changeth. The spell of the past is broken. A change has come over the
spirit of her dreams. There are signs that a new birthday has come. The
twenty-first day of June was the old Natal Day, kept each year with
punctilious regularity. But Halifax is now just beginning to realize
that there was a new nativity, and that it dates from December--that
fatal Sixth. "Sad as was the day, it may be the greatest day in the
city's history."
Almost instinctively since the disaster Halifax has come to see the
sources of her weakness and of her strength. Her geographical position
which once meant isolation[158] will henceforth be her best asset. Just
as the geographical expansion of Europe made the outposts of the Old
World the entrepots of the New, so the expansion of Canada and of Nova
Scotia--the province with the greatest number of natural resources of
any in the Dominion--to the newly awakening city appears full of
substantial promise. It will be largely hers to handle the water-borne
commerce of a great country. Henceforth the ocean will become a link and
not a limit. World-over connections are the certainties of the future,
bound up inevitably with the economic and social solidarity of nations.
Closer to South America than the United States, closer to South Africa
than England, closer to Liverpool than New York, Halifax sees and
accepts her destiny, forgets the inconvenience and loss she has
undergone and the many annoyances of blasting and of digging, that the
facilities of her "triple haven" might be multiplied and the march of
progress begin. "The new terminals with their impressive passenger
station, will not only be an attractive front door for Halifax, but will
fit her to be one of the great portals of the Dominion."
[158] Halifax long felt herself to have been commercially a martyr to
Confederation.
There has come upon the city a strange impatience of unbuilt spaces and
untaxed areas sacred for decades to military barracks and parades. She
has urged for some immediate solution, with the result that military
property will be concentrated and many acres released to the city for
its own disposal.
Whether the pendulum will swing so far as to imperil the retention of
old historic buildings, time-stained walls, and century-old church-yards
is not yet apparent; although suggestions have been made which would
have astounded the Halifax of a generation ago. Certain it is that a
period of orientation is at hand. There is a stirring in the wards and
clubs for progressive administration and modern policies. "Here as
elsewhere the time has now come for clear thinking and the rearrangement
of traditional thought."
Indications of change are already abundant. The first to note is that of
appearance. For illustration may be quoted an editorial published near
the second anniversary of the explosion:
Halifax has been improving in appearance since the explosion,
exhibiting very sudden changes at particular points. One almost
forgets what the city was like about ten years ago. Still there is a
great deal to be done in the way of improvement to our streets. The
move in the direction of permanent streets is an excellent one and
if carried out as designed will be an improvement and saving to the
city.
The report of the Secretary of the Board of Trade makes the following
reference to the change in appearance of the city:
One of the pleasing features in reference to both the wholesale and
retail business of Halifax is the improved condition of premises
over a few years ago; retail stores are now having up-to-date and
attractive fronts, while wholesalers are improving their show-rooms
and thereby increasing their sales.
The Mayor writes regarding the sidewalk improvement:
Some twenty miles of concrete sidewalks to be constructed are on the
order paper to be taken in turn so as to be as uniform as possible.
This will go a long way toward improving the appearance of the city.
As to the change in the style of houses the Mayor states:
A pleasing feature of the new construction is the departure from the
former square box style of dwelling, also the method of placing rows
of houses exactly in the same style. Today homelike houses of modern
design, set back from the street with lawns in front are the order
of the day--bungalows are particularly in favor.
Fine new residences are being built, apartment ideas are spreading, new
lights are being tried out, a new tram company has taken hold. Indeed
one citizen is credited with the words: "It is almost a sacrilege that
Halifax should be so changed."
The consciousness of change is seen in an altered public opinion and the
beginnings of a new civic outlook. Evidence of the new note is a
statement by one of the progressive Halifax firms:
Halifax is going to make good. Outside firms are taking up valuable
sites in our business districts. The banks are increasing their
activities. Some of the biggest industries are coming our way.
Surely everything points toward prosperity.
Another feature indicative of the changing consciousness, which has
infected a much wider region than Halifax itself is the plan now making
rapid progress for an Old Home Summer, to be held from June to October,
1924. The project has already received legislative recognition. An
effort will be made to recall former residents on a scale such as has
never been attempted before. The committee in charge is made up of many
prominent citizens and the "1924 Club" grows. One may observe still
another indication of the determination to progress in the recent
completion of a system linking-up Halifax by telephone with Montreal,
Toronto, New York and Chicago.
Indices of business conditions are far from satisfactory, yet the items
used in their computations are the only ones upon which variations may
be even roughly gauged. Roger Babson puts as the leading considerations:
(1) Building and real estate; (2) bank clearings; (3) business failures.
Other symptomatic facts are postal revenues, tramway receipts, exports,
taxes, interest rates, insurance, wages and hours, commodity prices,
unfilled orders, immigration and unemployment.[159]
[159] Chaddock, Robert E., Unpublished Material.
With regard to the first the following statement issued by the Mayor is
significant. He says:
The year 1919 has been one of exceptional prosperity in the City of
Halifax. It has been a record year for building. Permits to the
approximate value of $5,000,000 have been issued to the engineer's
office, the largest amount by far in its history, the amount being
practically ten times that of 1913, or the year before the Great War
commenced. A part of this only can be attributed to the terrible
explosion of 1917.
He refers to the great amount of construction going on in the western
and northwestern parts of the city which were relatively untouched by
the disaster. The Mayor further states:
It must be remembered that it is only two years since the
devastation caused by the explosion and strangers in the city have
considered it wonderful that we are so far advanced in building up
that portion which only a year ago had not a house upon it.
The following tabulation gives the building figures according to the
permits issued at the City Hall. It shows a remarkable recent increase.
Building Permits
1910 .................... $471,140
1911 .................... 508,836
1912 .................... 589,775
1913 .................... 839,635
1914 .................... 874,320
1915 .................... 1,066,938
1916 .................... 1,177,509
1917 .................... 844,079
1918 .................... 2,955,406
1919 .................... 5,194,806
With regard to real estate the Mayor writes in December 1919
The increase in the selling values of properties is remarkable.
Business property has taken a jump in value, and it is difficult to
get for business purposes property well situated unless at very high
prices. Property has been known to change hands within a year at
approximately double the amount originally paid.
The Secretary of the Board of Trade reports:
Real estate has been active, and prices have been obtained greatly
in excess of what properties were valued at in pre-war days.
In the matter of bank clearings[160] the following table indicates a
very considerable change:
Bank Clearings
1910 .................... $95,855,319
1911 .................... 87,994,043
1912 .................... 100,466,672
1913 .................... 105,347,626
1914 .................... 100,280,107
1915 .................... 104,414,598
1916 .................... 125,997,881
1917 .................... 151,182,752
1918 .................... 216,084,415
1919 .................... 241,200,194
[160] The reader will of course remember the general inflation of
currency.
