blacks. This alteration in the relative numbers of white servants and
black slaves was accelerated by a change which had come over the
commercial policy of the English Government. In 1662 the Royal African
Company was incorporated. At the head of it was the Duke of York, and
the King himself was a large shareholder. The chief profit of this
company was derived from the exportation of negroes from Guinea to the
plantations. The King and his brother henceforth had a direct interest
in limiting the supply of indented servants, and it is not unlikely
that this explains why Jeffreys for once deviated into the paths of
humanity and justice....
Had negro slavery never existed, had the natural resources of the
Southern colonies favored the growth of a free yeomanry, the system of
indenture would have been admirably fitted to establish a population
of small proprietors, trained in habits of industry and in a competent
knowledge of agriculture. The social and industrial life of the
colonies forbade this. A peasant proprietary can only exist under
severe restraints as to increase, or where there is urban life to take
off the surplus population for trades and handicrafts. The Southern
colonies fulfilled neither of these conditions. When the servant was
out of his indentures there was no place for him. He could not become
a shopkeeper or craftsman or a free agricultural laborer, for none of
these callings existed. Moreover, the very same conditions of soil and
climate which enabled slavery to exist, made it possible for the
freeman to procure a scanty livelihood, without any habits of settled
industry. Thus the liberated servant became an idler, socially
corrupt, and often politically dangerous. He furnished that class
justly described by a Virginian of that day as "a foeculum of beings
called overseers, a most abject, unprincipled race." He was the
forerunner, and possibly in some degree the progenitor, of that class
who did so much to intensify the evils of slavery, the "mean whites"
of later times....
When once negro slavery was firmly established, any rival form of
industry was doomed. For it is an economical law of slavery, that
where it exists it must exist without a rival. It can only succeed
where it is a predominant form of labor. The utility of the slave is
that of a machine. When once he has been trained to any special kind
of industry, no attempts to enlarge his sphere of activity can be
attended with profit. The time given to the new acquisition is so much
waste, and his mental incapacity and absence of any moral interest in
his work almost necessarily limits him to a single task. Thus, as we
have seen, the many attempts to develop varied forms of production in
the Southern colonies all failed. Maryland and Virginia grew only
tobacco. South Carolina grew mainly rice. Moreover, the spectacle of
the free laborer working on the same soil and at the same task, would
be fatal to that resignation, and that complete moral and intellectual
subjection, which alone can make slave labor possible. Thus the
cheaper and more efficient system obtained the mastery so completely
that by the beginning of the eighteenth century slave and negro had
become well-nigh synonymous terms.
[1] From Doyle's "English Colonies in America." By permission of
the publishers, Henry Holt & Co.
NEW ENGLAND BEFORE THE PILGRIM FATHERS LANDED
(1614)
BY CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH[1]
In the moneth of Aprill, 1614, with two Ships from London, of a few
Marchants, I chanced to arriue in New-England, a parte of Ameryca, at
the Ile of Monahiggan, in 43-1/2 of northerly latitude: our plot was
there to take Whales and make tryalls of a Myne of Gold and Copper. If
those failed, Fish and Furres was then our refuge, to make our selues
sauers howsoeuer: we found this Whale fishing a costly conclusion: we
saw many, and spent much time in chasing them; but could not kill any:
They beeing a kinde of Iubartes, and not the Whale that yeeldes Finnes
and Oyle as wee expected. For our Golde, it was rather the Masters
deuice to get a voyage that proiected it, then any knowledge hee had
at all of any such matter. Fish & Furres was now our guard: & by our
late arriual, and long lingring about the Whale, the prime of both
those seasons were past ere wee perceiued it; we thinking that their
seasons serued at all times: but wee found it otherwise; for, by the
midst of Iune, the fishing failed.
Yet in Iuly and August some was taken, but not sufficient to defray so
great a charge as our stay required. Of dry fish we made about 40000.
of Cor fish about 7000.
Whilest the sailers fished, my selfe with eight or nine others of them
might best bee spared; Ranging the coast in a small boat, wee got for
trifles neer 1100 Beuer skinnes, 100 Martins, and neer as many Otters;
and the most of them within the distance of twenty leagues. We ranged
the Coast both East and West much furder; but Eastwards our
commodities were not esteemed, they were so neare the French who
affords them better: and right against vs in the Main was a Ship of
Sir Frances Popphames, that had there such acquaintance, hauing many
years vsed onely that porte, that the most parte there was had by him.
