SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS OF GROTIUS.
1. _His Edition of Stobæus_.
2. _His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis_.
3. _His Treatise de Veritate Religionis Christianæ_.
4. _His Treatise de Jure summarum potestatum circa
sacra_.
5. _His Commentary on the Scriptures_.
6. _Some other Works of Grotius_
[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634]
That literature is an ornament in prosperity, and a comfort in adverse
fortune, has been often said by the best and wisest men; but no one
experienced the truth of this assertion in a higher degree than Grotius,
during his imprisonment at Louvestein. In that wreck of his fortune and
overthrow of all his hopes, books came to his aid, soothed his sorrows,
and beguiled the wearisome hours of his gloomy solitude. His studies
often stole him from himself, and from the sense of his misfortunes. In
the exercise of his mental energies, he was sensible of their powers;
and it was impossible that he should contemplate, without pleasure, the
extent, the worth, or the splendour of his labours; the services, which
he rendered by them to learning and religion, and the admiration and
gratitude of the scholar, which he then enjoyed, and which would attend
his memory to the latest posterity. He himself acknowledged that, in the
ardour of his literary pursuits, he often forgot his calamities, and
that the hours passed unheeded, if not in joy, at least without pain.
X 1.
_His Edition of Stobæus_.
Being ourselves unacquainted with this work, we cannot do better than
present our readers with the account given of it by Burigni.
"The year after the publication of his _Apology_, that is to say in
1623, Nicholas Huon printed at Paris, _Grotius's improvements and
additions to Stobæus_. This author, as is well known, extracted
what he thought most important in the ancient Greek writers, and
ranged it under different heads, comprehending the principal points
of philosophy. His work is the more valuable, as it has preserved
several fragments of the Ancients, found no where else. Grotius,
when very young, purposed to extract from this author all the
maxims of the poets; to translate them into Latin verse, and to
print the original with the translation. He began this, when a boy;
he was employed in it at the time of his arrest; and continued it
as an amusement, whilst he had the use of books, in his prison at
the Hague. He tells us that, when he was deprived of pen and ink,
he was got to the forty-ninth title, which is an invective against
tyranny, that had a great relation to what passed at that time in
Holland. On his removal to Louvestein, he resumed this work, and
finished it at Paris. He made several happy corrections in the text
of Stobæus; some, from his own conjectures or those of his friends;
others, on the authority of manuscripts in the King's library,
which were politely lent him by the learned Nicholas Rigaut,
librarian to his majesty.
[Sidenote: His edition of Stobæus.]
[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634]
"Prefixed to this book, are _Prolegomena_, in which the author shews
that the works of the ancient Pagans are filled with maxims
agreeable to the truths taught in holy writ. He intended to
dedicate this book to the Chancellor Silleri: he had even writ the
dedication, but his friends, to whom he shewed it, thought he
expressed himself with too much warmth, against the censurers of
his _Apology_. They advised him therefore to suppress it; and he
yielded to their opinion. It may be observed in reading the royal
privilege, that the present title of the book is different from
what it was to have had. To these extracts from the Greek poets
translated into Latin verse, Grotius annexed two pieces, one of
Plutarch, the other of St. Basil, on the use of the poets; giving
the Greek text with a Latin translation."
The work was received with universal approbation.
X. 2.
_His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis_.
Grotius may be considered as the founder of the modern school of _the
Law of Nature and of Nations_. He was struck with the ruthless manner,
in which wars were generally conducted; the slight pretences, upon which
they were generally begun; and the barbarity and injustice, with which
they were generally attended. He attributed these evils to the want of
settled principles respecting the rights and duties of nations and
individuals in a state of war. These, he observed, must depend on the
previous rights and duties of mankind, in a state of peace: this led him
to the preliminary inquiry into their rights and duties in a state of
nature.
Thus, an ample field was opened to him. He brought to it, a vigorous
discerning mind, and stupendous erudition. From antient and modern
history, philosophy, oratory, and poetry, he collected facts and
sayings, which appeared to him to establish a general agreement of all
civilized nations upon certain principles. From these, he formed his
system; applying them, as he proceeded in his work, to a vast multitude
of circumstances. These are so numerous, that some persons have not
scrupled to say, that no case or international law, either in war or in
peace, can be stated, to which the work of Grotius does not contain an
applicable rule.
