HON. BENJAMIN SEAVER, Mayor, &c.
THE REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM, AND ITS
PROPER BASIS.
SPEECH ON THE PROPOSITION TO AMEND THE BASIS OF THE HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES OF MASSACHUSETTS, IN THE CONVENTION TO REVISE AND AMEND
THE CONSTITUTION OF THAT STATE, JULY 7, 1853.
Mr. President,--If the question under consideration were less important
in its bearings, or less embarrassed by conflicting opinions, I should
hesitate to break the silence which I have been inclined to preserve
in this Convention. In taking the seat to which I was unexpectedly
chosen while absent from the Commonwealth, in another sphere of duty,
I felt that it would be becoming in me, and that my associates here
would recognize the propriety of my course, considering the little
opportunity I had enjoyed of late to make myself acquainted with the
sentiments of the people on proposed changes, especially in comparison
with friends to whom this movement is mainly due,--on these accounts,
as also on other accounts, I felt that it would be becoming in me
to interfere as little as possible with these debates. To others I
willingly left the part which I might have taken.
And now, while I think, that, since our labors began, weeks, even
months, have passed, and that the term is already reached, when,
according to the just expectations and earnest desires of many, they
should be closed, I feel that acts rather than words, that votes
rather than speeches,--at least such as I might hope to make,--are
needed here, to the end that the Convention, seasonably and effectively
completing its beneficent work, may itself be hailed as a Great Act in
the history of the Commonwealth.
But the magnitude of this question justifies debate; and allow me to
add, that the State, our common mother, may feel proud of the ability,
the eloquence, and the good temper with which it has thus far been
conducted. Gentlemen have addressed the Convention in a manner which
would grace any assembly that it has been my fortune to know, at home
or abroad. Sir, the character of these proceedings gives new assurance
for the future. The alarmist, who starts at every suggestion of change,
and the croaker, who augurs constant evil from the irresistible
tendency of events, must confess that there are men here to whose
intelligence and patriotism, under God, the interests of our beloved
Commonwealth may well be intrusted. Yes, Sir, Massachusetts is safe.
Whatever the result even of the present important question, whichsoever
scheme of representation may be adopted, Massachusetts will continue to
prosper as in times past.
In the course of human history, two States, small in territory,
have won enviable renown by genius and devotion to Freedom, so that
their very names awaken echoes: I refer to Athens and Scotland. But
Athens,--even at Salamis, repelling the Persian host, or afterwards,
in the golden days of Pericles,--and Scotland, throughout her long
struggle with England, down to the very Act of Union at the beginning
of the last century,--were each inferior, in population and wealth,
to Massachusetts at this moment. It belongs to us, according to our
capacities, to see that this comparison does not end here. Others may
believe that our duty is best accomplished by standing still. I like
to believe that it can be completely done only by constant, incessant
advance in all things,--in knowledge, in science, in art, and lastly in
government itself, destined to be the bright consummation, on earth, of
all knowledge, all science, and all art.
* * * * *
In framing our Constitution anew, we encounter a difficulty which
at its original formation, in 1780, perplexed our fathers,--which
perplexed the Convention of 1820,--which with its perplexities
has haunted successive Legislatures and the whole people down to
this day,--and which now perplexes us. This difficulty occurs in
determining the Representative System, and proceeds mainly from the
corporate claims of towns. From an early period in the State, towns,
both great and small, with slight exceptions, have sent one or more
representatives to the Legislature. In primitive days, when towns
were few and the whole population was scanty, this arrangement was
convenient at least, if not equitable. But now, with the increased
number of towns, and the unequal distribution of a large population, it
has become inconvenient, if not inequitable. The existing system does
not work well, and we are summoned to reform it.
And here, Sir, let me congratulate the Convention, that, on this most
important question, transcending every other, all of us, without
distinction of party, are in favor of reform. All are Reformers. The
existing system finds no advocate on this floor. Nobody here will
do it reverence. If the call of the Convention were not already
amply vindicated, if there were doubt anywhere of its expediency,
the remarkable concurrence of all sides in condemning the existing
representative system shows that we have not come together without
cause.
The orders of the day have been filled with various plans to meet the
exigency. Most of these aimed to preserve the corporate representation
of towns; some of them, at least one from the venerable gentleman from
Taunton [Mr. MORTON], and another from the venerable gentleman
from Boston [Mr. HALE], favored an opposite system, hitherto
untried among us, and proposed to divide the State into districts.
The question has been between these hostile propositions; and that is
the question which I propose to consider, in the light of history and
abstract principle, as also with reference to present exigencies. I
shall speak, _first_, of the origin and nature of the Representative
System, and its proper character under American institutions; and,
_secondly_, I shall endeavor to indicate the principles which may
conduct us to a practical conclusion in the present debate. Entering
upon this service at so late a stage of the discussion, I feel like a
tardy gleaner in a well-traversed field; but I shall proceed.