REIGN OF VICTORIA (_continued_).

The Year of Revolutions--Lord Palmerston's Advice to Spain--It

is rejected by the Duke of Sotomayor--Dismissal of Sir H.

Bulwer--The Revolution in Germany--Condition of Prussia--The

King's Ordinance--He disclaims a Desire to become German

Emperor--The National Assembly dispersed by Force--A New

Constitution--The King declines the German Crown--The Revolution

in Vienna--Flight of Metternich and of the Emperor--Affairs

in Bohemia--Croats and Hungarians--Jellachich secretly

encouraged--Revolt of Hungary--Murder of Lamberg--Despotic

Decrees from Vienna--The second Revolution in Vienna--Bombardment

of Vienna--Accession of Francis Joseph--Commencement of the

War--Defeats of the Austrians--Quarrel between Kossuth and

Görgei--Russian Intervention--Collapse of the Insurrection--The

Vengeance of Austria--Death of Count Batthyani--Lord Palmerston's

Protest--Schwartzenberg's Reply--The Hungarian Refugees--The

Revolution in Italy--Revolt of Venice--Milan in Arms--Retreat

of Radetzky--Enthusiasm of the Italians--Revolution and

counter-Revolution in Sicily and Naples--Difficulties of

the Pope--Republic at Rome--The War in Lombardy--Austrian

Overtures--Radetzky's Successes--French and British

Mediation--Armistice arranged--Resumption of Hostilities--Battle

of Novara--Abdication of Charles Albert--Terms of Peace--Surrender

of Venice, Bologna, and other Italian Cities--Foreign

Intervention in Rome--The French Expedition--Temporary Successes

of the Romans--Siege and Fall of Rome--Restoration of the

Pope--Parliamentary Debates on Italian Affairs--Lord Palmerston's

Defence of his Policy.

The downfall of the French monarchy was the cause, more or less

directly, of a series of Continental revolutions, but Spain was less

affected by the flight of the monarch who had exerted so baneful

an influence upon its policy and its Royal Family than might have

been anticipated. Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer was then British Minister

at Madrid, and Lord Palmerston was Secretary of State for Foreign

Affairs. He evidently expected another revolution in Spain, as

appears from a remarkable despatch which he addressed to Sir Henry.

Its tone was certainly rather dictatorial, and it is not much wonder

that it fired the pride of the Spanish Government. The noble lord

wrote as follows:--"Sir,--I have to recommend you to advise the

Spanish Government to adopt a legal and constitutional system. The

recent downfall of the King of the French and of his family, and the

expulsion of his Ministers, ought to indicate to the Spanish Court and

Government the danger to which they expose themselves in endeavouring

to govern a country in a manner opposed to the sentiments and opinions

of the nation; and the catastrophe which has just occurred in France

is sufficient to show that even a numerous and well-disciplined army

offers only an insufficient means of defence to the Crown, when the

system followed by it is not in harmony with the general system of the

country. The Queen of Spain would act wisely, in the present critical

state of affairs, if she were to strengthen her executive Government,

by widening the basis on which the administration reposes, and in

calling to her councils some of the men in whom the Liberal party

places confidence."

The irritation which this note caused was increased by the fact

that before it was communicated by Sir Henry Bulwer to the Spanish

Minister, the Duke de Sotomayor, a copy of it had got into print in

one of the Opposition journals. In replying to it the Duke reminded

our representative that when Lord Palmerston sent the despatch in

question the Spanish Cortes were sitting, the press was entirely free,

and the Government had adopted a line of conduct admitted to be full

of kindness and conciliation. He asked, therefore, what motive could

induce the British Minister to make himself the interpreter of the

feelings and opinions of a foreign and independent nation in regard to

its domestic affairs, and the kind of men that should be admitted to

its councils. The Spanish Cabinet, which had the full confidence of

the Crown and the Cortes and had been acting in conformity with the

constitution and the laws, could not see "without the most extreme

surprise the extraordinary pretensions of Lord Palmerston, which led

him to interfere in this manner with the internal affairs of Spain, and

to support himself on inexact and equivocal data, and the qualification

and appreciation of which could not, in any case, come within his

province." They declined to give any account of their conduct at the

instigation of a foreign Power, and declared that all the legal parties

in Spain unanimously rejected such a humiliating pretension. And, he

triumphantly asked, "What would Lord Palmerston say if the Spanish

Government were to interfere in the administrative acts of the British

Cabinet, and recommend a modification of the _régime_ of the State;

