This paper is rapidly becoming what life is,--a series of
renunciations,--and the reader is by this time sufficiently enlightened
as to the reasons why I gave up the ambitious title Two Wars, and
substituted A Southerner in the Peloponnesian War. If I were a military
man, I might have been tempted to draw some further illustrations from
the history of the two struggles, but my short and desultory service in
the field does not entitle me to set up as a strategist. I went from my
books to the front, and went back from the front to my books, from the
Confederate war to the Peloponnesian war, from Lee and Early to
Thucydides and Aristophanes. I fancy that I understood my Greek history
and my Greek authors better for my experience in the field, but some
degree of understanding would have come to me even if I had not stirred
from home. For while my home was spared until the month preceding the
surrender, every vibration of the great struggle was felt at the foot of
the Blue Ridge. We were not too far off to sympathize with the scares
at Richmond. There was the Pawnee affair, for instance. Early in the war
all Richmond was stirred by the absurd report that the Pawnee was on its
way up James River to lay the Confederate capital in ashes, just as all
Athens was stirred, in the early part of the Peloponnesian war, by a
naval demonstration against the Piræus. The Pawnee war, as it was
jocularly called, did not last long. Shot-guns and revolvers, to which
the civilian soul naturally resorts in every time of trouble, were soon
laid aside, and the only artillery to which the extemporized warriors
were exposed was the artillery of jests. Even now survivors of those
days recur to the tumultuous excitement of that Pawnee Sunday as among
the memorable things of the war, and never without merriment. Perhaps
nobody expected serious resistance to be made by the clergymen and the
department clerks and the business men who armed themselves for the
fray. Home guards were familiar butts on both sides of the line, but
home guards have been known to die in battle, and death in battle is
supposed to be rather tragic than otherwise. Nor is the tragedy made
less tragic by the age of the combatant. The ancients thought a young
warrior dead something fair to behold. To Greek poet and Roman poet
alike an aged warrior is a pitiable spectacle. No one is likely to
forget Virgil's Priam, Tyrtæus' description of an old soldier on the
field of battle came up to me more than once, and there is stamped
forever on my mind the image of one dying Confederate, "with white hair
and hoary beard, breathing out his brave soul in the dust" on the
western bank of the fair Shenandoah. Yet a few weeks before, that same
old Confederate, as a member of the awkward squad, would have been a
legitimate object of ridicule; and so the heroes of the Pawnee war, the
belted knights, or knights who would have been belted could belts have
been found for their civic girth, were twitted with their heroism.
[Note: Tyrtæus Fr. 8, 23:
[Greek: êdê leukon echonta karê polion te geneion thymon apopneiont'
alkimon en koniê].
The first line is taken from Il. 22, 74. I do not continue the citation
because the Homeric passage has not been subjected to the refining
process of Mr. MURRAY'S redactors of the Iliad.]
[Note: The Bloody Angle, May 12, 1864, an unforgettable date.]
[Note: Girl in the Carpathians and Scholar in Politics are titles of
current publications taken at random to illustrate the personal element
and its unfitness.]
But our scares were not confined to scares that came from Richmond. One
cavalry raid came up to our very doors, and Custer and his men were
repelled by a handful of reserve artillerymen. Our home guard was
summoned more than once to defend Rockfish Gap, and I remember one long
summer night spent as a mounted picket on the road to Palmyra. Every
battle in that "dancing ground of war" brought to the great
Charlottesville hospital sad reinforcements of wounded men. Crutch-races
between one-legged soldiers were organized, and there were timber-toe
quadrilles and one-armed cotillions. Out of the shelter of the Blue
Ridge it was easy enough to get into the range of bullets. A semblance
of college life was kept up at the University of Virginia. The students
were chiefly maimed soldiers and boys under military age; but when
things grew hot in front, maimed soldiers would edge nearer to the hell
of battle and the boys would rush off to the game of powder and ball.
One little band of these college boys chose an odd time for their
baptism of fire, and were put into action during the famous fight of
"the bloody angle." From the night when word was brought that the
Federals had occupied Alexandria to the time when I hobbled into the
provost marshal's office at Charlottesville and took the oath of
allegiance, the war was part of my life, and it is not altogether
surprising that the memories of the Confederacy come back to me whenever
I contemplate the history of the Peloponnesian war, which bulks so
largely in all Greek studies. And that is all this paper really means.
It belongs to the class of inartistic performances of which Aristotle
speaks so slightingly. It has no unity except the accidental unity of
person. A Southerner in the Peloponnesian War has no more artistic right
to be than A Girl in the Carpathians or A Scholar in Politics, and yet
it may serve as a document. But what will not serve as a document to the
modern historian? The historian is no longer the poor creature described
by Aristotle. He is no annalist, no chronicler. He is not dragged along
by the mechanical sequence of events. "The master of them that know" did
not know everything. He did not know that history was to become as
plastic as poetry, as dramatic as a play.
