the government was in a chaotic state. The Buchanan administration
had filled the offices with Democrats and Southern sympathizers, who
resigned immediately after Lincoln's inauguration and left their affairs
in utter confusion. Their places had to be filled with untrained men
who did not understand their duties and had not been accustomed to
official labor or discipline. It would have been remarkable if they had
conducted the routine work without friction, but the urgency and the
magnitude of the responsibility and labor that were thrown upon them
was more than a trained corps of officials could have executed without
confusion and delay. The President was probably the only man connected
with the government that did not lose his self-control. During all
that most trying period, as was the case throughout his life, he was
composed, serene, and confident. Oftentimes, when subordinate officials
and outsiders came to him raging with indignation, he heard them with
patience, replied with a jest on his lips, and quieted their nerves by
talking of commonplace matters. His Cabinet officers were often fretful,
and there was continual friction between the several departments.
Several times it almost reached the breaking-point. But Lincoln
soothed and satisfied all parties without taking the side of either.
Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, was not only a representative of the
border State aristocracy, but belonged to one of the most prominent
Democratic families in the country, was one of the founders of the
Republican party, and was first known to Lincoln as the attorney who
argued Dred Scott's case in the Supreme Court. He was a graduate of
West Point Military Academy, had several years of military training in
Indian campaigns, had studied law, and was appointed a judge of the
Court of Common Pleas when he was a very young man. President Buchanan
made him solicitor of the Court of Claims, but removed him because of
his opposition to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. This made a
Republican of Blair, and, with the exception of his brother Francis P.
Blair, of Missouri, and Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, he was the most
conspicuous antislavery man in all the Southern States.
Blair could not be appointed to the Cabinet without a bitter
controversy. He was opposed by Henry Winter Davis, one of the most able
and brilliant young Whigs in the House of Representatives, and by other
partisans in Maryland, who fought so hard and so persistently as to
involve several of the leading Whigs of the country on his side, while
the former Democrats in the Republican party rallied to the support of
Blair. Davis had the powerful sympathy of Seward and Chase, Benjamin
F. Wade, and other prominent abolitionists, and it became no longer
a matter of personal rivalry between Blair and Davis, but a struggle
for supremacy between the Whigs and the Democrats for the control of
the administration. During the few days before the inauguration it
seemed as if the Republican party would be split in twain, or at least
that the entire Cabinet slate would be destroyed if either Blair or
Davis received an appointment. Lincoln seemed to be the only man in
Washington who was not involved in the controversy. He watched the
situation with keen eyes, however, and was alert for every event or
incident that might have a serious effect upon his administration; but
his mind was made up, and when Norman B. Judd came bursting into his
bedroom at Willard's Hotel on the night of March 3, to inquire in great
excitement if he had decided to nominate Davis instead of Blair, Lincoln
replied calmly but with emphasis,--
"When that slate breaks again it will break at the top."
Mr. Blair was a loyal and useful member of the Cabinet, and from the
beginning was in favor of prompt and energetic measures against the
secessionists. He had been a Democrat of the Jackson type, and urged
Lincoln to adopt Jackson's vigorous policy against nullification. It
might have been wiser and better for the country, it might have saved
lives and money, sorrow and tears, if his advice had been adopted. He
understood the South better than Seward or Chase or any other member
of the Cabinet; but conditions would not permit the adoption of his
energetic policy, and he became very restless. His temper and his
character were revealed in a memorandum which he submitted with his
colleagues at the request of Lincoln, concerning setting forth his views
of the course that should be pursued.
Mr. Blair wrote,--
"_First._ As regards General Scott, I have no confidence
in his judgment on the questions of the day. His political
views control his judgment, and his course, as remarked on
by the President, shows that whilst no one will question his
patriotism, the results are the same as if he were in fact
traitorous.
"_Second._ It is acknowledged to be possible to relieve Fort
Sumter. It ought to be relieved without reference to Pickens or
any other possession. South Carolina is the head and front of
this rebellion, and when that State is safely delivered from the
authority of the United States it will strike a blow against our
authority, from which it will take us years of bloody strife to
recover."
He opposed the Emancipation Proclamation on the ground of policy, and
made an earnest effort to convince Lincoln that it was a mistake to
take such radical action at that particular junction. He had been an
emancipationist for years, the principle of the measure he approved, but
he thought the time was inopportune, because he feared that it would
drive the border States over to the Confederacy.
Mr. Blair was constantly coming into collision with Mr. Stanton. Like
two flints, they struck fire whenever they met, and often engaged in
acrimonious discussions at Cabinet meetings over actual or fancied
grievances on the part of Mr. Blair, who felt that Mr. Stanton was
continually interfering with his prerogatives. Mr. Blair's enmity to Mr.
