A Confederate commentary on Thucydides, on the scale of the remarks just
made on the name of the war, would outrun the lines of this study. Let
us pass from Thucydides to the other contemporary chronicler who turns
out some sides of the "Doric war" about which Thucydides is silent. The
antique Clio gathers up her robe and steps tiptoe over rubbishy details
that are the delight of the comic poet and the modern Muse of History.
Thucydides, it is true, gives us a minute account of the plague. That
was a subject which commended itself to his saturnine spirit, and in his
description he deigns to speak of the "stuffy cabooses" into which the
country people were crowded when the Lacedæmonians invaded Attica. But
when Aristophanes touches the same chapter, he goes into picturesque
details about the rookeries and the wine-jars inhabited by the
newcomers. Diogenes' jar, commonly misnamed a tub, was no invention, and
I have known less comfortable quarters than the hogshead which I
occupied for a day or two in one of my outings during the war.
The plague was too serious a matter for even Aristophanes to make fun
of, and the annalist of the war between the States will not find any
parallel in the chronicles of the South. There was no such epidemic as
still shows its livid face in the pages of Thucydides and the verses of
Lucretius. True, some diseases of which civic life makes light proved to
be veritable scourges in camp. Measles was especially fatal to the
country-bred, and for abject misery I have never seen anything like
those cases of measles in which nostalgia had supervened. Nostalgia,
which we are apt to sneer at as a doctor's name for homesickness, and to
class with cachexy and borborygmus, was a power for evil in those days,
and some of our finest troops were thinned out by it, notoriously the
North Carolinians, whose attachment to the soil of their State was as
passionate as that of any Greeks, ancient or modern, Attic or
Peloponnesian.
[Note: Gresham's law was anticipated by Aristophanes, Ran. 718, foll.]
But the frightful mortality of the camp does not strike the imagination
so forcibly as does the carnage of the battlefield, and no layman cares
to analyze hospital reports and compare the medical with the surgical
history of the war. Famine, the twin evil of pestilence, is not so
easily forgotten, and the dominant note of Aristophanes, hunger, was the
dominant note of life in the Confederacy, civil as well as military. The
Confederate soldier was often on short rations, but the civilian was not
much better off. I do not mean those whose larders were swept by the
besom of the invaders. "Not a dust of flour, not an ounce of meat, left
in the house," was not an uncommon cry along the line of march; but it
was heard elsewhere, and I remember how I raked up examples of European
and Asiatic frugality with which to reinforce my editorials and hearten
my readers,--the scanty fare of the French peasant, the raw oatmeal of
the Scotch stonecutter, the flinty bread of the Swiss mountaineer, the
Spaniard's cloves of garlic, the Greek's handful of olives, and the
Hindoo's handful of rice. The situation was often gayly accepted. The
not infrequent proclamation of fastdays always served as a text for
mutual banter, and starvation-parties were the rule, social gatherings
at which apples were the chief refreshment. Strange streaks of luxury
varied this dead level of scant and plain fare. The stock of fine wines,
notably madeiras, for which the South was famous, did not all go to the
hospitals. Here and there provident souls had laid in boxes of tea and
bags of coffee that carried them through the war, and the chief outlay
was for sugar, which rose in price as the war went on, until it almost
regained the poetical character it bore in Shakespeare's time. Sugar,
tea, and coffee once compassed, the daintiness of old times occasionally
came back, and I have been assured by those who brought gold with them
that Richmond was a paradise of cheap and good living during the war,
just as the United States will be for foreigners when our currency
becomes as abundant as it was in the last years of the Confederacy.
Gresham's law ought to be called Aristophanes' law. In all matters
pertaining to the sphere of civic life, merry Aristophanes is of more
value than sombre Thucydides, and if the gospel of peace which he
preaches is chiefly a variation on the theme of something to eat, small
blame to him. Critics have found fault with the appetite of Odysseus as
set forth by Homer. No Confederate soldier will subscribe to the
censure, and there are no scenes in Aristophanes that appeal more
strongly to the memory of the Southerner, civilian or soldier, than
those in which the pinch of war makes itself felt.
Farmers and planters made their moan during the Confederacy, and
doubtless they had much to suffer. "Impressment" is not a pleasant word
at any time, and the tribute that the countryman had to yield to the
defense of the South was ruinous,--the indirect tribute as well as the
direct. The farmers of Virginia were much to be pitied. Their homes were
filled with refugee kinsfolk; wounded Confederates preferred the private
house to the hospital. Hungry soldiers and soldiers who forestalled the
hunger of weeks to come, laid siege to larder, smoke-house,
spring-house. Pay, often tendered, was hardly ever accepted. The
cavalryman was perhaps a trifle less welcome than the infantryman,
because of the capacious horse and the depleted corn-bin, but few were
turned away. Yet there was the liberal earth, and the farmer did not
starve, as did the wretched civilian whose dependence was a salary,
which did not advance with the rising tide of the currency. The woes of
the war clerks in Richmond and of others are on record, and important
contributions have been made to the economical history of the
Confederate States. I will not draw on these stores. I will only tell of
what I have lived, as demanded by the title of this paper. The income of
the professors of the University of Virginia was nominally the same
during the war that it was before, but the purchasing power of the
currency steadily diminished. If it had not been for a grant of
woodland, we should have frozen as well as starved during the last year
of the war, when the quest of food had become a serious matter. In our
direst straits we had not learned to dispense with household service,
and the household servants were never stinted of their rations, though
the masters had to content themselves with the most meagre fare. The
farmers, generous enough to the soldiers, were not overconsiderate of
the non-combatants. Often the only way of procuring our coarse food was
by making contracts to be paid after the war in legal currency, and
sometimes payment in gold was exacted. The contracts were not always
kept, and the unfortunate civilian had to make new contracts at an
enhanced price. Before my first campaign in 1861, I had bought a little
gold and silver, for use in case of capture, and if it had not been for
that precious hoard I might not be writing this sketch. But despite the
experience of the airy gentlemen who alighted in Richmond during the
war, even gold and silver would not always work wonders. Bacon and
corned beef in scant measure were the chief of our diet, and not always
easy to procure. I have ridden miles and miles, with silver in my palm,
seeking daintier food for the women of my household, but in vain. There
was nothing to do except to tighten one's belt, and to write editorials
showing up the selfishness of the farming class and prophesying the
improvement of the currency.