V
[Note: [Greek: akoueis Aischinê]; Dem. 18, 112. My Millwood friend was a
scholar of the old times and would not have paused to consider whether
the omission of [Greek: ô] was due to scorn of Æschines or dread of the
hiatus.]
The war was a good time for the study of the conflict between Athens and
Sparta. It was a great time for reading and re-reading classical
literature generally, for the South was blockaded against new books as
effectively, almost, as Megara was blockaded against garlic and salt.
The current literature of those three or four years was a blank to most
Confederates. Few books got across the line. A vigorous effort was made
to supply our soldiers with Bibles and parts of the Bible, and large
consignments ran the blockade. Else little came from abroad, and few
books were reprinted in the Confederacy. Of these I recall especially
Bulwer's Strange Story; Victor Hugo's Les Misérables, popularly
pronounced "Lee's Miserables"; and the historical novels of Louise
Mühlbach, known to the Confederate soldier as "Lou Mealbag." All were
eagerly read, but Cosette and Fantine and Joseph the Second would not
last forever, and we fell back on the old stand-bys. Some of us exhumed
neglected treasures, and I remember that I was fooled by Bulwer's
commendation of Charron into reading that feebler Montaigne. The
Southerner, always conservative in his tastes and no great admirer of
American literature, which had become largely alien to him, went back to
his English classics, his ancient classics. Old gentlemen past the
military age furbished up their Latin and Greek. Some of them had never
let their Latin and Greek grow rusty. When I was serving on General
Gordon's staff, I met at Millwood, in Clarke County, a Virginian of the
old school who declaimed with fiery emphasis, in the original, choice
passages of Demosthenes' tirade against Æschines. Not Demosthenes
himself could have given more effective utterance to "Hearest thou,
Æschines?" I thought of my old friend again not so very long ago, when I
read the account that the most brilliant of modern German classicists
gives of his encounter with a French schoolmaster at Beauvais in 1870,
during the Franco-Prussian war, and of the heated discussion that ensued
about the comparative merits of Euripides and Racine. The bookman is not
always killed in a man by service in the field. True, Lachmann dropped
his Propertius to take up arms for his country, but Reisig annotated his
Aristophanes in camp, and everybody knows the story of Courier, the
soldier Hellenist. But the tendency of life in the open air is to make
the soul imbody and imbrute, and after a while one begins to think
scholarship a disease, or, at any rate, a bad habit; and the Scythian
nomad, or, if you choose, the Texan cowboy, seems to be the normal,
healthy type. You put your Pickering Homer in your kit. It drops out by
reason of some sudden change of base, and you do not mourn as you ought
to do. The fact is you have not read a line for a month. But when the
Confederate volunteer returned, let us say, from Jack's Shop or some
such homely locality, and opened his Thucydides, the old charm came
back with the studious surroundings, and the familiar first words
renewed the spell.
"Thucydides of Athens wrote up the war of the Peloponnesians and
Athenians." "The war of the Peloponnesians and Athenians" is a somewhat
lumbering way of saying "the Peloponnesian war." But Thucydides never
says "the Peloponnesian war." Why not? Perhaps his course in this matter
was determined by a spirit of judicial fairness. However that may be,
either he employs some phrase like the one cited, or he says "this war"
as we say "the war," as if there were no other war on record.
"Revolutionary war," "war of 1812," "Seminole war," "Mexican war,"--all
these run glibly from our tongues, but we also lumber when we wish to be
accurate. The names of wars, like the names of diseases, are generally
put off on the party of the other part. We say "French and Indian war"
without troubling ourselves to ask what the French and Indians called
it, but "Northern war" and "Southern war" were never popular
designations. "The war between the States," which a good many
Southerners prefer, is both bookish and inexact. "Civil war" is an utter
misnomer. It was used and is still used by courteous people, the same
people who are careful to say "Federal" and "Confederate." "War of the
rebellion," which begs the very question at issue, has become the
official designation of the struggle, but has found no acceptance with
the vanquished. To this day no Southerner uses it except by way of
quotation, as in Rebellion Record, and even in the North it was only by
degrees that "reb" replaced "secesh." "Secession" was not a word with
which to charm the "old-line Whigs" of the South. They would fight the
battles of the secessionists, but they would not bear their name. "The
war of secession" is still used a good deal in foreign books, but it has
no popular hold. "The war," without any further qualification, served
the turn of Thucydides and Aristophanes for the Peloponnesian war. It
will serve ours, let it be hoped, for some time to come.