The Queene of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his
hands, and another brought him a bunch of feathers, in stead of a
Towell to ry them: having feasted him after their best barbarous
manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion
was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan; then as many as
could layd hands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his
head, and being ready with their clubs, to beate out his braines,
Pocohontas, the King's dearest daughter, when no intreaty could
prevaile, got his head in her armes, and laide her owne vpon his to
saue him from death: whereat the Emperour was contented he should liue
to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; for they
thought him aswell of all occupations as themselues. For the King
himselfe will make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots;
plant, hunt, or doe any thing so well as the rest.
They say he bore a pleasant shew,
But sure his heart was sad.
For who can pleasant be, and rest,
That lives in fears and dreads:
And having life suspected, doth
It still suspected lead.
Two dayes after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most
fearefullest manner he could, caused Captain Smith to be brought forth
to a great house in the woods, and there vpon a mat by the fire to be
left alone. Not long after from behinde a mat that divided the house,
was made the most dolefullsst noyse he ever heard; then Powhatan more
like a devill than a man, with some two hundred more as blacke as
himselfe, came vnto him and told him now they were friends, and
presently he should goe to Iames towns, to send him two great gunnes,
and a gryndstone, for which he would giue him the Country of
Capabowosick, and for ever esteeme him as his sonne Nantaquoud.
So to Iames towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That night they
quartered in the woods, he still expecting (as he had done all this
long time of his imprisonment) every houre to be put to one death or
other: for all their feasting. But almightie God (by his divine
providence) had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians with
compassion. The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, where
Smith having vsed the Salvages with what kindnesss he could, he shewed
Rawhunt, Powhatans trusty servant, two demi-Culverings and a millstone
to carry Powhatan: they found them somewhat too heavie; but when they
did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs
of a great tree loaded with Isiekles the yce and branches came so
tumbling downe, that the poore Salvages ran away halfa dead with
feare. But at last we regained some conference with them, and gaue
them such toyes; and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children such
presents, as gaue them in generall full content.
Now in Iames Towne they were all in combustion, the strongest
preparing once more to run away with the Pinnace; which with the
hazzard of his life, with Sakre falcon and musket shot, Smith forced
now the third time to stay or sinke.
Some no better than they should be, had plotted with the President,
the next day to haue put him to death by the Leviticall law, for the
liues of Robinson and Emry; pretending the fault was his that had led
them to their ends; but he quickly tooke such order with such Lawyers,
that he layd them by the heeles till he sent some of them prisoners
for England.
Now ever once in foure or fiue dayes, Pocahontas with her attendants,
brought him so much provision, that saved many of their liues, that
els for all this had starved with hunger....
Thus you may see what difficulties still crossed any good indevour;
and the good successe of the businesse being thus oft brought to the
very period of destruction; yet you see by what strange means God hath
still delivered it.
Now whether it had beane better for Captaine Smith, to haue concluded
with any of those severall proiects, to haue abandoned the Countrey,
with some ten or twelue of them, who were called the better sort, and
haue left Master Hunt our Preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a most
honest, worthy, and industrious Gentleman, Master Thomas Wotton and
some 27 others of his Countrymen to the fury of the Salvages, famine,
and all manner of mischiefes, and inconveniences, (for they were but
fortie in all to keepe possession of this large Country;) or starue
himselfe with them for company, for want of lodging: or but
adventuring abroad to make them provision, or by his opposition to
preserve the action, and saue all their liues; I leaue to the censure
of all honest men to consider.
[1] From Smith's "General History of Virginia." Edward Arbor has
contended that, had not John Smith "strove, fought and endured as
he did the present United States of America might never have come
into existence." Spaniards and French alike had failed in their
attempts at colonization and so had the repeated expeditions sent
out by Sir Walter Raleigh. Smith carried the Jamestown settlement
through its difficulties.--Smith, the "self-denying, energetic, so
full of resources, and so trained in dealing with the savage
races." Had Jamestown failed the Pilgrim fathers "would not have
gone to New England." Smith was not the sole author of the "History
of Virginia." Others contributed to the work.
[2] Richmond.