or if it were to advise it to adopt more efficacious or more liberal

measures to alleviate the frightful condition of Ireland? What would

he say if the representative of her Catholic Majesty in London were

to qualify so harshly as your Excellency has done, the exceptional

measures of repression which the English Government prepares against

the aggression which threatens in the midst of its own States? What

would he say if the Spanish Government were to demand, in the name

of humanity, more consideration and more justice on behalf of the

unfortunate people of Asia? What, in fine, would he say if we were to

remind him that the late events on the Continent gave a salutary lesson

to all Governments, without excepting Great Britain?"

Further correspondence on the subject did not heal the wound that had

been inflicted on the pride of the Spanish Government, but rather

inflamed it; and on the 19th of May the British ambassador received

a peremptory order to quit the kingdom within forty-eight hours. In

dismissing him, the Duke de Sotomayor administered to him a very sharp

rebuke. "Your conduct," he said, "in the execution of your important

mission has been reprobated by public opinion in England, censured

by the British press, and condemned in the British Parliament. Her

Catholic Majesty's Government cannot defend it when that of her

Britannic Majesty has not done so." Sir Henry Bulwer accordingly

departed, Mr. Otway, the principal attaché, remaining to transact any

necessary business connected with the embassy. Diplomatic relations

were not renewed for some time, and, it must be admitted, that the

insult that had been offered to England was in a great measure provoked.

Elsewhere, however, Lord Palmerston abstained from interference,

particularly in Germany. The immense phlegmatic mass of the Teutonic

population--amounting to 43,000,000, spread over 246,000 square miles,

and divided into thirty-five sovereign States--was powerfully moved by

the shock of the French Revolution. Those States existed under every

form of government, from absolutism to democracy. They were all united

into a _Bund_ or Confederation, the object of which was the maintenance

of the independence of Germany, and of its several States. The

Confederation consisted of a Diet, composed of the plenipotentiaries

of all the States. This Diet was no bad emblem of the German mind

and character--fruitful in speculation, free in thought, boundless

in utterance, but without strength of will or power of action. The

freer spirits demanded more liberal forms of government, and on these

being refused, the Revolution broke out in Baden, Hesse-Cassel, and

Bavaria. In Saxony the monarchy was saved by bending before the storm

of revolution: a new Administration was appointed, which at once issued

a programme of policy so liberal that the people were satisfied. Even

the King of Hanover yielded to the revolutionary pressure, and called

to his councils M. Hubé, a Liberal deputy, who had been imprisoned

several years for resisting an unconstitutional act of the Crown.

On the 20th of March he issued a proclamation, in which he stated

that, in compliance with the many representations addressed to him,

he had abolished the censorship of the press, granted an amnesty and

restoration of rights to all who had been condemned for political

offences, and was willing to submit to changes in the Constitution,

based upon the responsibility of Ministers to the country. It was

not without necessity that such appeals were addressed to the German

people. At Frankfort, while the Assembly were occupied in framing a

brand-new Constitution, the Republican party in the Chamber appealed

out of doors to the passions of the multitude, and excited them to such

a pitch that barricades were erected, and the red flag planted in the

streets. By midnight the struggle was over, and tranquillity everywhere

restored through the exertions of the military.

Prussia, it might be supposed, would escape the invasion of

Revolutionary principles in 1848. Great hopes had been excited on the

accession of Frederick William IV. to his father's throne. Yet it was

evident to close observers of the signs of the times that a spirit of

sullen discontent was brooding over the population. There was a feeling

that their amiable and accomplished Sovereign had disappointed them.

He proved to be excessively sensitive to the slightest infringement of

his prerogative, and he abhorred the idea of representative bodies,

who might oppose constitutional barriers to his own absolute will.

Hence, there grew up sensibly a mutual feeling of distrust between him

and the people, and the natural effect on his part was a change from

the leniency and liberality of his earlier years to a more austere

temper, while a tedious, inactive, and undecided course of policy wore

out the patience of those who expected a more constitutional system.