Seward was equally strong and often developed in an embarrassing manner,
while the hostility between Mr. Chase and himself was concealed under
the thinnest veneer of politeness.
In the summer of 1864 Mr. Blair desired to have certain orders issued
relating to the postal service within the lines of the army. A draft of
the proposed orders was made, but Mr. Stanton declined to issue them.
General Markland, who was in charge of the army mails, says, "When I
returned to Mr. Blair with the information that the orders would not
be issued by the Secretary of War, he said, 'We will see,' and wrote
a letter to Mr. Lincoln, which he gave to me to deliver with the
accompanying papers. When I delivered the letter, Mr. Lincoln read it
carefully and handed it back to me, saying,--
"'What is the matter between Blair and Stanton?' "I told him all I knew
in reference to the proposed orders. He then said, 'If I understand
the case, General Grant wants the orders issued, and Blair wants them
issued, and you want them issued, and Stanton won't issue them. Now,
don't you see what kind of a fix I will be in if I interfere? I'll
tell you what to do. If you and General Grant understand one another,
suppose you try to get along without the orders, and if Blair or Stanton
makes a fuss, I may be called in as a reference, and I may decide in
your favor.' The orders were never issued, and pleasant relations were
maintained on that score all around."
Mr. Blair was not popular with the Union people of the North. The public
distrust is strikingly illustrated by the following anecdote from
the reminiscences of Henry Ward Beecher: "There was some talk, early
in 1864, of a sort of compromise with the South. Blair had told the
President he was satisfied that if he could be put in communication with
some of the leading men of the South in some way or other, that some
benefit would accrue. Lincoln had sent a delegation to meet Alexander
Stephens, and that was all the North knew. We were all very much excited
over that. The war lasted so long, and I was afraid Lincoln would be
so anxious for peace, and I was afraid he would accept something that
would be of advantage to the South, so I went to Washington and called
upon him. I said to him, 'Mr. Lincoln, I come to you to know whether
the public interest will permit you to explain to me what this Southern
commission means? I am in an embarrassing position as editor and do not
want to step in the dark.' Well, he listened very patiently, and looked
up to the ceiling for a few moments, and said, 'Well, I am almost of a
mind to show you all the documents.'
"'Well, Mr. Lincoln, I should like to see them if it is proper.' He went
to his little secretary and came out and handed me a little card as long
as my finger and an inch wide, and on that was written,--
"'You will pass the bearer through the lines' [or something
to that effect].
"'A. LINCOLN.'
"'There,' he said, 'is all there is of it. Now, Blair thinks something
can be done, but I don't; but I have no objection to have him try his
hand. He has no authority whatever but to go and see what he can do.'"
The President was continually receiving letters, resolutions, and even
delegations demanding the removal of his Postmaster-General, and Mr.
Blair did not improve the situation by his own conduct. He continued to
write letters and make speeches, and indulged in caustic and sometimes
cruel criticism of his colleagues and the Republican leaders in
Washington until the situation became so strained that the President
was compelled to ask his resignation. Before this was done, however,
a little incident occurred which forcibly illustrates the President's
patience, dignity, and at the same time his determination. The incident
is probably without parallel in the history of the government.
General Halleck, in command of the army, called the attention of the
Secretary of War to a speech made by Mr. Blair just after General
Early's raid upon Washington and the destruction of Mr. Blair's property
over the District border in Maryland, in which the army and its
commander were denounced for cowardice and inefficiency. General Halleck
declared that if the charge was true the names of the officers should be
stricken from the rolls of the army. If it were not true, he said, the
slanderer should be dismissed from the Cabinet.
Secretary Stanton handed the letter to the President without comment,
whereupon Lincoln replied to General Halleck:
"Whether the remarks were really made I do not know, nor do I suppose
such knowledge is necessary to a correct response. If they were made,
I do not approve them; and yet, under the circumstances, I would not
dismiss a member of the Cabinet therefor. I do not consider what may
have been hastily said in a moment of vexation at so severe a loss is
sufficient ground for so grave a step. Besides this, truth is generally
the best vindication against slander. I propose continuing to be myself
the judge as to when a member of the Cabinet shall be dismissed."
Not satisfied with this, the President, when the Cabinet came together,
read them this impressive little lecture:
"I must myself be the judge how long to retain and when to remove any
of you from his position. It would greatly pain me to discover any of
you endeavoring to procure another's removal, or in any way to prejudice
him before the public. Such endeavor would be a wrong to me, and, much
worse, a wrong to the country. My wish is that on this subject no remark
be made or question asked by any of you, here or elsewhere, now or
hereafter."