[Sidenote: X. 2. _The Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis._]
[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634]
Three important objections have been made to this celebrated work,--one,
that the author defers in it, too little, to principle, too much, to
authority;--another, that the work is written in a very desultory
manner, with small attention to order, or classification;--a third, that
his authorities are often feeble, and sometimes whimsical. "Grotius,"
says Condillac, "was able to think for himself; but he constantly
labours to support his conclusions by the authority of others. Upon many
occasions; even in support of the most obvious and indisputable
propositions, he introduces a long string of quotations from the Mosaic
law, from the Gospels, from the fathers of the church, from the
casuists, and not unfrequently, even in the very same paragraph, from
Ovid, and Aristophanes." This strange mixture is subject of many
witticisms of Voltaire. But let us hear what is urged in the defence of
Grotius, by a gentleman, of whose praise the ablest of writers may be
proud:
"Few writers," says Sir James Mackintosh, in his Discourse on the
Study of the Law of Nature and Nations, "were more celebrated than
Grotius in his own days, and in the age which succeeded. It has,
however, been the fashion of the last half century to depreciate
his work, as a shapeless compilation, in which reason lies buried
under a mass of authorities and quotations. This fashion originated
among French wits and declaimers, and it has been, I know not for
what reason, adopted, though with far greater moderation and
decency, by some respectable writers among ourselves. As to those,
who first used this language, the most candid supposition that we
can make with respect to them is, that they never read the work;
for, if they had not been deterred from the perusal of it by such a
formidable display of Greek characters, they must soon have
discovered that Grotius never quotes, on any subject, till he has
first appealed to some principles; and often, in my humble opinion,
though, not always, to the soundest and most rational principles.
[Sidenote: His treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis.]
"But another sort of answer is due to some of those, who have
criticised Grotius; and that answer might be given in the words of
Grotius himself. He was not of such a stupid and servile cast of
mind as to quote the opinions of poets or orators, of historians
and philosophers, as those of judges, from whose decision there was
no appeal. He quotes them, as he tells us himself, as witnesses,
whose conspiring testimony, mightily strengthened and confirmed by
their discordance on almost every other subject, is a conclusive
proof of the unanimity of the whole human race on the great rules
of duty, and the fundamental principles of morals. Of such matters,
poets and orators are the most unexceptionable of all witnesses;
for they address themselves to the general feelings and sympathies
of mankind; they are neither warped by system, nor perverted by
sophistry; they can attain none of their objects; they can neither
please nor persuade, if they dwell on moral sentiments not in
unison with those of their readers. No system of moral philosophy
can surely disregard the general feelings of human nature, and the
according judgment of all ages and nations. But, where are these
feelings and that judgment recorded and preserved? In those very
writings which Grotius is gravely blamed for having quoted. The
usages and law of nations, the events of history, the opinions of
philosophers, the sentiments of orators and poets, as well as the
observation of common life, are, in truth, the materials out of
which the science of morality is formed; and those who neglect
them, are justly chargeable with a vain attempt to philosophise
without regard to fact and experience, the sole foundation of all
true philosophy.
[Sidenote: Chap. X. 1621-1634]
"If this were merely an objection of taste, I should be willing to
allow, that Grotius has indeed poured forth his learning with a
profusion, that sometimes rather encumbers than adorns his work,
and which is not always necessary to the illustration of his
subject. Yet, even in making, that concession, I should rather
yield to the tastes of others, than speak from my own feelings. I
own that such richness and splendour of literature have a powerful
charm for me. They fill my mind with an endless variety of
delightful recollections and associations. They relieve the
understanding in its progress through a vast science, by calling up
the memory of great men and of interesting events. By this means we
see the truths of morality clothed with all the eloquence (not that
could be produced by the powers of one man, but) that could be
bestowed on them by the collective genius of the world. Even virtue
and wisdom themselves acquire new majesty in my eyes, when I thus
see all the great masters of thinking and writing called together,
as it were, from all times and countries, to do them homage and to
appear in their train.