And 40 leagues westwards were two French Ships, that had made there a
great voyage by trade, during the time wee tryed those conclusions,
not knowing the Coast, nor Saluages habitation. With these Furres, the
Traine, and Corfish I returned for England in the Bark: where within
six monthes after our departure from the Downes, we safe arriued back.
The best of this fish was solde for fiue pound the hundreth, the rest
by ill vsage betwixt three pound and fifty shillings. The other Ship
staied to fit herselfe for Spaine with the dry fish which was sould,
by the Sailers reporte that returned, at forty ryalls the quintall,
each hundred weighing two quintalls and a halfe.
New England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea opposite to Noua
Albyon in the South Sea; discouered by the most memorable Sir Francis
Drake in his voyage about the worlde. In regarde whereto this is
stiled New England, beeing in the same latitude. New France, off it,
is Northward: Southwardes is Virginia, and all the adioyning
Continent, with New Grenada, New Spain, New Andolosia and the West
Indies. Now because I haue beene so oft asked such strange questions,
of the goodnesse and greatnesse of those spatious Tracts of land, how
they can bee thus long vnknown, or not possessed by the Spaniard, and
many such like demands; I intreat your pardons, if I chance to be too
plaine, or tedious in relating my knowledge for plaine mens
satisfaction.
That part wee call New England is betwixt the degrees of 41. and 45:
but that parte this discourse speaketh of, stretcheth but from
Penobscot to Cape Cod, some 75 leagues by a right line distant each
from other: within which bounds I haue scene at least 40. seuerall
habitations vpon the Sea Coast, and sounded about 25 excellent good
Harbours; In many whereof there is ancorage for 500 sayle of ships of
any burthen; in some of them for 5000: And more than 200 Iles
ouergrowne with good timber, of diuers sorts of wood, which doe make
so many harbours as requireth a longer time then I had, to be well
discouered....
And surely by reason of those sandy cliffes and cliffes of rocks, both
which we saw so planted with Gardens and Corne fields, and so well
inhabited with a goodly, strong and well proportioned people, besides
the greatnesse of the Timber growing on them, the greatnesse of the
fish and the moderate temper of the ayre (for of twentie fiue, not any
was sicke, but two that were many yeares diseased before they went,
notwithstanding our bad lodging and accidentall diet) who can but
approue this a most excellent place, both for health & fertility? And
of all the foure parts of the world that I haue yet seene not
inhabited, could I haue but meanes to transport a Colonie, I would
rather liue here than any where: and if it did not maintaine it selfe,
were wee but once indifferently well fitted, let vs starue.
The maine Staple, from hence to bee extracted for the present to
produce the rest, is fish; which howeuer it may seeme a mean and a
base commoditie: yet who will but truely take the pains and consider
the sequell, I thinke will allow it well worth the labour....
First, the ground is so fertill, that questionless it is capable of
producing any Grain, Fruits, or Seeds you will sow or plant, growing
in the Regions afore named: But it may be, not euery kinde to that
perfection of delicacy; or some tender plants may miscarie, because
the Summer is not so hot, and the winter is more colde in those parts
wee haue yet tryed neere the Sea side, then we finde in the same
height in Europe or Asia; Yet I made a Garden vpon the top of a Rockie
Ile in 43-1/2, 4 leagues from the Main, in May, that grew so well, as
it serued vs for sallets in Iune and Iuly. All sorts of cattell may
here be bred and fed in the Iles, or Peninsulaes, securely for
nothing. In the Interim till they encrease if need be (obseruing the
seasons) I durst vndertake to haue corne enough from the Saluages for
300 men, for a few trifles; and if they should bee vntoward (as it is
most certaine they are) thirty or forty good men will be sufficient to
bring them all in subjection, and make this prouision; if they
vnderstand what they doe: 200 whereof may nine monethes in the yeare
be imployed in making marchandable fish, till the rest prouide other
necessaries, fit to furnish vs with other commodities....
