CHAPTER XXIV

National Solidarity Through Education

In discussing the public school system of the country there is little

new for me to say. But the importance of the public school system

in our democracy makes it necessary to state again and again the

dependence of our government upon the public school. In the building

of a peculiar civilization, the home and the church, as two necessary

institutions of divine planting, have been everywhere emphasized.

But in the maintenance of a democracy, a system of free schooling

is as absolutely necessary as the home or the church. Democracy,

however interpreted, must mean a leveling of all the people upward.

Intelligence is essential to progress. There is no pathway to higher

and better living except that which is illuminated by the light of a

general intelligence. Our democracy must be taught to think, and taught

to think right, if it is to live. The nations that continue to grovel

and grope, indeed, the nations that are being overwhelmed by internal

revolutions and internecine strife, are all untaught or badly taught.

I have been told that a hungry man near starvation has strange dreams

of palaces and feasts. Untaught human minds, unfed by information,

unstimulated by sound knowledge and undirected power of logic, have

strange dreams. Communism, Sovietism, Bolshevism, Anarchy, are the

nightmares of ignorance.

Our American democracy, in its earliest declarations, emphasized the

necessity for the general public training of the children and the

youth. Probably this was the real thought in the mind of Mr. Jefferson

when he wrote his equality clause in the Declaration of Independence.

Nothing he ever said has been so misinterpreted and misapplied.

Certainly he could not have meant that all men are fundamentally and

constitutionally equal. John C. Calhoun, the most logical mind in

American history, except perhaps Hamilton, said that that would be a

self-evident falsehood and not a self-evident truth. The great Lincoln

said that there were physical differences between the African and the

Anglo-Saxon that precluded political and social equality. No two things

in the universe are equal in this impossible sense which has been

distorted from Mr. Jefferson's statement that, "It is a self-evident

truth that all men are created equal." Among the billion colored

people of the earth, the black, the red, and the yellow, not one

nation has ever developed and maintained a constitutional government.

If there were equality in the essential things that go to make up the

characteristics of the colored races, certainly during the ages there

would somewhere have developed among them a civilization capable of

producing an upright, dignified, independent manhood. All that this

phrase meant at the founding of the republic, and all it means to-day,

is equality of opportunity for realizing the inherent possibilities

that are locked up in human nature.

This, of course, contemplates a national school system into which

all the children and the youth of the nation are to be brought to

have their eyes enlightened, their hearts trained, and their ideals

harmonized. So distinctly American must the public school system be

that the young life of the nation, without respect to race, color or

creed, shall be brought into it and subjected to its moulding and

developing process. National unity and integrity cannot be maintained

if a part of the nation is taught and a part remains in ignorance.

A democracy must have uniformity and universality in the elementary

training of its young life. Neither can the nation maintain its

existence and work out its destiny if in its early training its youth

is broken up into sectional, racial and sectarian groups.

Concessions have been made to foreign elements that have come into this

country and organized themselves into communities, holding tenaciously

to the language of the country from which they came. The almost

insuperable difficulty of undertaking to mobilize the American people

in time of war had its roots in just this thing of permitting aliens to

occupy the American soil, live under the American flag, and continue to

teach the political loyalties of their respective countries in their

own languages. It necessitated the draft law by which these people

were compelled to bear arms in defense of the world's civilization. No

thorough American required any sort of compulsion to put him into the

great conflict. The right to volunteer in the time of national danger,

or in defense of the great institutions of human liberty anywhere in

the world, was the inheritance which had been transmitted from the

Revolutionary period to succeeding generations until it came to us and

to our children. We were denied our birthright when drafted for service

in war, and in that fact there is a tremendous indictment of the nation

for its failure to Americanize all its growing life through the public

school system and the English language.

In every state of the union the Ku Klux Klan will insist upon

thoroughly Americanizing the children of the nation through the public

school. All the racial elements in the country must be brought under

the same standard of tutelage. Only in this way can these peoples

be harmonized. It was the idea of Cecil Rhodes when he founded

scholarships in Oxford for American students that British and American

ideals should be harmonized. The difficulty with Mr. Rhodes' idea is

that the American youth are to be harmonized with British ideals, but

he made no provision in scholarships in any great American institution

to which British students might come and be harmonized with American

ideals. The public school, however, contemplates taking all the

elements that are represented in our vast population and harmonizing

them with the ideals of our democracy. So poorly has this work been

done in many sections of our country, and especially in our congested

centers of population, the large cities, that the product turned out

from the schools has frequently contradicted the purpose for which

the system was founded. We cannot take a person of foreign birth or

extraction into our schools maintained by taxation and turn him out

Italian-American, British-American, Irish-American, Jewish-American,

German-American, Japanese-American, Chinese-American or Afro-American.

He must come out an American with all of his distinctive qualities and

characteristics swallowed up and absorbed in American democracy. The

institution was founded by the fathers and the pattern of American

life was made by the great architects of human liberty, and every time

a hyphenated American is turned out of any American school it is a

contradiction of the very purpose of the republic.