[Sidenote: X. 2. His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis]
"But this is no piece for discussions of taste, and I am very ready
to own, that mine may be corrupted. The work of Grotius is liable
to a more serious objection, though I do not recollect that it has
ever been made. His method is inconvenient and unscientific. He has
inverted the natural order. That natural order undoubtedly
dictates, that we should first search for the original principles
of the science, in human nature; then apply them to the regulation
of the conduct of individuals; and lastly employ them for the
decision of those difficult and complicated questions that arise
with respect to the intercourse of nations. But Grotius has chosen
the reverse of this method. He begins with the consideration of the
states of peace and war, and he examines original principles, only
occasionally and incidentally, as they grow out of the questions,
which he is called upon to decide. It is a necessary consequence of
this disorderly method, which exhibits the elements of the science
in the form of scattered digressions, that he seldom employs
sufficient discussion on those fundamental truths, and never in
the place where such a discussion would be most instructive to the
reader. This defect in the plan of Grotius was perceived, and
supplied by Puffendorf, who restored natural law to that
superiority which belonged to it, and with great propriety, treated
the law of nations as only one main branch of the parent stock."
[Sidenote: CHAP X. 1621-1634]
Whatever may be the merit of the work of which we are speaking, it must
be admitted, that few, on their first appearance, and during a long
subsequent period after publication, have received greater or warmer
applause. The stores of erudition displayed in it, recommended it to the
classical scholar, while the happy application of the author's reading
to the affairs of human life, drew to it the attention of common
readers. Among those, whose approbation of it, deserved to be recorded,
Gustavus Adolphus,--his prime minister the Chancellor Oxenstiern,--and
the Elector Palatine Charles Lewis, deserve particular mention.[035] As
the trophies of Miltiades are supposed to have kept Themistocles awake,
it has been said that the trophies of Grotius drove sleep from Selden,
till be produced his celebrated treatise, "_De Jure naturali et gentium
secundum leges Ebræorim_." This important work equals that of Grotius
in learning; but, from the partial and recondite nature of its subject,
never equalled it in popularity.
[Sidenote: X. 9. His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis]
The supposed want of general elementary principles in the work of
Grotius gave occasion to Puffendorf's treatise _de Jure Naturae et
Gentium_; afterwards abridged by him into the small octavo volume _De
Officio hominis et civis_: an edition of it in octavo was published by
Professor Garschen Carmichael, of Glasgow, in 1724.
The best edition of Grotius's treatise _de Jure Belli et Pacis_ was
published at Amsterdam in 1730, by John Barbeyrac.
Foreigners observe, that the study of the law of nature and nations is
less cultivated in England than upon the continent. Is it not, because
Englishmen are blessed with a free constitution; are admitted into a
general participation of all its blessings; are thus personally
interested in the national concerns; and have therefore a jurisprudence,
which comes nearer to their bosoms? Is it not also, because the law of
nature and nations, with all its merit, is so loose, that its principles
seldom admit of that practical application, which renders them really
useful; and which an English mind always requires?
X.3.
_De Veritate Religionis Christianæ._
[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634.]
Grotius, while a prisoner in the Castle of Louvestein, had written, in
the Dutch language, "A treatise on the Truth of the Christian Religion."
He afterwards enlarged it, and translated it, so enlarged, into Latin.
It was universally read and admired. French, German, English, modern
Greek, Persic, and even Turkish versions of it have been made: it was
equally approved by Catholics and Protestants.
[Sidenote: De Veritate Religionis Christianæ.]
It was invidiously objected, that he did not attempt to prove, or even
mention, the Trinity, and some other gospel mysteries: he replied,
satisfactorily in our opinion, that a discussion of any particular tenet
of the Christian religion did not fall within the scope of his work. In
this respect, he was afterwards imitated by _Abadie_ and _Houteville_,
two of the most eminent apologists of Christianity. The latter expresses
himself of the work of Grotius in the following terms:
"Grotius's work is the first, in which we find the characteristics
of just reasoning, accuracy, and strength: he is extremely concise;
but even this brevity will please us, when we find his work
comprehends so many things, without confounding them or lessening
their evidence or force. It is no wonder that the book should be
translated into so many languages."