But, to retumne a little more to the particulars of this Countrey,
which I intermingle thus with my proiects and reasons, not being so
sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts, to write fully the estate
of the Sea, the Ayre, the Land, the Fruites, the Rocks, the People,
the Gouernment, Religions, Territories, and Limitations, Friends, and
Foes: but, as I gathered from the niggardly relations in a broken
language to my vnderstanding, during the time I ranged those Countries
&c. The most Northern part I was at, was the Bay of Penobscot, which
is East and West, North and South, more than ten leagues; but such
were my occasions, I was constrained to be satisfied of them I found
in the Bay, that the Riuer ranne farre vp into the Land, and was well
inhabited with many people, but they were from their habitations,
either fishing among the Iles, or hunting the Lakes and Woods, for
Deer and Beuers. The Bay is full of great Ilands, of one, two, six,
eight, or ten miles in length, which diuides it into many faire and
excellent good harbours. On the East of it, are the Tarrantines, their
mortall enemies, where inhabit the French, as they report that line
with those people, as one nation or family. And Northwest of
Pennobscot is Mecaddacut, at the foot of a high mountaine, a kinde of
fortresse against the Tarrantines adioyning to the high mountaines of
Pennobscot, against whose feet doth beat the Sea.
But ouer all the Land, Iles, or other impediments, you may well see
them sixteene or eighteene leagues from their situation. Segocket is
the next; then Nufconcus, Pemmaquid, and Sagadahock. Vp this Riuer
where was the Westerne plantation are Aumuckcawgen, Kinnebeck, and
diuers others, where there is planted some corne fields. Along this
Riuer 40 or 50 miles, I saw nothing but great high cliffes of barren
Rocks, ouergrowne with wood: but where the Saluages dwelt there the
ground is exceeding fat & fertill. Westward of this Riuer, is the
Countrey of Aucocisco, in the bottome of a large deepe Bay, full of
runny great Iles, which diuides it into many good harbours. Sowocotuck
is the next, in the edge of a large sandy Bay, which bath many Rocks
and Iles, but few good harbours, but for Barks, I yet know. But all
this Coast to Pennobscot, and as farre I could see Eastward of it is
nothing but such high craggy Cliffy Rocks & stony Iles that I wondered
such great trees could growe vpon so hard foundations. It is a
Countrie rather to affright, then delight one. And how to describe a
more plaine spectacle of desolation or more barren I knowe not. Yet
the Sea there is the strangest fish-pond I euer saw; and those barren
Iles so furnished with good woods, springs, fruits, fish, and foule,
that it makes mee thinke though the Coast be rockie, and thus
affrightable; the Values, Plaines, and interior parts, may well
(notwithstanding) be verie fertile.
But there is no kingdome so fertile bath not some part barren: and New
England is great enough, to make many Kingdomes and Countries, were it
all inhabited. As you passe the Coast still Westward, Accominticus and
Passataquack are two conuenient harbors for small barks; and a good
Countrie, within their craggie cliffs. Angoam is the next; This place
might content a right curious iudgement: but there are many sands at
the entrance of the harbor: and the worst is, it is inbayed too farre
from the deepe Sea. Heere are many rising hilles, and on their tops
and descents many come fields, and delightfull groues. On the East, is
an Ile of two or three leagues in length; the one halfe, plaine morish
grasse fit for pasture, with many faire high groues of mulberrie trees
gardens: and there is also Okes, Pines, and other woods to make this
place an excellent habitation, beeing a good and safe harbor.
Naimkeek though it be more rockie ground (for Angoam is sandie) not
much inferior; neither for the harbor, nor any thing I could perceiue,
but the multitude of people. From hence doth stretch into the sea the
faire headland Tragabigzanda, fronted with three lies called the three
Turks heads: to the North of this, doth enter a great Bay, where wee
founde some habitations and corne fields: they report a great
Riuer[2], and at least thirtie habitations, doo possesse this
Countrie. But because the French had got their Trade, I had no leasure
to discouer it.