As to business failures the Secretary says:
Business failures have been few--practically the whole amount of the
liabilities will be made up of one failure, and it is believed the
loss to creditors in this particular case will be slight.
Additional Indices
Gross Postal Revenue Tramway Receipts (gross)
1910 ................ $114,318 $477,109
1911 ................ 119,561 502,399
1912 ................ 132,097 539,853
1913 ................ 140,102 605,933
1914 ................ 147,943 645,341
1915 ................ 154,499 718,840
1916 ................ 167,594 559,513
1917 ................ 255,815 859,667
1918 ................ 305,412 998,702
1919 ................ 349,507 1,258,503
Among other assurances at the new prosperity and the beginnings of fresh
faith in the city's future is the coming of new large business interests
into the city. Among the largest construction work is the building of
the Halifax shipyards upon the explosion ground, involving an outlay of
ten millions of dollars. There is the ever-extending plant of the
Imperial Oil Company, which will eventually make of Halifax a great
oil-distribution port. There is the continuation of the
thirty-million-dollar scheme of modern terminal facilities, which have
been constructed so close to the ocean that a ship may be out of sight
of land within an hour after casting off from the quay.
In short there has been, as has been said, an "impetus given to business
generally." That the impetus will continue there is every prospect.
Halifax may experience a temporary wave of depression when such waves
are flowing elsewhere. But today there are fewer doubters and more
believers. The day of new elevators, new hotels, harbor-bridges and
electric trains is not very far away. The prophecy of Samuel Cunard made
in 1840--when he inaugurated the first Trans-Atlantic line--that
"Halifax would be the entering port of Canada"--seems destined to
fulfilment.
As regards population after disasters Hoffman writes:
Even an earthquake such as affected the city of San Francisco may
not materially change the existing numbers of the population after a
sufficient period of time has elapsed for a reassembling of the
former units, and a return to the normal conditions of life and
growth.[161]
Yet as before remarked, the catastrophe at Halifax eclipsed all
preceding disasters to single communities on the Continent of America in
the toll of human life.[162] In the San Francisco earthquake the loss
was four hundred and ninety-eight; at the Chicago fire three hundred; at
the Iroquois theatre fire in the same city, five hundred and
seventy-five; at the Chester explosion one hundred and twelve; at the
Johnstown flood two thousand. It is now estimated that the disaster at
Halifax probably passed this latter figure, decreasing the city's
population by four per cent. Notwithstanding this heavy draught upon the
population, the 1918 volume of the Halifax Directory contained six
hundred and fifty more names than the previous year.
[161] Hoffman, Frederick L., _Insurance, Science and Economics_
(N. Y., 1911), ch. ix, p. 337.
[162] In the Texas flood of 1900 there were lost 5,000 lives, but they
cannot be said to have been all associated with a single community.
In the light of this consideration the following indication of the
growth of population is also of contributory interest.[163]
Table
1911 ...................... 46,619
1912 ...................... 46,619
1913 ...................... 47,109
1914 ...................... 47,109
1915 ...................... 47,473
1916 ...................... 50,000
1917 ...................... 50,000
1918 ...................... 50,000
1919 ...................... 55,000
1920 ...................... 65,000[164]
[163] Figures kindly supplied by Mr. John H. Barnstead, Registrar,
Halifax.
[164] The Directory of 1920 estimates the present population to be
85,000.
An index of the growth of practical civic interest upon the part of
citizens is revealed by the comparison of the numbers participating in
political action by means of the vote. Recent figures for Halifax are:
Political Action
Year Purpose Eligible No. Percentage Percentage
voters voting of Indifference of Interest
1918 ......... For Mayor 7,632 2,769 63.8 36.2
1919 ......... " " 8,890 4,264 52.1 47.9
1920 ......... " " 11,435 5,491 51.99 48.01
Instead of the disaster resulting in disheartenment and a gradually
diminishing civic interest, the percentage of indifference is smaller
and the percentage of interest is larger for 1920 than for 1919, and the
percentage of interest for 1919 is larger than that for the previous
year. The number of eligible voters also shows increase. "The campaign
[for 1920] has marked a new era .... and will make it easier to
institute new reforms."[165]
[165] Halifax _Morning Chronicle_, April 29, 1920.
Of further sociological interest is the change affecting city-planning,
civic improvement, housing, health, education and recreation.
In the realm of city-planning[166] and civic improvement, Halifax is
awaking to the importance of taking advantage of an opportunity which
comes to a city but seldom save through the avenue of disaster. The
present Town-planning Board was formed as a result of the Town-planning
Act of 1915. A board of four members, including the city engineer
constitute the committee. The limits of the area to be brought under the
scheme were still undecided when the explosion came. The disaster
"hastened the resolution" of the Board. "When the disaster came it
seemed that things would have to come to a head." Mr. Thomas Adams, the
Dominion Housing and Town-planning Advisor, was brought to Halifax to
help determine what should be done. "The disaster simply had the effect
of bringing to a point certain things which were pending at the time. If
that event had not occurred we would by this time be into a scheme,
though possibly not so far as we are." Today the limits of the area have
been defined and the scheme is nearly ready for presentation to the
Council for adoption. The Dominion Town-planning Advisor's assistant
reports that real progress has been made in the Halifax plan dealing
with the proposed zoning of the city into factory, shopping and
residential districts, the provision for future streets, street-widening
and building lines, and suggestions for park and aerodrome sites. In the
devastated area he has remarked progress in street-opening, in grading
of the slope and in architectural treatment of the houses. Five hundred
trees and three hundred shrubs have been ordered to be planted in this
area. The whole area is under the control of the Relief Commission, for
the Act appointing the Commission gave it the powers of a Town-planning
Board.
[166] The earliest city-planning was mediaeval. Halifax was laid out
by military engineers with narrow streets--the "ideal was a fortified
enclosure designed to accommodate the maximum number of inhabitants
with the minimum of space." In 1813 a town-planning scheme was set on
foot for the purpose of straightening streets, the removal of
projections and banks of earth and stones which at that time existed
in the center of streets. Considerable betterment resulted but
unfortunately many fine trees were cut down.