THE FIRST AMERICAN LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(1619)
BY JOHN TWINE, ITS SECRETARY[1]
A reporte of the manner of proceedings in the General assembly
convented at James citty in Virginia, July 30, 1619, consisting of the
Gouvernor, the Counsell of Estate and two Burgesses elected out of
eache Incorporation and Plantation, and being dissolved the 4th of
August next ensuing.
First. Sir George Yeardley, Knight Governor & Captaine general of
Virginia, sente his sumons all over the Country, as well to invite
those of the Counsell of Estate that were absente as also for the
election of Burgesses....
The most convenient place we could finde to sitt in was the Quire of
the Churche Where Sir George Yeardley, the Governour, being sett down
in his accustomed place, those of the Counsel of Estate sate nexte him
on both handes, excepte onely the Secretary then appointed Speaker,
who sate right before him, John Twine, clerke of the General assembly,
being placed nexte the Speaker, and Thomas Pierse, the Sergeant,
standing at the barre, to be ready for any Service the Assembly should
comaund him. But forasmuch as men's affaires doe little prosper where
God's service is neglected, all the Burgesses tooke their places in
the Quire till a prayer was said by Mr. Bucke, the Minister, that it
would please God to guide and sanctifie all our proceedings to his
owne glory and the good of this Plantation. Prayer being ended, to the
intente that as we had begun at God Almighty, so we might proceed w^th
awful and due respecte towards the Lieutenant, our most gratious and
dread Soveraigne, all the Burgesses were intreatted to retyre
themselves into the body of the Churche, w^ch being done, before they
were fully admitted, they were called in order and by name, and so
every man (none staggering at it) tooke the oathe of Supremacy, and
then entred the Assembly....
These obstacles removed, the Speaker, who a long time had bene
extreame sickly and therefore not able to passe through long
harrangues, delivered in briefe to the whole assembly the occasions of
their meeting. Which done, he read unto them the comission for
establishing the Counsell of Estate and the general Assembly, wherein
their duties were described to the life.
Having thus prepared them, he read over unto them the greate Charter,
or comission of priviledges, orders and lawes, sent by Sir George
Yeardly out of Englande. Which for the more ease of the Committies,
having divided into fower books, he read the former two the same
forenoon for expeditious sake, a second time over and so they were
referred to the perusall of twoe Comitties, w^ch did reciprocally
consider of either, and accordingly brought in their opinions. But
some men may here objecte to what ende we should presume to referre
that to the examination of the Comitties w^ch the Counsell and Company
in Enggland had already resolved to be perfect, and did expecte
nothing but our assente thereunto? To this we answere that we did it
not to the ende to correcte or controll anything therein contained,
but onely in case we should finde ought not perfectly squaring wth the
state of this Colony or any lawe w^ch did presse or binde too harde,
that we might by waye of humble petition, seeke to have it redressed,
especially because this great Charter is to binde us and our heyers
for ever....
After dinner the Governor and those that were not of the Comitties
sate a seconde time, while the said Comitties were employed in the
perusall of those twoe bookes. And whereas the Speaker had propounded
fower severall objects for the Assembly to consider on: namely, first,
the great charter of orders, lawes, and priviledges; Secondly, which
of the instructions given by the Counsel in England to my lo: la:
warre, Captain Argall or Sir George Yeardley, might conveniently putt
on the habite of lawes; Thirdly, what lawes might issue out of the
private conceipte of any of the Burgesses, or any other of the Colony;
and lastly, what petitions were fitt to be sente home for England. It
pleased the Governour for expedition sake to have the second objecte
of the fower to be examined & prepared by himselfe and the
Non-Comitties. Wherein after having spente some three howers
conference, the twoe Committies brought in their opinions concerning
the twoe former bookes, (the second of which beginneth at these words
of the Charter: And forasmuche as our intente is to establish one
equall and uniforme kinde of government over all Virginia &c.,) w^ch
the whole Assembly, because it was late, deffered to treatt of till
the next morning....