This work of educating the youth of the nation must be done in the

open. We have no objections to the foundation of schools privately or

by communities of peculiar racial distinction, or even by sectarians

who, because of peculiar tenets, wish to keep their children under the

eye of the church. To repeat what we have already stated, all we insist

upon is just this--that these schools shall be in every sense public,

open to public inspection. They must be subjected to regulation by

properly constituted authority. The same courses in the fundamentals

of Americanism must be taught in a privately owned or conducted school

as in the public schools. Democracy can not be taught and developed

behind closed doors. Its vital breath is openness. It has recently

broken down many doors throughout the world. There are to be no more

secret treaties, no more diplomatic intriguing, nothing between the

governments of the nations upon which the eyes of all the world may

not look. Surely, a democracy demanding openness in all the ways of

mankind, as the nations move surely toward a common fraternity, can not

undertake to conceal any part of its young life in its training for

service to its country and to the world.

Holding as the Klan does that the tenets of Christianity as a code of

morals are essential to our democracy, we are only too ready to agree

that there should be distinctive religious training. Here, at the very

threshold, there is a difficulty. Absolute freedom of conscience in

religious matters is granted to American citizens. The public school

teachers are drawn from various religious organizations, without

respect to their church affiliations. In the average public school the

children being taught represent numerous Christian sects and not a few

non-Christian sects. It would be contrary to every fundamental of our

national life to introduce specific religious doctrines or tenets among

this diversified group. Perhaps the plan recently tried out in New York

City would solve this problem. The children were dismissed from school

a part of a day each week, that they might go to their respective

places of worship and there be taught by ministers or lecturers of

their peculiar faith in the essential things of religion and ethics.

This much is sure: These foreign peoples must be unified in Americanism

and it can not be done except through our public schools. North

Carolina has adopted the slogan, "Abolish illiteracy in ten years." We

should take that slogan for the whole American nation. By "literacy"

we should mean literacy in English. This can only be accomplished,

however, when native and foreigner, Catholic and Protestant, Jew and

Gentile, gladly bring their children together and place them side by

side to be taught in the things of democracy.

Demands have been made during the past few years that the funds

collected in taxes for the maintenance of public schools be segregated.

Our fellow citizens of one powerful religious organization have

insisted that monies paid out by members of that church in taxes

for public education be returned to the denomination and applied to

the parochial schools, which are owned and controlled by the church.

Of course this means that a considerable percentage of the young

population of the country would be withdrawn from the Americanizing

schools of the public and trained only as the church directed. Church

and state are forever separated in the democracy of America. Any

tendency to bring them together in building the solidarity of the

nation should be arrested. It is not worthwhile to experiment further

in this matter. All history shows the utter futility of attempting

to build a robust, virtuous, enlightened national life through union

of Church and State; and I wish to say with the utmost composure,

and speaking, I trust, for every real American, that not one dollar

of public monies shall ever be diverted from the public schools for

sectarian institutions. This declaration may sound explosive. Yet I

hope it will give no offense to anybody. The sooner it is accepted

as final, so much the sooner will a very real cause of difficulty and

misunderstanding be removed.

A study of our history is fundamental to the construction and the

maintenance of a sound national life. Thomas Carlyle once very

correctly said that one cannot manage the present or predict the future

except from an accurate knowledge of the past. All sectarian textbooks

in histories, partisan textbooks or sectional textbooks, are naturally

distorted and perverted. Men who hold tenaciously to a particular

setting, given a religious truth or any other historical fact, have

looked at their fellowmen through a distorted perspective. The trivial

has frequently appeared to them to be the magnificent, and the

magnificent the trivial. Bias has characterized all such narratives.

It is difficult enough to secure a history of any country or its

people in its political, economic, industrial and social development,

that is basically true to the facts. The man who writes is apt to be

tremendously impressed by the age in which he lives. The tale that

he tells is often a crude compilation of errors. Only recently the

manuscript of a history in its making was tendered by a well known

publishing house to a patriotic organization of the South for review.

One of many glaring errors that obtruded from this book, which was

designed to become a text book, was the statement that the democratic

party originated with the original Ku Klux Klan of the Sixties. Another

history in common use in the public schools of the country, filled with

all sorts of inaccuracies and misstatements, was recently taken from

the schools in one great section of the country. When the attention

of the author was called to the inaccuracies, he offered to expurgate

the offensive statements of which the section complained, but refused

to change his history for other sections of the country where the

statements were as yet unchallenged. If such histories are foisted

upon our school system, and our children are taught the errors of the

prejudiced and inaccurate historian, how much worse, and how much more

dangerous, would the teaching be if the history texts are purposefully

written by narrow sectarians, and the facts discolored by religious

prejudice? The time has surely come when real history should be written

by the truthful and wise, and the facts of our national virtues and

vices, our strength and our weakness, our dangers and our securities,

should be taught in our public schools, and taught to all the children.

The preparation or selection of school text books in history is no more

a fitting subject for rancorous bickering among sectarian politicians

than the writing of text books in chemistry. It is entirely a matter

for trained historians and professional teachers. We must insist that

politicians of all breeds keep their hands far removed from these

things.

The Klan Unmasked · 第 24 / 25 章