The disaster may thus be said not only to have hastened the resolution
of the existing committee, but to have produced two planning-boards
instead of one. Each must keep in mind the true ideal. For it is not the
"City Beautiful" idea, but that of utility that is fundamental to
city-planning. It is a principle to reduce to the minimum the social
problems of community life, to accomplish Aristotle's ideal--"the
welfare and happiness of everyone." In so doing civic beauty will not be
neglected. "Scientific, sensible and sane city-planning" says an
authority "with utility and public convenience as its primary
consideration produces beauty--the beauty that is the result of adapting
successfully a thing to its purpose." It is in accordance with this
principle of civic art that the terminal area is being developed--a work
designed by the same architect who planned the Chateau Laurier and the
Ottawa Plaza with such aesthetic taste.
To "deep cuttings, spanned by fine bridges, and bordered with trees and
pleasant driveways, after the manner of Paris," and to a "waterfront as
stately as Genoa's, a terminal station with a noble facade, overlooking
a square and space of flowers,"[167] the future will also bring to
Halifax
more street-paving, sidewalks, parks, fountains, hedges, driveways,
cluster-lighting, statuary, buildings of majesty, spaciousness and
beauty. Wires will be buried, unsightly poles will disappear....
With time will come all these things which stamp a city as modern,
as caring for the comfort of its people, their pleasure and rest,
and health and safety. All these things come with time, effort,
development of city pride, and the concentrated desire of a people
for them.[168]
[167] MacMechan, Archibald, "Changing Halifax," _Canadian Magazine_,
vol. xli, no. 4, pp. 328, 329.
[168] Crowell, H. C., _The Busy East_, vol. x, no. 7, p. 12.
The question of housing is recognized as an old Halifax problem. It was
already an acute one when the blow of the catastrophe fell and
multiplied the difficulty a thousand-fold. The Relief Commission has
grappled with its end of the problem, namely, the housing of the many
refugees who were first accommodated in lodgings and in temporary
shelters.[169] The old sombre frame-constructed buildings of the
pre-disaster days are being replaced with attractive hydrostone. A
hard-working wage-earning community is stepping out of indifferent
structures into homes both comfortable and well-ordained.
[169] A model housing development of 346 houses in the new north end
has followed the disaster. "It is reasonable to assume," writes an
observer, "that the standard of living will ascend. Already the
influence of these new houses is showing itself in the homes that are
springing up all over the city."
But the old problem would have still remained unsolved, had not the city
authorities caught something of the reconstruction spirit and felt the
sharp urge of increasing difficulties. Action has been at last
precipitated. However, lacking in comprehensiveness the first attempts,
the city has bestirred itself and has come to realize adequate housing
to be a supreme need of the community and vitally associated with the
city's health and welfare. A Housing Committee of five members has been
formed, having as chairman a man of widely recognized building
experience and as director of housing, a capable citizen. It is intended
to make full use of the federal housing scheme, in a practical way, the
City Council having reversed its former decisions and accepted by by-law
the obligation which the government act requires. It is hoped in this
way to promote the erection of modern dwellings and to "contribute to
the general health and well-being of the community."
Thus the principle of promotive legislation and government aid, which
when finally accepted in 1890, began the remarkable housing reform in
England, has entered the City of Halifax, and will eventually write a
record of increased health, comfort and contentment. How soon that
record is written will largely depend upon the citizens themselves and
their response to a leadership that is forceful as well as wise.
The matter of health organization in Halifax affords perhaps the most
significant contrast with the pre-disaster days. Prior to the
catastrophe public health organization was not a matter for civic pride.
The dispensary, which is often regarded as the index of a city's care
for health, had received scant support and could only perform
indifferent service. Adequate sanitary inspection could not be carried
out for want of inspectors. The death rate[170] had averaged about
twenty percent for a period of ten years, and the infant and
tuberculosis mortality had been tremendously high--the former reaching
the figure of one hundred and eighty-two.[171] There was no spur to
progressive administration. The city was too ill-equipped to cope with
such conditions.
[170] London's is 14.6, New York's 13.6.
[171] New York's is 90, New Zealand's 60.
Today Halifax has the finest public health program and most complete
public health organization in the Dominion. The fact that this is so is
in very close relation to the catastrophe inasmuch as an unexpended
balance of relief moneys[172] has been redirected by request for health
purposes in Halifax. A five-year policy has been inaugurated. Fifty
thousand dollars per year of the relief money, fifteen thousand dollars
per year of the Canadian government money and five thousand dollars per
year each, of the city and provincial money are to be expended in the
five-year campaign. The sum totals seventy-five thousand dollars per
year, or practically one dollar per capita.
[172] These funds are from the munificent gift of Massachusetts. A
Massachusetts-Halifax Health Commission has been formed--Dr.
B. Franklin Royer is the executive officer.
A completely equipped health centre has been established including all
the essential remedial and educational agencies, namely, pre-natal,
pre-school-age, school-age, tuberculosis, venereal disease, eye, ear,
nose and throat clinics. There will also be provision for the growth of
health ideas through mother's classes, first-aid, and sanitary leagues.
A public health course for nurses is included in the educational
campaign.[173] A most successful baby-saving exhibit has been held, and
the plan calls for a full-time tuberculosis specialist.
[173] Dalhousie University has recently graduated the first class of
nurses in Canada to receive the Diploma of Public Health.
Upon the part of the civic authorities there has been a greater
realization of responsibility. Progressive steps have been already taken
including the appointment of a Doctor of Public Health, and the
provision of district sanitary inspectors. Restaurants and all places
where food is exposed for sale are being systematically inspected with a
view of effecting improvements. A single instance of commendable
activity along sanitary lines is the prohibition of movable lunch cars,
which have been seen on the streets of Halifax for years. The removal of
a lot of dwellings unfit for occupation is receiving the attention of
the officials. In fact it is the intention of the present Council to
improve conditions throughout the city generally as quickly as is
feasible to do so. Another illustration of the direction of attention to
modern social methods is the present discussion of plans for a
psychiatric clinic for mental hygiene and the discovery of defectives,
especially those attending the schools. Still another indication of
interest in child welfare is the fact that a clinic for babies was
established in a central locality and a nurse for babies regularly
employed. The hitherto meager hospital facilities are being amplified by
the building of a maternity hospital and the enlargement of the
children's hospital,--a centralization plan of hospital service being a
unique and distinctive feature. In the way of industrial hygiene a
full-time nurse is employed in the ship-building plant and here also
safety policies have been introduced and have reduced accidents to a
minimum. The movement for the control of preventable disease is gaining
impetus and a modern tuberculosis hospital is being established. The
Victoria General Hospital is being enlarged and extended, the additions
having an estimated cost of half a million dollars.
But it is not alone the activities of the Health Commission but also the
earlier vigorous policy of disaster medical relief, which is seen
reflected in the growing sense of community-responsibility for health
conditions. Halifax has come to see the principle fundamental to all
health reform, that public health is a purchasable commodity and that
improvement in vital statistics is in close correlation with the
progress of health organization. It remains to be seen whether so
favored a community will also lead the way in the registration and
periodic health examination of every individual citizen which is the
final goal of all policies of health reform.