There remaining no farther scruple in the mindes of the Assembly,
touching the said great Charter of lawes, orders and priviledges, the
Speaker putt the same to the question, and so it had both the general
assent and the applause of the whole assembly, who, as they professed
themselves in the first place most submissivily thankfull to almighty
god, therefore so they commaunded the Speaker to returne (as nowe he
doth) their due and humble thankes to the Treasurer, Counsell and
company for so many priviledges and favours as well in their owne
names as in the names of the whole Colony whom they represented.
This being dispatched we fell once more debating of suche instructions
given by the Counsell in England to several Governo^rs--as might be
converted into lawes, the last whereof was the Establishment of the
price of Tobacco, namely, of the best at 3d and the second at 18d the
pounde,...
Here begin the lawes drawen out of the Instructions given by his
Mat^ies Counsell of Virginia in England to my lo: la warre, Captain
Argall and Sir George Yeardley, knight. By this present Generall
Assembly be it enacted, that no injury or oppression be wrought by the
Englishe against the Indians whereby the present peace might be
disturbed and antient quarrells might be revived. And farther be it
ordained that the Chicohomini are not to be excepted out of this lawe;
untill either that suche order come out of Englande, or that they doe
provoke us by some newe injury.
Against Idleness, Gaming, drunkeness & excesse in apparell the
Assembly hath enacted as followeth:
First, in detestation of Idlenes be it enacted, that if any men be
founde to live as an Idler or renagate, though a freedman, it shal be
lawfull for that Incorporation or Plantation to w^ch he belongeth to
appoint him a M^r to serve for wages, till he shewe apparent signes of
amendment.
Against gaming at dice & Cardes be it ordained by this present
assembly that the winner or winners shall lose all his or their
winninges and both winners and loosers shall forfaicte ten shillings a
man, one ten shillings whereof to go to the discoverer, and the rest
to charitable & pious uses in the Incorporation where the faulte is
comitted.
Against drunkenness be it also decreed that if any private person be
found culpable thereof, for the first time he is to be reprooved
privately by the Minister, the second time publiquely, the thirde time
to lye in boltes 12 howers in the house of the Provost Marshall & to
paye his fee, and if he still continue in that vice, to undergo suche
severe punishment as the Governor and Counsell of Estate shall thinke
fitt to be inflicted on him. But if any officer offende in this crime,
the first time he shall receive a reprooff from the Governour, the
second time he shall openly be reprooved in the churche by the
minister, and the third time he shall first be comitted and then
degraded. Provided it be understood that the Governor hath alwayes
power to restore him when he shall, in his discretion thinke fitte.
Against excesse in apparell that every man be cessed in the churche
for all publique contributions, if he be unmarried according to his
owne apparrell, if he be married according to his owne and his wives,
or either of their apparrell....
Be it enacted by this present assembly that for laying a surer
foundation of the conversion of the Indians to Christian Religion,
eache towne, citty, Borrough, and particular plantation do obtaine
unto themselves by just means a certaine number of the natives'
children to be educated by them in the true religion and civile course
of life--of w^ch children the most towardly boyes in witt & graces of
nature to be brought up by them in the first elements of litterature,
so to be fitted for the Colledge intended for them that from thence
they may be sente to that worke of conversion.
As touching the business of planting come this present Assembly doth
ordaine that yeare by yeare all & every householder and householders
have in store for every servant he or they shall keep, and also for
his or their owne persons, whether they have any Servants or no, one
spare barrell of come, to be delivered out yearly, either upon sale or
exchange as need shall require. For the neglecte of w^ch duty he
shalbe subject to the censure of the Governr and Counsell of Estate.
Provided always that the first yeare of every newe man this lawe shall
not be of force....
All ministers shall duely read divine service, and exercise their
ministerial function according to the Ecclesiastical lawes and orders
of the churche of Englande, and every Sunday in the afternoon shall
Catechize suche as are not yet ripe to come to the Com. And whosoever
shalbe found negligent or faulty in this kinde shalbe subject to the
censure of the Governor and Counsell.