This occurred in July, but Mr. Blair continued to exasperate every
person with whom he came in contact. He accused Seward, Stanton, and
Chase of a conspiracy to break down the administration, and wearied
the President with his suspicions of the motives and actions of all
the leading Republicans of the country, until Lincoln finally wrote
him a kindly letter, saying, "You have generously said to me more than
once that whenever your resignation could be a relief to me it was at
my disposal. The time has come. You know very well that this proceeds
from no dissatisfaction of mine with you personally or officially. Your
uniform kindness has been unsurpassed by that of any other friend."
Mr. Blair's loyalty to Lincoln and the Union was in no way affected by
his dismissal. He immediately took the stump in behalf of Lincoln's
re-election and his personal fidelity and friendship were never
shaken. Lincoln offered him the choice between the Austrian and Spanish
missions, but he declined the honor with thanks.
Mr. Blair's successor was William Dennison, of Ohio, a man of the
highest character, who had been Governor of that State at the outbreak
of the war, and had sustained the administration at Washington with
great ability and loyalty. He was a man of fine presence, winning
manners, and amiable disposition, wise in counsel, and energetic in
action.
Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, was a candidate for the Presidential
nomination at Chicago and received fifty votes. His friends reached
some sort of an understanding with David Davis, who was looked upon
as Lincoln's personal representative at the Convention, under which
they transferred their votes to the latter, although it was distinctly
understood that Davis had no authority to make pledges or promises and
could only recommend to Lincoln that Mr. Cameron be recognized in as
honorable and notable a manner as possible. It was, however, perfectly
natural for the President to select a member of his official family
from a State of such importance as Pennsylvania, and Mr. Cameron was
recognized as the representative of the protective tariff element in the
Republican party. Hence, after a "balancing of matters," as he called
it, he invited Mr. Cameron to Springfield during the holidays in 1860,
had a frank talk with him, and tendered him a seat in the Cabinet either
as Secretary of the Treasury or Secretary of War, "which of the two I
have not yet definitely decided."
There was a volcanic eruption in Pennsylvania after the announcement,
and bitter hostility was immediately developed among the members of
Mr. Cameron's own party, headed by the newly elected Governor and
chairman of the Republican State Committee, who protested against his
appointment, and claimed the right to be consulted if a member of the
Cabinet was to be selected from their State. Being a strict party man,
the President recognized their claim, and therefore wrote a polite and
friendly note to Mr. Cameron, explaining that it was impossible to take
him into the Cabinet under the circumstances, and suggesting that he
decline the appointment. "Better do this at once," he wrote, "before
things change so that you cannot honorably decline and I be compelled to
openly recall the tender. No person living knows or has an intimation
that I write this letter." This, of itself, is sufficient answer to the
frequent charge that there was a corrupt bargain at Chicago between
Lincoln and Cameron.
As might be expected, Mr. Cameron was deeply disappointed, and
sent a friend to Springfield to demand a further explanation of
the President-elect. Whereupon Lincoln wrote a conciliatory reply,
expressing regret that Mr. Cameron's feelings were wounded by the tone
of his letter, and saying that it had been written "under great anxiety,
and perhaps I was not so guarded in its terms as I should have been.
My great object was to have you act quickly, if possible, before the
matter should be complicated with the Pennsylvania Senatorial election.
Destroy the offensive letter or return it to me. I say to you now that
I have not doubted that you would perform the duties of a department
ably and faithfully. Nor have I for a moment intended to ostracize your
friends. If I should make a Cabinet appointment for Penn. before I reach
Washington, I will not do so without consulting you and giving all the
weight to your views and wishes which I consistently can. This I have
always intended."
This was purely personal, and attached to it was a letter in more formal
language which Mr. Cameron was authorized to show to his friends. In it
Lincoln stated that Mr. Cameron came to Springfield by his invitation
and not upon any suggestion of his own; that he had been offered an
appointment in the Cabinet, but that complications had arisen which made
it necessary to recall the offer.
In this way Mr. Cameron was "let down easy," and while he did not
conceal his disappointment and chagrin, he kept his temper and conducted
himself in so dignified a manner that Lincoln was greatly impressed.
Cameron's enemies, still fearing that he might be taken into the
Cabinet, resorted to despicable measures to prejudice Lincoln against
him, while, on the other hand, he was earnestly defended by some of the
best people of Pennsylvania; hence the President decided to revive his
original plan, and placed Mr. Cameron's name on the slate as Secretary
of War.
It proved to be an unfortunate decision, for before active hostilities
began it had been clearly demonstrated that he was not qualified to
fill that important post. Scandals and dissensions of the most serious
character were immediately developed in the War Department, so that
Congress appointed a special committee to make an investigation. Its
report was sensational and was too grave for Lincoln to overlook. About
the time the report was made Mr. Cameron took the liberty to announce in
his annual report the policy of the administration in regard to arming
the negroes and enlisting them in the military service. So radical an
announcement, without even consulting him, was not only a shock to
Lincoln, but passed the limits of his forbearance. Fortunately, Mr.
