those meats and liquors which are procured with the
least trouble, thinking it absurd to send offerings to the gods in
accordance with our national customs, but to provide for ourselves
according to foreign customs. And, therefore, all the things which are
expended upon ourselves are measured by their use; but what we offer to
the gods are a sort of first-fruits of them.
108. Now Mucius Scævola was one of the three men in Rome who were
particular in their observance of the Fannian law; Quintus Ælius Tubero
and Rutilius Rufus being the other two, the latter of whom is the man
who wrote the History of his country. Which law enjoined men not to
entertain more than three people besides those in the house; but on
market-days a man might entertain five. And these market-days happened
three times in the month. The law also forbade any one to spend in
provisions more than two drachmæ and a half. And they were allowed to
spend fifteen talents a-year on cured meat and whatever vegetables the
earth produces, and on boiled pulse. But as this allowance was
insufficient, men gradually (because those who transgressed the law and
spent money lavishly raised the price of whatever was to be bought)
advanced to a more liberal style of living without violating the law.
For Tubero used to buy birds at a drachma a-piece from the men who lived
on his own farms. And Rutilius used to buy fish from his own slaves who
worked as fishermen for three obols for a pound of fish; especially
when he could get what is called the Thurian; and that is a part of the
sea-dog which goes by that name. But Mucius agreed with those who were
benefited by him to pay for all he bought at a similar valuation. Out of
so many myriads of men then these were the only ones who kept the law
with a due regard to their oaths; and who never received even the least
present; but they gave large presents to others, and especially to those
who had been brought up at the same school with them. For they all clung
to the doctrines of the Stoic school.
109. But of the extravagance which prevails at the present time Lucullus
was the first originator, he who subdued Mithridates, as Nicolaus the
Peripatetic relates. For he, coming to Rome after the defeat of
Mithridates, and also after that of Tigranes, the king of Armenia, and
having triumphed, and having given in an account of his exploits in war,
proceeded to an extravagant way of living from his former simplicity,
and was the first teacher of luxury to the Romans, having amassed the
wealth of the two before-mentioned kings. But the famous Cato, as
Polybius tells us in the thirty-fourth book of his History, was very
indignant, and cried out, that some men had introduced foreign luxury
into Rome, having bought an earthen jar of pickled fish from Pontus for
three hundred drachmæ, and some beautiful boys at a higher price than a
man might buy a field.
"But in former times the inhabitants of Italy were so easily contented,
that even now," says Posidonius, "those who are in very easy
circumstances are used to accustom their sons to drink as much water as
possible, and to eat whatever they can get. And very often," says he,
"the father or mother asks their son whether he chooses to have pears or
nuts for his supper; and then he, eating some of these things, is
contented and goes to bed." But now, as Theopompus tells us in the first
book of his history of the Actions of Philip, there is no one of those
who are even tolerably well off who does not provide a most sumptuous
table, and who has not cooks and a great many more attendants, and who
does not spend more on his daily living than formerly men used to spend
on their festivals and sacrifices.
And since now this present discussion has gone far enough, let us end
this book at this point.
FOOTNOTES:
[361:1] Odyss. xvi. 49.
[361:2] Ib. i. 141.
[370:1] The text is supposed to be corrupt here.
[373:1] Iliad, xvii. 575.
[375:1] It is said to have been a proverb among the Greek women, "Smoke
follows the fairest."
[381:1] The preceding names are the names of eatables, in the genitive
case, though here used as nominatives for persons; =kôbion= means a sort
of tench; =korydos= (as has been said before), a lark; =kyrêbia= are
husks, bran; =skombros= is the generic name for the tunny fish;
=semidalis= is fine wheat flour, semilago.
[385:1] We know little more of the gynæconomi, or =gynaikokosmoi= as
they were also called, than what is derived from this passage. It
appears probable that they existed from the time of Solon; though the
duties here attributed to them may not have formed a part of their
original business. _Vide_ Smith, Dict. Ant. in voc.
[398:1] Demeter, =Dêmêtêr=, or as it is written in the text =Dêmêtra=.
Ceres, the mother of Proserpine.
[403:1] =sikya=, a cucumber.
[411:1] The exact meaning of this title is disputed, some translate it,
"hard to sell," or "to be sold," others merely "miserable."
[412:1] From =ara=, a curse.
[413:1] A slave's name.
[414:1] _Chrysoneti_ means bought with gold, from =chrysos=, gold, and
=ôneomai=, to buy. _Clarotæ_ means allotted, from =klêroô=, to cast
lots. It is not known what the derivation or meaning of _Aphamiotæ_ is.
[415:1] From =latreiô=, to serve.
[419:1] =Azos= contr. from =aozos=, a servant, especially belonging to a
temple.--L. & S.
[419:2] =Therapôn=, a servant, in early Greek especially denoting free
and honourable service.--L. & S.
[419:3] =Akolouthos=, as subst., a follower, attendant, footman.--L. &
S.
[420:1] =Diakonos=, a servant, a waiting man.--L. & S.
[420:2] =Hypêretês=, any doer of hard work, a labourer, a helper,
assistant, underling.--L. & S.
[420:3] =Latris=, a workman for hire, a hired servant.--L. & S. N.B.
Liddell and Scott omit =palmôn= altogether.
[421:1] The Pæonium, if that is the proper reading, appears to have been
a place in Athens where there were pillars on which an aqueduct was
supported. But there is a doubt about the reading.
[425:1] In the Greek, =agoras plêthyousês=, which is a phrase also
commonly used in Greek for "the forenoon," when the market-place was
full, and the ordinary business was going on.
[426:1] From =epi=, and =eunê=, a bed.
[427:1] =Aphetês=, from =aphiêmi=, to liberate.
[427:2] =Adespotas=, from =a=, not, and =despotês=, a master.
[427:3] =Desposionautês=, from =despotês=, and =nautês=, a sailor.
[427:4] =Neodamôdês=, from =neos=, new, and =dêmos=, people.