The Iles of Mattahunts are on the West side of this Bay, where are
many Iles, and questionlesse good harbors: and then the Countrie of
the Massachusets, which is the Paradise of all those parts: for, heere
are many lies all planted with corne; groues, mulberries, saluage
gardens, and good harbors: the Coast is for the most part, high clayie
sandie cliffs. The Sea Coast as you passe, shewes you all along large
corne fields, and great troupes of well proportioned people: but the
French hauing remained heere neere sixe weekes, left nothing, for vs
to take occasion to examine the inhabitants relations, viz, if there
be neer three thousand people vpon these Iles; and that the Riuer doth
pearce many daies iourneies the intralles of that Countrey. We found
the people in those parts verie kinde; but in their furie no lesse
valiant. For, vpon a quarrell wee had with one of them, hee onely with
three others crossed the harbor of Quonahassit to certaine rocks
whereby wee must passe; and there let flie their arrowes for our shot,
till we were out of danger.
Then come you to Accomack, an excellent good harbor, good land; and no
want of any thing, but industrious people. After much kindnesse, vpon
a small occasion, wee fought also with fortie or fiftie of those:
though some were hurt, and some slaine; yet within an houre after they
became friendes. Cape Cod is the next presents it selfe; which is
onely a headland of high hils of sand, ouergrowne with shrubbie pines,
hurts, and such trash; but an excellent harbor for all weathers. This
Cape is made by the maine Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the
other in forme of a sickle: on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet:
and in the bottome of the Bay, the people of Chawum.
[1] From Smith's "Description of New England," published in London
in 1616. Smith's exploration of New England was made after he had
become separated from the Jamestown colony, of which in 1608, he
had been president. He went there under an engagement with London
merchants to fish for cod, barter for furs and explore the country
for settlement. It was he who at the request of Prince Charles
named the country New England.
[2] Probably the Merrimac.
THE FIRST VOYAGE OF THE "MAYFLOWER"
(1620)
BY GOVERNOR WILLIAM BRADFORD[1]
Sept^r: 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now all being compacte
togeather in one shipe, they put to sea againe with a prosperus winde,
which continued diverce days togeather, which was some incouragemente
unto them; yet according to y^e usuall maner many were afflicted with
sea-sicknes....
After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, they were
incountred many times with crosse winds, and mette with many feirce
stormes, with which y^e shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works
made very leakie; and one of the maine beames in y^e midd ships was
bowed & craked, which put them in some fear that y^e shipe could not
be able to performe y^e vioage. So some of y^e cheefe of y^e company,
perceiving y^e mariners to feare y^e suffisiencie of y^e shipe, as
appeared by their mutterings, they entred into serious consulltation
with y^e m^r. & other officers of y^e ship, to consider in time of y^e
danger; and rather to returne then to cast them selves into a
desperate & inevitable perill. And truly ther was great distraction &
differance of opinion amongst y^e mariners themselves; faine would
they doe what could be done for their wages sake, (being now halfe the
seas over,) and on y^e other hand they were loath to hazard their
lives too desperatly. But in examening of all opinions, the m^r. &
others affirmed they knew y^e ship to be stronge & firme under water;
and for the buckling of y^e maine beame, ther was a great iron scrue
y^e passengers brought out of Holland, which would raise y^e beame
into his place; y^e which being done, the carpenter & m^r. affirmed
that with a post put under it, set firme in y^e lower deck, &
otherways bounde, he would make it sufficiente.
And as for y^e decks & uper workes they would calke them as well as
they could, and though with y^e workeing of y^e ship they would not
longe keepe stanch, yet ther would otherwise be no great danger, if
they did not overpress her with sails. So they comited them selves to
y^e will of God, & resolved to proseede. In sundrie of these stormes
the winds were so feirce, & y^e seas so high, as they could not beare
a knote of saile, but were forced to hull, for diverce days togither.
And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty storme, a
lustie yonge man (called John Rowland) coming upon some occasion above
y^e grattings, was, with a seele of y^e shipe throwne into [y^e] sea;
but it pleased God y^t he caught hould of y^e tope-saile halliards,
which hunge over board, & rane out at length; y^et he held his hould
(though he was sundrie fadomes under water) till he was hald up by y^e
same rope to y^e brime of y^e water, and then with a boat hooke &
other means got into y^e shipe againe, & his life saved; and though he
was something ill with it, y^et he lived many years after, and became
a profitable member both in church & comone wealthe. In all this siage
ther died but one of y^e passengers, which was William Butten, a
youth, servant to Samuel Fuller, when they drew near y^e coast....