The standards of education have always been high in Halifax. She has
been the educational center of the Maritime Provinces. Her academic
attainments have brought to her much distinction and not a little glory.
Her public schools boast many a fine record to furnish inspiration to
each successive generation. To secure appointment to the Halifax
teaching staff the applicant must possess the highest qualifications.
But however much educational leaders may desire them, modern methods and
up-to-date equipment await in large measure the public will. Only where
there is a will is there a way. That the public will in Halifax is
becoming awakened to the vital role her educators play is being proven
by the response to the campaign for the expansion of Dalhousie
University. That response has been most generous and general, while
local contributions have been amplified by large benefactions from the
Carnegie Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation. Of the latter
benefactions together amounting to one million dollars--four hundred
thousand will be expended upon buildings and equipment. The modernizing
process is shown again in the decision of the university to establish at
once a Faculty of Commerce and to encourage the teaching of Spanish and
Portuguese in the educational institutions of the city.
In the old teaching methods all are given the same course of instruction
regardless of the individual mental differences. Today the effort is to
provide an education to fit the mind rather than to force the mind to
fit the education. In the public schools of Halifax there are not
lacking indications which herald the coming of the newer pedagogy. Among
these may be mentioned the opening of sub-normal classes for retarded
children, experimentation with the social-recitation system, the display
of Safety-First League posters and the development of those departments
already established, _viz._ vocational and domestic training, manual and
physical education, medical inspection, supervised playgrounds, school
nurses, dental clinics, and the wider use of school plants in evening
technical classes.
Halifax will sooner or later decide to employ to the fullest degree all
the opportunities which child-training affords. The school system is an
institution of society to mediate between a child and his environment.
Children must learn to do and to be as well as to know. Their plastic
minds must receive practice in resistance to domination by feeling and
in the use of the intellect as the servant and guide of life. To the
children of Halifax is due eventually a thorough training in
citizenship. This is the last call of the new future in education. It
rests upon the twin pillars of educational psychology and educational
sociology.
Recreation is still another sphere of civic life wherein the City of
Halifax has taken a forward step. In making her plans for the future she
has not forgotten that the rebuilt city should contain every facility
for children to grow up with strong bodies and sane minds; as well as
public provision for the leisure time of the adult population. A
Recreation Commission has been formed made up of representatives of the
various civic bodies and from the civic and provincial governments.[174]
A playground expert was called in by the city government, who after
study of the situation and conference with local groups, recommended a
system of recreation as part of the general city plan. Already marked
progress has resulted; indeed it has been said that the "municipal
recreation system of Halifax has made a record for itself." A hill of
about fifteen acres in the heart of the devastated area has been
reserved for a park and playground. The city has built and turned over
to the Commission a temporary bath-house, and has set aside the sum of
ten thousand dollars for a permanent structure. The plans contain
recommendations for minimum play-space for every school child, a central
public recreation area, an open-air hillside stadium, as well as a
community center with auditorium, community theatre, natatorium,
gymnasium, and public baths. The real significance of this movement
Halifax has not, herself, as yet fully realized. Just as there is a
close relationship between health organization and mortality tables, so
there is a close association between open spaces, street play, _etc._,
and juvenile, as well as other forms of delinquency.[175] The moral
value of organized recreation was itself demonstrated in the war, while
the increasing menace of industrial fatigue, as well as the fact of the
shorter working-day, call for public recreational facilities as a social
policy. This policy is not however fully carried out with merely
constructive and promotive action. It must be followed by restrictive
and regulatory control of commercialized recreation, and wise and
adequate systems of inspection for amusement in all its forms. This is
the path of progress in socialized recreation.
[174] It should be stated that the supervised playground movement had
been developing in Halifax for a period of fourteen years, first under
the Women's Council, afterwards under a regularly incorporated
association with which the Women's Council merged.
[175] In view of the explosion and the resulting housing conditions,
an increase in juvenile delinquency might have been expected, but the
"playgrounds which were established immediately after the disaster,
and which adjoined both of the large temporary housing projects, are,
it is felt, responsible for the excellent conditions which exist. The
records of the Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children
show that there was an actual decrease in the number of juvenile
arrests in 1918 over 1917."--(Leland, Arthur, "Recreation as a Part of
the City Plan for Halifax, N. S., Canada," _Playground_, vol. xiii,
no. 10, p. 493.)
Progress in cooperation has also to be noticed. There has been a new
sense of unity in dealing with common problems. The number of things
which perforce had to be done together during the catastrophe was great.
This doing of things together will be continued. The establishment of
the Halifax Cooperative Society is initial evidence of a movement
towards cooperative buying. Cooperation for community ends even now is
revealing itself in the new interest for the common control of
recreation, health conditions, _etc._ "The disaster," runs an article in
the press, "has given our social movement an impetus. The social workers
of the different creeds and classes have discovered each other and are
getting together."[176] The organization of social service which only a
few years back took a beginning in the form of an unpretentious bureau
has shot ahead with amazing rapidity and now exercises an influence of
coordination upon the churches, charities and philanthropic societies of
the city.
[176] Halifax _Evening Mail_, March 22, 1918.
The unifying process is well illustrated by the increased cooperation
upon the part of the churches. Following the disaster the churches of
the city united into a single organization for relief service under the
chairmanship of the Archbishop of Nova Scotia. Since then a Ministerial
Association has been formed which has directed cooperative effort along
various lines and has exercised pressure upon those in authority where
the best interests of the city were involved.
Thus the City of Halifax has been galvanized into life through the
testing experience of a great catastrophe. She has undergone a civic
transformation, such as could hardly otherwise have happened in fifty
years. She has caught the spirit of the social age. This spirit after
all means only that the community is just a family on a larger scale,
and the interests of each member are interwoven with those of all. But
merely to catch the spirit will not suffice. It must be cherished
through an inevitable period of reaction and passivity, and then carried
on still further into the relations of capital and labor, into the realm
of socialized recreation and into those multiform spheres of social
insurance whither all true social policies lead.
All these converging lines taken not singly but together constitute a
very real basis of faith in the city's future, and of hope for permanent
changes for the better. Perhaps this attitude cannot be more fittingly
expressed than in the words of Carstens:
The Halifax disaster will leave a permanent mark upon the city for
at least a generation, because so many of the living have been
blinded or maimed for life. But it is possible that the disaster may
leave a mark of another sort, for it is confidently believed by
those who took part in the relief work during the first few weeks
that Halifax will gain as well as lose. The sturdy qualities of its
citizens will bring 'beauty out of ashes.'