The best edition of it is that published by Le Clerc,[036] in 1709 at
Amsterdam, in 8vo. To this edition, Le Clerc has added a curious
_dissertation_ on _religious indifference_. He presumes that the
supposed indifference is persuaded of the authenticity of the New
Testament:--He then (says Le Clerc) must ascertain,--
1. Which are the denominations of religionists which avow their
belief of it:
2. Which of these are most worthy of the name of Christians:
3. And which profess the Christian religion in most purity and with
least extraneous alloy:
4. He will find, that all Christians agree in the fundamental
articles of faith:
5. That all these articles are clearly expressed in the New
Testament:
6. That no tenet should be believed to be of faith, unless the New
Testament contains it.
7. That the providence of God is admirable in the preservation of
these tenets, amidst the confused multitude of religious opinions,
which have prevailed in the world:
8. That this confusion was foreseen by God:
9. That he permitted it as a consequence of his gift of free-will
to man:
10. That the inquirer should aggregate himself to that religious
communion, which receives the New Testament as its only rule of
faith, and does not persecute others:
11. That episcopacy without tyranny is the most antient form of
ecclesiastical government, and most to be desired; but that it is
not essential to a Christian church:
12. That these were the opinions of Grotius:
13. Finally, that it is greatly to be desired that a belief of no
dogma, not explicitly propounded in the New Testament, should be
required.
Such is the religious system propounded by Le Clerc.--Does any religious
communion really profess it?--Many Protestant churches declare, that the
Bible, and the Bible only, contains their creed: but, do they not all
mean by this--the Bible, as it is explained by the Articles, the
Formulary, or the Confession received by their church?
X. 4.
_Grotius's Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum circa sacra_.--And,
_Commentatio ad loca quædam Novi Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo agunt,
aut agere putantur_.
Nothing in the life of Grotius places him in a more amiable or
respectable point of view, than his constant attempts to put Catholics
and Protestants into good humour with each other, and to put both into
good humour among themselves.
[Sidenote: X. 4. His Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum. &c.]
We have mentioned the _pacific decree of the States of Holland_, which
ordered the contending communions to tolerate each other. Grotius is
supposed to have framed this wise decree. The Contra-remonstrants
attacked it: Grotius reprinted it, with a collection of proofs and
authorities.
It gave rise to a controversy on the nice question, respecting the
authority of the temporal power to interfere in the ecclesiastical
concerns of the state. Grotius adopted, upon this point, the sentiments
of what is termed in England the Low Church: he seems to have pushed
them to their utmost bearings. With these sentiments, he published his
treatise _de Imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra_. It was disliked
by King James and his bishops: Grotius, in their opinion, gave too much
authority, in sacred things, to the secular power.
On the work of Grotius, respecting _Anti-christ_, we prefer transcribing
Burigni's sentiments to delivering our own.
"This deep study of the Holy Scriptures led Grotius to examine a
question, which made much noise at that time. Some Protestant
synods had ventured to decide that _the Pope was Antichrist_; and
this extravagance, gravely delivered by the ministers, was
regarded by the zealous schismatics, as a fundamental truth.
Grotius undertook to overturn such an absurd opinion, that stirred
up an irreconcileable enmity between the Roman Catholics and the
Protestants; and, of consequence, was a very great obstacle to
their re-union, which was the sole object of his desires. He
entered therefore upon the consideration of the passages of
Scripture relating to Antichrist, and employed his Sundays in it.
[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634.]
"It was this work, that raised him up most enemies. We see by the
letters he wrote to his brother, that his best friends were afraid
lest they should be suspected of having some hand in the
publication of the books, in which he treated of Antichrist. 'If
you are afraid of incurring ill will, (he writes thus to his
brother), you may easily find people that are far from a factious
spirit, who will take care of the impression. Nothing has incensed
princes against those, who separated from the church of Rome, more
than the injurious names, with which the Protestants load their
adversaries; and nothing is a greater hindrance to that re-union,
which we are all obliged to labour after, in consequence of
Christ's precept and the profession we make of our faith in the
creed. Perhaps the Turk, who threatens Italy, will force us to it.
In order to arrive at it, we must first remove whatever obstructs a
mutual quiet hearing. I hope I shall find assistance in this pious
design. I shall not cease to labour in it, and shall rejoice to die
employed in so good a work.'
[Sidenote: His Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum, &c.]
"Reigersberg, Blaeu, Vossius himself, however much devoted to
Grotius, beheld with concern the printing of this book, because
they did not doubt but it would increase the number of his enemies.