But to omite other things, (that I may be breefe,) after longe beating
at sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod; the which
being made & certainly knowne to be it, they were not a little
joyfull. After some deliberation had amongst them selves & with y^e
m^r. of y^e ship, they tacked aboute and resolved to stande for y^e
southward (y^e wind & weather being faire) to find some place aboute
Hudsons river for their habitation. But after they had sailed y^t
course aboute half y^e day, they fell amongst deangerous shoulds and
roring breakers, and they were so farr intangled ther with as they
conceived them selves in great danger; & y^e wind shrinking upon them
withall, they resolved to bear up againe for the Cape, and thought
them selves hapy to gett out of those dangers before night overtooke
them, as by Gods providence they did. And y^e next day they gott into
y^e Cape-harbor wher they ridd in saftie.[2] A word or too by y^e way
of this cape; it was thus first named by Capten Gosnole & his company,
An^o: 1602, and after by Capten Smith was caled Cape James; but it
retains y^e former name amongst sea-men. Also y^t pointe which first
shewed those dangerous shoulds unto them, they called Point Care, &
Tuckers Terrour; but y^t French & Dutch to this day call it Malabarr,
by reason of those perilous shoulds, and y^e losses they have suffered
their.
Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, they fell
upon their knees & blessed y^e God of heaven, who had brought them
over y^e vast & furious ocean, and delivered them from all y^e periles
& miseries thereof, againe to set their feete on y^e firme and stable
earth, their proper elemente. And no marvell if they were thus
joyefull, seeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles
on y^e coast of his owne Italy; as he affirmed, that he had rather
remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea to any
place in a short time; so tedious & dreadfull was y^e same unto
him....
But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amased at
this poore peoples presente condition; and so I thinke will the reader
too, when he well considers yo same. Being thus passed y^e vast ocean,
and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may be remembred
by y^t which wente before), they had now no friends to well come them,
nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten bodys, no houses
or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for succoure. It is
recorded in scripture as a mercie to y^e apostle & his shipwraked
company, y^t the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in refreshing
them, but these savage barbarians, when they mette with them (as after
will appeare) were readier to fill their sids full of arrows then
otherwise. And for y^e season it was winter, and they that know y^e
winters of y^t cuntrie know them to be sharp & violent, & subjecte to
cruell & feirce stormes, deangerous to travill to known places, much
more to serch an unknown coast. Besids, what could they see but a
hidious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts & willd men? and
what multituds ther might be of them they knew not. Nether could they,
as it were, goe up to y^e tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willdernes
a more goodly cuntrie to feed their hops; for which way soever they
turnd their eys (save upward to y^e heavens) they could have little
solace or content in respecte of any outward objects.
For sumer being done, all things stand upon them with a wetherbeaten
face; and y^e whole countrie, full of woods & thickets, represented a
wild & savage view. If they looked behind them, ther was y^e mighty
ocean which they had passed, and was now as a maine barr & goulfe to
seperate them from all y^e civil parts of y^e world. If it be said
they had a ship to sucour them, it is trew; but what heard they daly
from y^e m^r. & company? but y^e with speede they should looke out a
place with their shallop, wher they would be at some near distance;
for y^e season was shuch as he would not stirr from thence till a safe
harbor was discovered by them wher they would be, and he might goe
without danger; and that victells consumed apace, but he must & would
keepe sufficient for them selves & their returne. Yea, it was muttered
by some, that if they gott not a place in time, they would turne them
& their goods ashore & leave them.
Let it also be considred what weake hopes of supply & succoure they
left behinde them, y^e might bear up their minds in this sade
condition and trialls they were under; and they could not but be very
smale. It is true, indeed, y^e affections & love of their brethren at
Leyden was cordiall & entire towards them, but they had litle power to
help them, or them selves; and how y^e case stode between them & y^e
marchants at their coming away, hath allready been declared. What
could now sustaine them but y^e spirite of God & his grace?...