But it is rather for social than for material progress that the
sociologist will seek and Carstens continues:
It may reasonably be expected that through this Calvary, there may
be developed a program for the care, training and education of the
sightless as good if not better than any now existing, that medical
social service will be permanently grafted upon the hospital and
out-patient service of the community, and that the staff of teachers
of the stricken city, by direct contact with the intimate problems
of the families of the children they have in their class-rooms may
acquire a broader view of their work. If there should result no
other benefits, and there are likely to be many, as for example
city-planning, housing and health, the death and suffering at
Halifax will not have been in vain, will not have been all
loss.[177]
[177] Carstens, C. C., "From the Ashes of Halifax," _Survey_,
vol. xxxix, no. 13, p. 61.
CHAPTER IX
CONCLUSION
Recapitulation--The various steps in the study presented in
propositional form--The role of catastrophe direct and indirect. (a)
Directly prepares the ground-work for change by: (1) weakening social
immobility; (2) producing fluidity of custom; (3) enhancing environal
favorability for change--(b) Indirectly sets in motion factors
determining the nature of the change such as: (1) the release of spirit
and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of leaders and
lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions.
If the preceding narrative has been successful in setting forth the
facts as they were observed, the reader has now before him a fairly
accurate picture of a community as it reacts under the stimulus of
catastrophe and proceeds to adjust itself to the circumstantial pressure
of new conditions. It will be well, however, for the sake of clearness
in emphasizing our closing propositions to recapitulate one by one the
various steps in our study. These steps while primarily intended to
follow the natural order in point of time will also be seen to represent
a definite sociological process of development.
At first the shock of the catastrophe was seen to have been sufficiently
terrific to affect every inhabitant of the city. This fact gives
peculiar value to the investigation. The more a shock is limited in
extent the more its analysis grows in complexity. In such cases
consideration must necessarily be given to the frontiers of influence.
The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
have been a fairly general disintegration of social institutions, and of
the usual methods of social control--in short, a dissolution of the
customary. This turmoil into which society was thrown is sometimes
called "fluidity," and, for lack of a better one, this term has been
retained. It would thus appear that if it were later observed that
essential social changes ensued, fluidity was one of the requisites of
change; and this is indeed in perfect tally with previous thought upon
the subject as set forth in our more theoretical introduction and
expressed in the proposition that fluidity is fundamental to social
change.
The more general and preliminary treatment over, individual and group
reactions were then examined in greater detail, and the phenomena of the
major sort were singled out and classified. These were found to be
either abnormal and handicapping such as emotional parturition; or
stimulative and promotive, as dynamogenic reaction. This constituted the
material of the second chapter. Put in propositional form it would be
that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social psychology which may
either retard or promote social reorganization.
Social organization came next in order, and because its progress was
largely expedited by the organization of relief,--the first social
activity,--the sociological factors observed in the latter have been
recorded. These factors were classified as physical, including climate
and topography, and psychological, such as leadership, suggestion,
imitation, discussion, recognition of utility and consciousness of kind.
Reference was also made to biological and equipmental considerations.
Two conclusions of interest are here deducible: first, that part of
society which is most closely organized and disciplined in normality
first recovers social consciousness in catastrophe; second, it is only
after division of function delegates to a special group the
responsibility for relief work that public thought is directed to the
resumption of a normal society. These conclusions emphasize the
conservation value to society of a militia organization in every
community and also of a permanent vigilance committee.
The fifth chapter introduced a relatively new element, the presence of
which may be relied upon in all future emergencies, that of a disaster
social service. Its contribution was that of skillful service and wise
direction; its permanent effect, the socialization of the community. The
value of the presence of visiting social specialists is in inverse
proportion to the degree to which the socialization of a community has
advanced. The practical conclusion is clearly that self-dependence of a
community in adversity is furthered by the socialization of the existing
institutions.
The next and latest group to function effectively was that of
government, but social legislation when forth-coming, contributed an
important and deciding influence, and was itself in turn enriched by the
calamity. Brought to the test of comparison with observed facts the
statement in the introduction receives abundant justification; namely,
that catastrophe is in close association with progress in social
legislation.
To the influences already mentioned an additional factor of recuperation
is added,--the socio-economic one. Disaster-stricken communities cannot
become normal until the social surplus is restored. They may however
always count upon public aid. But there is found to be strongly
suggested a correlation between the magnitude or striking character of a
disaster and the generosity of the relief response.
The last chapter is devoted to a cataloging of the indications of social
change from the standpoint of the community as a whole. The old social
order is contrasted with that obtaining two years subsequent to the
disaster. It here appeared that the city of Halifax had as a community
undergone and is undergoing an extraordinary social change. This
implies, according to the theory of social causation, an extraordinary
antecedent. Before finally accepting the factor of catastrophe as such,
the scientific reader may very properly ask whether there are not
alternatives.
To this query the answer is that there are alternatives, other very
considerable extra-social factors to be noted, but that catastrophe was
itself the precipitating factor there is little room for doubt. Of the
other factors two only are of sufficient weight for our present
consideration. The earliest in order of time, and perhaps also in rank
of importance is that which Halifax residents understand as the coming
of the new ocean terminals. The coming was so sudden in the nature of
its announcement, and meant for many so much depreciation in property
values, that it had something of the nature of catastrophe within it. It
altered very extensively the previously accepted ideas of residential
and business and industrial sections of the city, and caused a jolt in
the body politic, such as had not visited it for years--not since the
middle of the nineteenth century brought the revolutionizing steam. It
is not to be denied that this factor has contributed not a little to the
weakening of immobility, and the preparation of the ground for an inrush
of the spirit of progress.
The other factor was the war. The war functioned mightily in community
organization for service. It brought prosperity to many a door, and
whetted the appetite of many a merchant to put the business of peace on
a war basis. But it would be merely speculation to say that prosperity
would have continued in peace. Indeed such a conclusion would not be
historically justifiable. Halifax has been through three important wars.
In each, "trade was active, prices were high, the population increased,
industry was stimulated by the demand, rents doubled and trebled,
streets were uncommonly busy." But in each case also Halifax settled
back to her ante-bellum sluggishness. In 1816 Halifax began to feel the
reaction consequent upon the close of a war. The large navy and army
were withdrawn and Halifax and its inhabitants "bore the appearance of a
town at the close of a fair. The sudden change from universal hustle and
business to ordinary pursuits made this alteration at times very
perceptible. Money gradually disappeared and the failure of several
mercantile establishments added to the general distress." But the
closing of the war, now a hundred years later, has exhibited no such
relapse. On the other hand Halifax grows daily more prosperous and
progressive than before. Her bank clearings do not fail, but rather
increase. There is clearly some further influence associated with this
change.