All persons whatsoever upon the Sabaoth daye shall frequente divine
service and sermons both forenoon and afternoon, and all suche as
beare arms shall bring their pieces, swordes, poulder and shotte. And
every one that shall transgresse this lawe shall forfaicte three
shillings a time to the ues of the churche, all lawful and necessary
impediments excepted. But if a servant in this case shall wilfully
neglecte his M^r's he shall suffer bodily punishmente.
No maide or woman servant, either now resident in the Colonie or
hereafter to come, shall contract herselfe in marriage w^th_out either
the consente of her parents, or of her M^r or M^ris, or of the
magistrat and minister of the place both together. And whatsoever
minister shall marry or contracte any suche persons w^th_out some of
the foresaid consentes shalbe subjecte to the severe censure of the
Governr and Counsell of Estate...
In sume Sir George Yeardley, the Governor prorogued the said General
Assembly till the firste of Marche, which is to fall out this present
yeare of 1619, and in the mean season dissolved the same.
[1] This account is taken from the official report of the assembly,
of which Twine was clerk. It is printed in the "Colonial Records of
Virginia," and in Hart's "American History Told by Contemporaries."
THE ORIGIN OF NEGRO SLAVERY IN AMERICA
I
IN THE WEST INDIES
(1518)
BY SIR ARTHUR HELPS[1]
The outline of Las Casas'[2] scheme was as follows: The King was to
give to every laborer willing to emigrate to Española his living
during the journey from his place of abode to Seville, at the rate of
half a real a day throughout the journey, for great and small, child
and parent. At Seville the emigrants were to be lodged in the Casa de
la Contratacion (the India House), and were to have from eleven to
thirteen maravedis a day. From thence they were to have a free passage
to Epañola, and to be provided with food for a year. And if the
climate "should try them so much" that at the expiration of this year
they should not be able to work for themselves, the King was to
continue to maintain them; but this extra maintenance was to be put
down to the account of the emigrants, as a loan which they were to
repay. The King was to give them lands--his own lands--furnish them
with plowshares and spades, and provide medicines for them. Lastly,
whatever rights and profits accrued from their holdings were to become
hereditary. This was certainly a most liberal plan of emigration. And,
in addition, there were other privileges held out as inducements to
these laborers.
In connection with the above scheme, Las Casas, unfortunately for his
reputation in after-ages, added another provision, namely, that each
Spanish resident in the island should have license to import a dozen
negro slaves. The origin of this suggestion was, as he informs us,
that the colonists had told him that, if license were given them to
import a dozen negro slaves each, they, the colonists, would then set
free the Indians. And so, recollecting that statement of the
colonists, he added this provision. Las Casas, writing his history in
his old age, thus frankly owns his error:
"This advice, that license should be given to bring negro slaves to
these lands, the _cleriqo_ Casas first gave, not considering the
injustice with which the Portuguese take them and make them slaves;
which advice, after he had apprehended the nature of the thing, he
would not have given for all he had in the world. For he always held
that they had been made slaves unjustly and tyrannically; for the
same reason holds good of them as of the Indians."
The above confession is delicately and truthfully worded--"not
considering"; he does not say, not being aware of; but though it was a
matter known to him, his moral sense was not watchful, as it were,
about it. We must be careful not to press the admissions of a generous
mind too far, or to exaggerate the importance of the suggestion of Las
Casas. It would be quite erroneous to look upon this suggestion as
being the introduction of negro slavery. From the earliest times of
the discovery of America, negroes had been sent there. But what is of
more significance, and what it is strange that Las Casas was not aware
of, or did not mention, the Hieronymite Fathers had also come to the
conclusion that negroes must be introduced into the West Indies.
Writing in January, 1518, when the fathers could not have known what
was passing in Spain in relation to this subject, they recommended
licenses to be given to the inhabitants of Española, or to other
persons, to bring negroes there. From the tenor of their letter it
appears that they had before recommended the same thing. Zuazo, the
judge of residencia, and the legal colleague of Las Casas, wrote to
the same effect. He, however, suggested that the negroes should be
placed in settlements and married. Fray. Bernardino de Manzanedo, the
Hieronymite father, sent over to counteract Las Casas, gave the same
advice as his brethren about the introduction of negroes. He added a
proviso, which does not appear in their letter--perhaps it did exist
in one of the earlier ones--that there should be as many women as men
sent over, or more.