Grotius informs his brother, of the uneasiness which Vossius gave
him on this subject. 'Among those, who wish this work destroyed,'
says he, 'I am astonished and grieved to see Vossius. Whence could
he have this idea? I imagine somebody has told him, that it would
injure the fortune of his children, if he approved of such books;
and that, on the contrary, he would find favour by hurting me. We
must therefore have recourse to Corcellius or Corvinus.' He
elsewhere complains of the too great timidity of this old friend,
who at bottom approved of Grotius's sentiments, but durst not own
them publicly, because he was not so independent as Grotius.
[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634.]
"The treatise on Anti-christ made much noise among all the declared
enemies of the Romish church. Michael Gettichius wrote to Ruarus,
that he had only glanced over Grotius's book on Antichrist; but as
far as he could judge by the first reading, that learned man, who
was possessed of such an excellent genius, and such singular
erudition, had no other intention than to engage the learned in a
further inquiry concerning Antichrist; and to determine them to
attack with greater strength, the Romish Antichrist; or, if he
wrote seriously, he wanted to cut out a path for going over,
without dishonour, to the Papists. Ruarus answers this letter Dec.
16, 1642, from Dantzic. 'I have always (he says) looked on Grotius
as a very honest and at the same time a very learned man. I am
persuaded that love of peace engaged him in this work. I don't deny
but he has gone too far; the love of antiquity perhaps seduced him:
no Remonstrant, that I know of, has as yet answered him; but he has
been confuted by some learned Calvinists, particularly Desmonets,
minister of Bois le duc, who has written against him with much
bitterness.'
"Grotius's work was printed in 1640, with this title: _Commentatio
ad loca quædam Novi Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo agunt aut agere
putantur:--Expedenda eruditis."_[037]
X.5.
_His Commentary on the Scriptures._
[Sidenote: X. 5. His Commentary on the Scriptures.]
The theological works of Grotius are comprised in four volumes folio:
the three first contain his Commentary, and Notes upon the Scriptures.
On their merit, both Catholics and Protestants considerably differ. All
allow that an abundance of sacred and profane learning is displayed in
them; and that Grotius, by his references to the writings of the Rabbis,
and his remarks upon the idiom of the sacred writings, has happily
elucidated a multitude of passages in the text. He uniformly adopts the
literal and obvious signification of the language used by the holy
penmen. In explaining the predictions of the prophets, he maintains that
they referred to events anterior to the coming of Christ, and were
accomplished in these; so that the natural and obvious sense of the
words and phrases, in which they were delivered, does not terminate in
Christ; yet, that in some of the predictions, those particularly, which
the writers of the New Testament apply to Christ, there is, _besides_
the literal and obvious signification, a hidden and mysterious sense,
which lies concealed under the external mark of certain _persons_,
certain _events_, and certain _actions_, which are representative of the
person, the ministry, the sufferings, and the merits of the Son of God.
[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634.]
It has been objected, that this system leads to Socinianism, and even
beyond it. All Catholic, and several episcopalian Protestant divines
object to it; they generally contend, that the sacred writings ought
always to be understood in that sense _only_, which has been attributed
to them, by the early fathers.--Against this system, Dr. Whitby
published his celebrated work "Concerning the Interpretation of
Scripture after the manner of the Fathers."[038]
[Sidenote: X. 5. His Commentary on the Scriptures.]
The system of Grotius was defended, to a certain extent, by _Father
Simôn_, the oratorian, the father of the modern biblical school. Against
both Simôn and Grotius, Bossuet wielded his powerful lance,--in his
"Pastoral Instruction on the Works of Father Simôn," and his
"Dissertations upon Grotius." In these works he says that, during thirty
years,
"Grotius searched for truth in good faith, and at last was so near
it, that it is wonderful that he did not take the last step, to
which God called him. Shocked at Calvin's harsh doctrines, he
embraced Arminianism; then, abandoned it. More a lawyer than a
theologian, more a polite scholar than a philosopher, he throws the
doctrine of the immortality of the soul into obscurity. He
endeavours to weaken and steal from the church, her most powerful
proofs of the divinity of the Son of God, and strives to darken the
prophecies, which announce the arrival of the Messiah."