No wonder, then, that with such an experience a bookish Confederate
should turn to the Aristophanic account of the Peloponnesian war with
sympathetic interest. The Athenians, it is true, were not blockaded as
we were, and the Athenian beaux and belles were not reduced to the
straits that every Confederate man, assuredly every Confederate woman,
can remember. Our blockade-runners could not supply the demands of our
population. We went back to first principles. Thorns were for pins, and
dogwood sticks for toothbrushes. Rag-bags were ransacked. Impossible
garments were made possible. Miracles of turning were performed, not
only in coats, but even in envelopes. Whoso had a dress coat gave it to
his womankind in order to make the body of a riding-habit. Dainty feet
were shod in home-made foot-gear which one durst not call shoes. Fairy
fingers which had been stripped of jewelled rings wore bone circlets
carved by idle soldiers. There were no more genuine tears than those
which flowed from the eyes of the Southern women resident within the
Federal lines when they saw the rig of their kinswomen, at the cessation
of hostilities. And all this grotesqueness, all this dilapidation, was
shot through by specimens of individual finery, by officers who had
brought back resplendent uniforms from beyond seas, by heroines who had
engineered themselves and their belongings across the Potomac.
[Note: As is well known, the Greek had a mania for shoes. For women's
shoes see Av. Lys. 417. For other cordwainer's wares, _l. c._, 110.]
Of all this the scholar found nothing in the records of the
Peloponnesian war. The women of Megara may have suffered, but hardly the
Corinthian women; and the Athenian dames and damsels were as particular
about their shoes and their other cordwainer's wares as ever. The story
that Socrates and his wife had but one upper garment between them is a
stock joke, as I have shown elsewhere. "Who first started the notable
jest it is impossible, at this distance of time, to discover, just as
it is impossible to tell whose refined wit originated the conception of
the man who lies abed while his solitary shirt is in the wash." The
story was intended to illustrate, not the scarcity of raiment in the
Peloponnesian war, but the abundance of philosophy in the Socratic soul.
All through that war the women of Athens seem to have had as much finery
as was good for them. The pinch was felt at other points, and there the
Confederate sympathy was keen.
In The Acharnians of Aristophanes, the hero, Dicæopolis, makes a
separate peace on his individual account with the Peloponnesians and
drives a brisk trade with the different cantons, the enthusiasm reaching
its height when the Boeotian appears with his ducks and his eels. This
ecstasy can best be understood by those who have seen the capture of a
sutler's wagon by hungry Confederates; and the fantastic vision of a
separate peace became a sober reality at many points on the lines of the
contending parties. The Federal outposts twitted ours with their lack
of coffee and sugar; ours taunted the Federals with their lack of
tobacco. Such gibes often led, despite the officers, to friendly
interchange. So, for instance, a toy-boat which bore the significant
name of a parasite familiar to both sides made regular trips across the
Rappahannock after the dire struggle at Fredericksburg, and promoted
international exchange between "Yank" and "Johnny Reb." The daydream of
Aristophanes became a sober certainty.
The war was not an era of sweetness and light. Perhaps sugar was the
article most missed. Maple sugar was of too limited production to meet
the popular need. Sorghum was a horror then, is a horror to remember
now. It set our teeth on edge and clawed off the coats of our stomachs.
In the army sugar was doled out by pinches, and from the tables of most
citizens it was banished altogether. There were those who solaced
themselves with rye coffee and sorghum molasses regardless of ergot and
acid, but nobler souls would not be untrue to their gastronomic ideal.
Necessity is one thing, mock luxury another. If there had been honey
enough, we should have been on the antique basis; for honey was the
sugar of antiquity, and all our cry for sugar was but an echo of the cry
for honey in the Peloponnesian war. Honey was then, as it is now, one of
the chief products of Attica. It is not likely that the Peloponnesians
took the trouble to burn over the beds of thyme that gave Attic honey
its peculiar flavor, but the Peloponnesians would not have been soldiers
if they had not robbed every beehive on the march; and, sad to relate,
the Athenians must have been forced to import honey. When Dicæopolis
makes the separate peace mentioned above, he gets up a feast of good
things, and there is a certain unction in the tone with which he orders
the basting of sausage-meat with honey, as one should say mutton and
currant jelly. In The Peace, when War appears and proceeds to make a
salad, he says,--
I'll pour some Attic honey in.