The suggestion of Las Casas was approved of by the Chancellor; and,
indeed, it is probable there was hardly a man of that time who would
have seen further than the excellent clerigo did. Las Casas was asked
what number of negroes would suffice? He replied that he did not know;
upon which a letter was sent to the officers of the India House at
Seville to ascertain the fit number in their opinion. They said that
four thousand at present would suffice, being one thousand for each of
the islands, Española, Porto Rico, Cuba, and Jamaica. Somebody now
suggested to the Governor, De Bresa, a Fleming of much influence and a
member of the council, that he should ask for this license to be given
to him. De Bresa accordingly asked the King for it, who granted his
request; and the Fleming sold this license to certain Genoese
merchants for twenty-five thousand ducats, having obtained from the
King a pledge that for eight years he should give no other license of
this kind.
The consequence of this monopoly enjoyed by the Genoese merchants was
that negroes were sold at a great price, of which there are frequent
complaints. Both Las Casas and Pasamonte--rarely found in
accord--suggested to the King that it would be better to pay the
twenty-five thousand ducats and resume the license, or to abridge its
term. Figueroa, writing to the Emperor from Sonto Domingo, says:
"Negroes are very much in request; none have come for about a year. It
would have been better to have given De Bresa the customs
duties--_i.e._, the duties that had been usually paid on the
importation of slaves--than to have placed a prohibition." I have
scarcely a doubt that the immediate effect of the measure adopted in
consequence of the clerigo's suggestion was greatly to check that
importation of negro slaves which otherwise, had the license been
general, would have been very abundant.
Before quitting this part of the subject, something must be said for
Las Casas which he does not allege for himself. This suggestion of his
about the negroes was not an isolated one. Had all his suggestions
been carried out, and the Indians thereby been preserved, as I firmly
believe they might have been, these negroes might have remained a very
insignificant number in the general population. By the destruction of
Indians a void in the laborious part of the community was being
constantly created, which had to be filled up by the labor of negroes.
The negroes could bear the labor in the mines much better than the
Indians; and any man who perceived that a race, of whose Christian
virtues and capabilities he thought highly, were fading away by reason
of being subjected to labor which their natures were incompetent to
endure, and which they were most unjustly condemned to, might prefer
the misery of the smaller number of another race treated with equal
injustice, but more capable of enduring it. I do not say that Las
Casas considered all these things; but, at any rate, in estimating his
conduct, we must recollect that we look at the matter centuries after
it occurred, and see all the extent of the evil arising from
circumstances which no man could then be expected to foresee, and
which were inconsistent with the rest of the clerigo's plans for the
preservation of the Indians.
I suspect that the wisest among us would very likely have erred with
him; and I am not sure that, taking all his plans together, and taking
for granted, as he did then, that his influence at court was to last,
his suggestion about the negroes was an impolite one.
[1] Helps was an English writer who is best known for his social
essays entitled "Friends in Council." He was the author of several
works on America, including "The Spanish Conquest in America."
[2] Las Casas was a Dominican, born in Spain, who came to the West
Indies in 1502 and devoted himself to protecting the Indians
against slavery at the hands of their conquerors. In 1544 he was
made a Mexican bishop.
II
ITS BEGINNINGS IN THE UNITED STATES
(1620)
BY JOHN A. DOYLE[1]
The economical success which had attended the introduction of negroes
into the West Indies made it almost certain that the American colonies
would betake themselves to the same resource. The first introduction
of negroes is commonly placed in the year 1620, when a Dutch ship
landed twenty of them for sale at Jamestown. For some years their
numbers increased but slowly. In 1649 Virginia contained only three
hundred. By 1661 they had increased to two thousand, while the
indented servants were four times that number. Twenty-two years later,
if we may trust Culpepper's statement, the number of white servants
was nearly doubled, while that of the negroes had only increased by
one-half. Of their numbers and proportions in Maryland and North
Carolina we have no definite evidence. In South Carolina negro slavery
seems to have been almost from the outset the prevalent form of
industry.