But there is a very real sense in which the war may indeed be said to
have been the factor,--if we mean by it the fact that through the war
and as a direct result of war-service the city was laid half in ruins by
possibly the greatest single catastrophe on the American Continent. If
we mean this, we have named the all-precipitating and determining event.
The catastrophe was an episode of the great war.
It only remains to add by way of clearer definition that the role of
catastrophe appears to be both direct and indirect. Functioning
directly, it prepares the ground-work for social change by (1) weakening
social immobility; (2) precipitating fluidity of custom; (3) forcing
environal favorability for change. Indirectly, it sets in motion factors
determining the nature of the social change, such as (1) the release of
spirit and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of
leaders and lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions.
Our final principle[178] thus appears to be that progress in catastrophe
is a resultant of specific conditioning factors some of which are
subject to social control. If there is one thing more than another which
we would emphasize in conclusion it is this final principle. Progress is
not necessarily a natural or assured result of change. It comes only as
a result of effort that is wisely expended and sacrifice which is
sacrifice in truth.
[178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction,
namely, that the degree of fluidity seems to vary directly as the
shock of the catastrophe, and that brusk revolution in the conditions
of life accomplish not sudden, but gradual changes in society, require
a study of comparative catastrophic phenomena for verification or
rejection.
That the nature of the social change in Halifax is one in the direction
of progress we think to be based on reason and not alone on hope. That
it is also our fervent hope, we need hardly add. But every Haligonian
who cherishes for his city the vision which this book contains, may help
mightily to bring it to pass by making effort his watchword and
intelligence his guide. We do not say it will all come tomorrow. We do
say a wonderful beginning has been made since yesterday. And this is
bright for the future. In no better words can we conclude than in those
of one of her greatest lovers: "Changes must come to Halifax. This is a
world of change. But every true Haligonian hopes that the changes will
not disfigure his beloved city, but only heighten and enhance the
intimate and haunting charms she borrows from the sea."[179]
[179] MacMechan, _op. cit._, p. 336.
INDEX
A
Accidents, industrial, 116, 135
Advancement, human, _vide_ progress
Aesthetics, 70
Aggregation, social, 62
Altruism, 51, 58
Ameliorative legislation, _vide_ legislation
Analytic psychology, 49
Anxiety, 38
Anger, 39, 44, 45
Animal relief, 91
Army, _vide_ military
Association, 56, 63;
utility of, 62, 142
Associations, state and voluntary, 73, 99
Attention, 17, 20, 54, 55, 134
Authority, 101, 102, 103, 104
B
Behavior, 17, 18, 52, 53, 60, 67
Beliefs, 23, 38, 120
Bereavement, 47
Biological factors in society, 67, 142
Body politic, 44, 69, 144
Bureau, welfare, 139
Business, disorganization of, 31, 59, 113;
expansion of, 77, 124;
indices of, 125;
relief, 105, 113;
resumption of, 69, 71, 72, 73
C
Capital, 139
Catastrophe, and crisis, 16, 18;
and communication, 31;
definition of, 14;
and evolution, 14, 15;
and generosity, 57, 58, 115;
and heroism, 55;
and insurance, 116;
and poetry, 22;
and population, 128;
and progress, 21, 22, 23;
and social change, 118;
and social disintegration, 31;
and social economy, 80;
and social legislation, 23, 100;
and social organization, 59, 69;
and social psychology, 35;
and suicide, 46;
and social surplus, 111;
and survival, 56;
and tragedy, 114, 115;
and war, 14
Cataclysm, _vide_ catastrophe
Causation, social, 144
Centralization, policy of, 83
Ceremony, 120
Change, social, and catastrophe, 20, 21;
and crisis, 16, 21;
definition of, 15, 21;
factor of, 15, 16;
and fluidity, 21;
indications of, 123, 143;
and progress, 21;
resistance to, 19
Charity, 22, 97
Child welfare, 87, 88, 89, 90, 98, 135, 137
Churches, _vide_ religious institutions
Circumstantial pressure, 33, 64, 77
Civic authority, _vide_ municipal control
Civic improvement, 22, 77, 105, 108, 129, 130, 140
Civilization, 31, 49
Classes, social, 96, 139
Clergy, 74, 83, 84, 139
Clinics, 134
Climatic factors in society, 66, 67, 142
Clubs, 76, 123
Collective behavior, _vide_ behavior
Commerce, 70, 118, 122
Commercialized recreation, 138
Communication, 31, 57, 61, 62, 71, 72, 73
Community, 19, 21, 32, 49, 55, 62, 67, 78, 80, 84, 85, 88, 92, 95, 96,
97, 100, 101, 109, 115, 135, 138, 143
Comparative catastrophe, 146
Compensation, 90, 96, 97, 105, 107
Component groups, 70
Consciousness, 37, 42, 59, 60, 68, 124, 142
Consciousness of kind, 63, 67, 142
Consciousness of underlying difference, 69
Conservation, social, 79, 84, 143
Conservatism in society, 19, 117, 120
Contagion of feeling, 42
Control, social, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146
Conventionality, 49
Cooperation, 61, 83, 84, 97, 138
Crime, 50, 76
Criticism, 49, 84, 86, 92, 94
Crisis, and catastrophe, 16;
definition of, 16;
and fluidity, 18;
and great men, 55;
and progress, 55;
and revolution, 17;
significance of, 16
Crises, in battles, 16;
in communities, 18;
in diseases, 16;
in life-histories, 16, 18;
men skilled in dealing with, 83, 98;
power to meet, 80;
in religions, 16;
in social institutions, 16;
in world of thought, 16
Crowd, 41, 42, 43, 45
Crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45
Courts, 96
Culture, 19, 21, 80
Curiosity, 44
Custom, 15, 19, 34, 49, 63, 67, 69, 120, 142, 145
Cycles, 15
D
Death rate, 133
Delinquency, 138
Delirium, oneiric, 46
Delusion, 35, 38
Determination, 44, 58
Diagnosis, social, 92, 121
Disaster, _vide_ catastrophe
Disaster psychology, _vide_ psychology
Disaster relief, _vide_ relief
Disease, 22, 36, 48, 134
Discussion, 37, 64, 67, 142
Disintegration of society, 18, 31, 33, 34, 35, 59
Dispensary, 88, 133
Distributive system of society, 31
Diversity of capacity, 69
Division of labor, 69, 79, 142
Dynamic forces, 19
Dynamogenic reactions, 52
E
Economic factors in society, 68
Economy, social, 80, 98
Education, 19, 84, 101, 120, 121, 129, 134, 135, 136, 137
Educational institutions, 20, 69, 70, 74, 76, 82, 85, 91, 95, 135, 136
Educational psychology, 137
Educational sociology, 137
Emergency, 52, 60, 79, 82, 83, 87, 98, 143
Emotion, 33, 36, 44, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53