Bossuet proceeds to particularize some of the principal errors of
Grotius: Le Clerc replied to the prelate's criticism, by his _Sentimens
de quelques Theologiens de la Hollande_.--Grotius had also an able
advocate in Father Simôn. His defence of Grotius against the charge of
_semi-Pelagianism_, in the _Bibliotheque de Sainjore_,[039] appears to
be satisfactory. He cites the note of Grotius, on the Acts of the
Apostles, (the celebrated ch. xiii. ver. 38), in which he says expressly
that he does not exclude preventive grace: this the semi-Pelagians
denied altogether. But in his defence of Grotius against the charge of
_Socinianism_, he is not equally successful. Bossuet sent his _Pastoral
Instruction_, and _Dissertations upon Grotius_, to the bishop of
Fréjus, afterward Cardinal de Fleury: he accompanied them by a letter,
which closes with these remarkable words:
"The spirit of incredulity gains ground in the world every day: you
have often heard me make this remark. It is now worse than ever, as
the Gospel itself is used for the corruption of religion. I thank
God that at my age he blesses me with sufficient strength to resist
the torrent."
[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621--1634.]
Dom. Calmet[040] calls Grotius,
"one of the most able and moderate Protestant writers: one who
spreads throughout his notes a pleasing profusion of profane
literature, which causes his works to be sought for and read by
those, who have taste for that kind of literature. His high
reputation, great erudition, and rare modesty," says Dom. Calmet,
"render it easy for him to insinuate his particular sentiments
respecting the divinity of Christ, against which, his readers
should be guarded."
X.6.
_Some other Works of Grotius_.
1. The first which we shall mention is his history of the _Goths,
Vandals, and Lombards_, written in the Latin language, and accompanied
by learned dissertations. He composed it, as a testimony of his
gratitude to the Swedes, by doing honour to their gothic ancestors. The
preface has always been admired, for its erudition and sound criticism.
But the Belgic friends of Grotius accused him of elevating the Swedes at
their expense.
[Sidenote: X. 6. Other Works of Grotius.]
2. A more important work consists of his _Annals, and History of the
United Provinces_. The Annals begin with the year 1588, when Prince
Maurice had the greatest influence in the affairs of the United
Provinces; and concludes with the truce of twelve years, signed between
them and Spain. The impartiality, with which these works are written,
has been praised by every writer.
It is to be lamented that Grotius professed to imitate, both in his
Annals and History, the style of Tacitus. Expressed by his own pen, the
style of Tacitus is energetic, picturesque, and pleasing; but it is
impossible to deny its frequent abruptness and obscurity. Generally
speaking, an imitation of what is defective, contains a larger share,
than the original, of its distinctive defect. It should however be
added, that Grotius's own style is short, sententious and broken; and
possesses nothing of the meliflous ease of the ultramontane Latinists;
or of our Milton or Buchanan. None of the works of Grotius, which we
have mentioned in this Article, were published till after his decease.
3. It remains to notice the _Letters of Grotius_, published at Amsterdam
in one volume folio, in 1687.--A multitude of his unpublished letters is
said to exist in different public and private libraries.
[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634.]
His published letters are an invaluable treasure: they abound with wise
maxims of sound policy, and curious discussions on points arising on
Roman or Belgic jurisprudence. Many points of sacred and profane
learning, and particularly of the civil and canon law, are treated in
them with equal learning and taste. For the perfect understanding of
them, the letters of the correspondents of Grotius should be perused:
they are principally to be found, in the _Præstantium et Eruditorum
Virorum Epistolæ Ecclesiasticæ et Theologicæ_, published at Amsterdam in
1684. A critical account of the Letters of Grotius, executed with great
taste and judgment, is inserted in the first volume of the _Bibliotheque
Universelle et Historique_.[041]
[Sidenote: X. 6. Other Works of Grotius.]
It is acknowledged that the letters of Grotius, are written in the
finest latinity, and contain much valuable information; but the point,
the sprightliness, the genius, the vivid descriptions of men and
things, which are so profusely scattered over the letters of Erasmus,
are seldom discoverable in those of Grotius. A man of learning would
have been gratified beyond measure, by the profound conversations of
Grotius and Father Petau: but what a treat must it have been, to have
assisted with one, two, or three good listeners, at the conversations
between Erasmus and Sir Thomas More!