Cameron's report had not reached the public. Printed copies had been
sent to the press to be published as soon as the telegraph had announced
that the President's message had been read in Congress. Every copy was
recalled to Washington, the objectionable paragraphs were modified, a
new edition was published, and Mr. Cameron expressed a wish to exchange
the onerous responsibilities of the War Department for a foreign
mission. Lincoln wrote him a brief note, keeping up the pretence by
saying, "As you have more than once expressed a desire for a change of
position, I can now gratify you consistently with my view of the public
interest. I therefore propose to nominate you to the Senate next Monday
as Minister to Russia."
As was the case with Mr. Blair, the dissolution of relations caused no
break in the friendship between the President and his former minister.
Cameron remained one of the most devoted of Lincoln's supporters and one
of the most earnest and effective advocates of his renomination to the
Presidency.
Gideon Welles was altogether the most agreeable and satisfactory of the
fifteen members of Lincoln's official advisers. He invariably sustained
him in any position that he took or in any measure that he desired.
He gave him consistent and cordial support and the least trouble and
anxiety of any of his official family. Mr. Welles was selected as the
representative of New England. Amos Tuck, of New Hampshire, George
Ashmun, of Boston, and several other eminent gentlemen were also under
consideration.
[Illustration: GIDEON WELLES, SECRETARY OF THE NAVY
From a photograph by Brady]
The morning after his speech in Hartford, in the spring of 1860, Lincoln
took a long stroll through the principal streets of that beautiful
city. As he approached the hotel he stepped into a book-store, where a
gentleman who had been in his audience the evening before approached and
introduced himself. There seemed to be a mutual attraction, and for two
hours they discussed various subjects of interest, politics, law, and
literature. The next time they met was after the Chicago Convention, to
which Mr. Welles was a delegate, and during the campaign they exchanged
frequent letters, until Lincoln was thoroughly convinced of the fitness,
availability, and character of the Connecticut lawyer for a position in
his Cabinet. The special knowledge of maritime law shown by the latter
seems to have suggested his assignment to the Navy Department.
Mr. Welles showed a vigorous determination, a high sense of patriotism,
and great executive ability from the start, but almost immediately
after the organization of the Cabinet came into collision with Mr.
Seward because of the interference of the latter with naval affairs,
and they never became friends. Notwithstanding the intensity of their
hostility, however, both remained through the entire administration,
and were the only members of the original Cabinet who continued in that
relation until Lincoln's death. Although there were many complaints
of his arrogant manner and irritable temper, Mr. Welles always showed
a loyal affection for the President, and in August, 1862, refused to
sign the "round robin" which Seward and Chase had prepared, demanding
the dismissal of General McClellan. He agreed heartily with them, but
refused to sign because of his deep respect for the President and a fear
of wounding his feelings.
The first member of the Cabinet selected was William H. Seward. There
was no delay, doubt, or hesitation in Lincoln's intention to offer
him the highest honor in his gift from the hour that he received the
news of his nomination, and it was entirely fitting that it should be
so. At that time Mr. Seward was pre-eminent among the members of the
Republican party. He was its leader in the Senate and was recognized as
its logical candidate for the Presidency. He had the largest number of
supporters at the Convention, and was defeated only by a combination of
the minority. He had been longer in public life, was higher in official
rank, and had been more conspicuous and successful in statesmanship
than any other of Lincoln's supporters; he had been Governor of the
greatest State in the Union, and was just completing his second term in
the United States Senate. He had the best organization behind him that
had ever been known in American politics up to that time, with Thurlow
Weed, recognized as the most consummate politician in the country, as
his manager. It certainly would have been strange if the President-elect
had not selected such a man as Secretary of State. Nevertheless, there
was considerable opposition to Seward's appointment in his own State
as well as elsewhere. It came from personal jealousy and enmity, and
also from patriotic and honorable people who feared that he might
dominate the administration, they not liking his methods; but Lincoln
did not hesitate. He wrote Mr. Seward at once after the election, asking
permission to nominate him as Secretary of State, and saying that such
had been his intention from the day of the nomination at Chicago.
"With the belief that your position in the public eye, your integrity,
ability and learning and great experience, all combine to render it an
appointment pre-eminently fit to be made."
Mr. Seward took three weeks for reflection, and with "much
self-distrust" finally relieved Lincoln's anxiety by admitting, in a
lofty manner, that he considered it his duty to accept. The tone of this
letter did not please Lincoln; and from that moment, with the instinct
of self-protection which he often displayed,--and his instincts were
exceedingly accurate,--he was on his guard in dealing with the great man
from New York. Nevertheless, he treated him with frankness and delicate
courtesy and continued to correspond with him concerning confidential
matters.