Endurance, 52, 53, 54, 60
Energies, 52, 58
Environmental effects, 15, 75, 136, 145
Envy, 44
Erroneous recognition, 39
Equipmental factors in society, 68, 142
Evolution, 14, 15, 56, 101
Exaltation, 45, 46
Expectancy, 41
F
Factors in social change, 15, 16, 22, 144
Family, 59, 61, 74, 86, 88, 89, 140
Fatigue, 45, 52, 53, 54
Fear, 39, 44, 45, 64
First aid, 41, 61, 134
Flight instinct, 40
Fluidity, 18, 19, 20, 21, 34, 142, 145
Flux, 19, 34
Folkways, 18
Food-getting, 39, 92
Fraternal societies, 76, 98
G
Generosity, 55, 57, 58, 115, 116, 143
Geographic determinants, 67, 119
Government, 19, 31, 100, 101;
agencies of, 100;
aid in disaster, 94, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107;
an institution of society, 100;
and leadership, 117;
officials, 62, 102, 106;
over-emphasis of, 19, 119, 120
Gratitude, 45
Great man, 55, 69
Greed, 44, 51, 94
Gregarious instinct, 40, 41, 63, 67
Grief, 38, 48
Group, 41, 55, 56, 60, 70, 142
Group heroism, 56
H
Habit, 17, 19, 20, 52, 69, 117
Habitation, 39, 63
Hallucination, 35, 37, 38
Happiness, 70, 112
Health, public, 68, 88, 101, 108, 119, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 140
Helpfulness, psychology of, 56, 85
Herd instinct, 41, 63
Heroism, 55, 56
History, 14
Heredity, 67
Homes, 31, 32, 48, 63, 87, 114
Homogeneity, 70
Housing, 114, 129, 132, 140
Hospitals, 53, 66, 88, 90, 135, 140
Human nature, 93, 94
Hyperactivity of imagination, 46
Hyper-suggestibility, 44
Hypnosis, 45
I
Imagination, 31, 37, 46, 114
Imitation, 15, 63, 67, 77, 142, 145
Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77
Immobility of society, 19, 20, 120, 144, 145
Impulsive social action, 42, 48
Indemnity, principle of, 95
Indications of social change, 123, 143
Indices of business, 125
Individual reactions, 41, 51, 53, 55
Industry, 31, 69, 118, 121, 144
Industrial, accidents, 116, 135;
fatigue, 138;
hygiene, 135
Inhibitions, 36, 41, 49
Insanity, 46
Instincts, 18, 20, 35, 39, 40, 44
Institutions, social, _vide_ religious, educational
Insurance, social, 105, 116, 125
J
Jealousy, 44
Justice, 19
Juvenile delinquency, 138
K
Kind, consciousness of, 63, 67, 142
Kindliness, 45, 55
L
Labor, 139;
division of, 69, 79;
legislation, 23, 101, 108
Law, 49, 50, 58, 120
Leadership, 21, 61, 67, 80, 84, 86, 145
Legislation, ameliorative, 101;
boundaries of, 101;
and catastrophe, 23, 110, 143;
health, 108;
ideals of, 101;
labor, 23, 101, 108;
mining, 23, 108;
marine, 23, 108, 109;
promotive, 133;
progress in, 101, 108, 110, 143;
social, 23, 100
Like-mindedness, 63, 70
Like response, 41
Limitation of field of consciousness, 42
Lookers-on, stimulus of, 21, 78, 145
M
Magic, 20, 78
Martial law, 101
Maternity, 48, 135
Mass relief, 85
Medical inspection, 136
Medical social service, 87, 88, 89, 98, 140
Mental hygiene, 134
Mental unity, 41
Meteorological pressure, 65
Military and naval organization, 51, 60, 63, 68, 88, 101, 102, 122,
143, 145
Ministerial association, 139
Models, 21, 77, 78
Modes of affective experience, 44
Morale, 21, 106, 108, 145
Morality, 20, 97
Mores, 70
Morgue service, 39, 91, 98
Mortality, 112
Municipal control, 101, 102, 103, 104
Mutual aid, 55, 56, 57, 58
N
Navy, _vide_ military
News-notice, 115
Normality, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 79, 142
O
Obstruction and the human will, 52
Occupational change, 113
Oneiric delirium, 46
Organization, _vide_ social, relief
Orientation, 123
Original tendencies, 39
P
Pain economy, 112
Pain, 53, 54
Parental instinct, 40, 41
Pensions, 90
Percentage of indifference, 129
Percentage of interest, 129
Personal crises, 18
Phenomena, of bereavement, 47;
of crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45;
diverse, 35;
of emotion, 44;
of endurance, 52, 53;
post-catastrophic, 48;
of repression, 49
Philanthropy, 52, 69, 116
Physical factors in society, 67, 142
Physiological reactions, 35, 36, 52
Pity, 39
Pleasure economy, 112
Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior
Plural leadership, 49
Police, 76, 101, 102
Political action, 64, 76, 129
Political Science, 103
Poor laws, 101
Population, 19, 67, 113, 114, 128, 137, 144
Post-catastrophic phenomena, 48
Precipitating agent, 16, 144, 145
Preparedness, 64
Press, 72
Pressure, social, 63, 77
Primitive household, 69
Principles of relief, _vide_ relief
Production, 19
Profiteering, psychology of, 51
Procedure, 23, 79, 102, 109
Progress, in catastrophe, 21, 22, 23, 55, 98, 108, 146;
and change, 21;
degree of, 21;
and evolution, 14, 15;
meaning of, 21;
and relief, 80;
in social legislation, 23
Protocracy, 60, 70
Psychiatry, 134
Psychological factors in society, 67, 142
Psychology, analytic, 49;
crowd, 35, 41, 45;
disaster, 35, 56;
of helpfulness, 56, 85;
of helplessness, 49;
of insanity, 46;
of profiteering, 51;
of relief, 49, 94;
social, 35;
and sociology, 19, 35
Public opinion, 23, 84, 86, 93
Public safety, 132, 136
Public utilities, 71
Pugnacity, instinct of, 40
R
Reconditioning of instincts, 18
Recreation, 19, 73, 101, 129, 137
Recuperation of society, 20, 35, 112, 114, 117, 143
Regional influence, 66
Regulative system of society, 31
Rehabilitation, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 94, 98, 104, 105, 107
Religion, 64, 118, 120, 121
Religious institutions, 32, 63, 69, 70, 74, 77, 85, 95, 120, 139
Relief, administration of, 44, 66, 83, 86, 87, 93, 94;
division of labor in, 69;
fluctuation of, 116;
leadership in, 61, 103, 116;
medical, 61, 62, 65;
military in, 51, 60, 63, 68;
organization of, 59;
psychology of, 49, 94;
principles of, 81, 84, 85, 96;
procedure in, 79;
relation to progress, 80;
residuum of, 97;
reserve, 98;
secret service in, 98;
shelter, 63, 64, 66, 82, 90;
stages in, 85
Repression, 49, 50
Reproductive system of society, 31
Resentment, 45, 49
Residuum of relief, 97
Resumption of normal society, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75
Restitution, principle of, 94, 95
Retrogressive evolution, 15
Revolution, 17, 22
Ritual, 20
Rumor, responsiveness to, 43, 63
S
Sabbath observance, 77
Safety, public, 132, 136
Sanitation, 66, 133, 134
Schools, _vide_ educational institutions
Science, 33, 88
Security, feelings of, 41
Self-control, social, 70
Segregation, 64
Self-preservation, 31, 40
Sensation, 36, 38, 54
Sense perception, 37, 38
Sensorium, social, 59
Service, social, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143
Shibboleths, 77
Shock, reaction, 31, 36, 45, 54, 60, 91, 141
Social, action, 64;
aggregation, 62;
age, 139;
choices, 121;
consciousness, 60;
conservation, 79, 84, 143;
conservatism, 19, 117, 120;
contrasts, 32;
control, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146;
economy, 80, 98;
effects, 75, 96;
factors, 59, 67, 142;
immobility, 18, 20, 120, 144, 145;
insurance, 105, 116, 125;
legislation, 23, 100;
memory, 23, 55;
mind, 49, 70;
order, 143;
organization, 35, 59, 142;
policy, 80, 139;
pressure, 63, 77;
psychology, 35;
reorganization, 69;
sensorium, 59;
service, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143;
specialists, 69, 81, 85, 94, 143;
standards, 32;
surplus, 68, 111, 112, 143
Social change, _vide_ change
Socialization, 52, 55, 85, 97, 142, 145
Socialized recreation, 138, 139
Society, 33, 35, 49, 69, 70, 76, 79, 91, 100
Societies, 76, 99
Socio-economic factors, 112, 117, 143
Sociological factors, 59, 67, 142
Sociology, 33, 35, 120;
attractions of study, 13;
educational, 137;
and psychology, 19, 35;
virgin fields in, 13, 23
Sorrow, 45, 47
Standards, social, 32
Standards of living, 112, 113, 133
State, 101
Static conditions of society, _vide_ immobility
Statistics, vital, 135
Stimulus, of catastrophe, 33, 51, 53, 54, 57;
of heroism, 55;
of leaders, 21;
of lookers-on, 21, 78, 145;
of models, 78;
repetition of, 45
Struggle for existence, 41
Sub-normal, 136
Suggestibility, 41, 42, 48, 142
Suicide, 46
Supervised playgrounds, 136
Surplus, social, 68, 111, 112, 143
Survival, 56
Sustaining system of society, 31
Sympathy, 45, 46, 55, 58
T
Taboo, 49, 71
Tender emotion, 45
Themistes, 18
Topography, 67, 142
Tradition, 32, 120
Transportation, 43
Trade-unions, 51
U
Under-nutrition, 113
Unemployment, 59, 125
Unit in relief, 60
Unity, mental, 41
Utility, of association, 62, 67, 142
Utilities, public, 71
V
Variation, social, _vide_ social change
Vicissitudes, 14, 21
Vigilance committee, 19, 143
Vigor, economic, 70
Vocational training, 98, 136
Volition, 55, 64
Voluntary associations, 73, 84
W
War, 14, 26, 45, 48, 94, 97, 101, 117, 144
Wealth, 111
Welfare, 70, 86, 132, 139
Will, 22, 44, 52, 53
Workmen's compensation, 105
Worship, 19, 77
Z
Zeal, 44
VITA
Born at Hammond River, Province of New Brunswick, Canada. Son of
Samuel I. and Mary E. Perkins Prince. Graduate of St. John (N. B.) High
School, the University of Toronto, Wycliffe College (Tor.). Taught at
Ridley College, St. Catharines, Ont. Appointed to staff of St. Paul's
Halifax N. S. Studied for doctorate at Columbia University. Subject of
primary interest, Sociology; of secondary interest, Statistics and
Social Legislation. Graduate courses with Professors, Giddings, Tenney,
Chaddock, Lindsay, Andrews, Montague, McCrea. President of the British
Empire Club of the University.
[ Transcriber's Note:
The following is a list of corrections made to the original.
The first line is the original line, the second the corrected one.
dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Matthews observes, "is something more
dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Mathews observes, "is something more
sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206) "Brusk
sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206): "Brusk
seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay a deep inlet on
seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay, a deep inlet on
an fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
and fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
"So hypochrondriac fancies represent
"So hypochondriac fancies represent
fruitless search whereever refugees were gathered together, the
fruitless search wherever refugees were gathered together, the
to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed. (_Ibid._,
to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed." (_Ibid._,
sentiment.[73]
sentiment."[73]
pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicious enough for special notice was
pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicuous enough for special notice was
could not escape, observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
could not escape observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenonema of social
may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social
depot at well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the
depot as well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the
comradeship.[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the
comradeship."[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the
precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6
precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6.
of_ Halifax, 1918.
of Halifax_, 1918.
CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (Cont'd)
CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY
relationships.?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort
relationships?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort
subsidize familes rather than institutions.
subsidize families rather than institutions.
3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc_, for children.
3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc._, for children.
exceeding five thousand dollars. And while in case of the larger claims
exceeding five thousand dollars." And while in case of the larger claims
John R. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the
John F. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the
We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influence which are
We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influences which are
In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal.
In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal,
committees. The Citizen's Committee exercised the general control. They
committees. The Citizens' Committee exercised the general control. They
muncipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of
municipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of
But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed aplies
But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed applies
and technical leadership, welcome at it was, and saving the situation as
and technical leadership, welcome as it was, and saving the situation as
ch viii, p. 197.
ch. viii, p. 197.
The chapter discribing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
[178] The two additional propositions suggested in the the Introduction,
[178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction,
Imitation, conditions effecting rate of, 77
Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77
Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behaviour
Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior
]