Consequently, although the administration of the country was free from

any taint of corruption, and was, on the whole, moderate and just, the

revolutionary earthquake of 1848 shook the kingdom of Prussia to its

very foundations.

[Illustration: FRANKFORT. (_From a Photograph by Frith & Co.,

Reigate._)]

After a week's popular tumult in his capital, the King's eyes were

opened, and he conceived the idea of putting himself at the head of the

popular movement, with a view, no doubt, of directing and controlling

it. On the 18th of March he issued an ordinance against convoking a

meeting of the Diet which had closed its Session only a fortnight

before. In this document he stated that he demanded that Germany should

be transformed from a confederation of States to one Federal State,

with constitutional representation, a general military system after the

Prussian model, a single Federal banner, a common law of settlement

for all Germany, and the right of all Germans to change their abode in

every part of the Fatherland, with the abolition of all custom-house

barriers to commercial intercourse, with uniformity of weights,

measures, and coinage, and liberty of the press throughout Germany.

Thereby he placed himself at the head of the United Germany movement.

Meanwhile difficulties thickened daily about the king. His Cabinets

resigned in rapid succession; there were no less than five of them

between March and October; till at last he got a man of nerve for

Prime Minister, in the person of Count von Brandenburg. The Ministry

addressed a document to the king for the purpose of disclaiming on his

behalf the desire to become German Emperor, stating that his assuming

the German colours, and putting himself at the head of the movement

for German unity, and proposing to summon a meeting of the Sovereigns

and States did not justify the interpretation it had received; that

it was not his intention to anticipate the unbiassed decision of the

sovereign princes and the people of Germany by offering to undertake

the temporary direction of German affairs. Thus the king was obliged

to back quietly out of a position which he had rashly assumed. The

United Diet acted as being itself only a temporary institution, having

established the electoral law on the basis of universal suffrage in

order to prepare the way for a constituent Assembly, by which means the

revolutionary spirit penetrated to the very extremities of Prussian

society.

The first Session of the National Assembly was opened by the king in

person on the 22nd of May, but it did not conduct itself in a manner

to recommend universal suffrage, or to make the friends of orderly

government enamoured of revolution. Eventually it was dispersed by

force. The new Chambers were opened on the 26th of February by the

king in person, Count Brandenburg having led him to the throne. He

stated that circumstances having obliged him to dissolve the National

Assembly, he had granted to the nation a Constitution which by its

provisions fulfilled all his promises made in the month of March. This

Constitution was modelled after that of Belgium. The House was to

consist of two Chambers, both elective--the former by persons paying

24s. a year of direct taxes, and the latter by a process of double

election: that is, the deputies were chosen by delegates, who had

themselves been elected by universal suffrage, there being one deputy

for every 750 inhabitants. All Prussians were declared equal in the eye

of the law, freedom of the press was established, and all exclusive

class privileges were abolished. The judges were made independent of

the Crown, and no ordinance was to have the force of law without the

sanction of the Assembly.

[Illustration: LOUIS KOSSUTH.]

The Frankfort Parliament had spent a year doing nothing but talking.

They came, however, to the important resolution of offering the

Imperial Crown of Germany to the King of Prussia. As soon as the

Prussian Assembly heard this, they adopted an address to the king,

earnestly recommending him to accept the proffered dignity. They were

deeply interested by seeing the house of Hohenzollern called to the

direction of the Fatherland and they hoped he would take into his

strong hands the guidance of the destinies of the German nation. On

the 3rd of April, 1849, the king received the Frankfort deputation

commissioned to present to him the Imperial Crown. He declined the

honour unless the several Governments of the German States should

approve of the new Imperial Constitution, and concur in the choice of

the Assembly. As soon as this reply was made known, the second Prussian

Chamber adopted a motion of "urgency," and prepared an address to the

king, entreating him to accept the glorious mission of taking into firm

hands the guidance of the destiny of regenerated Germany, in order

to rescue it from the incalculable dangers that might arise from the

conflicting agitations of the time. The address was carried only by

a small majority. The king had good reason for refusing the imperial

diadem; first, because Austria, Würtemberg, Bavaria, and Hanover

decidedly objected; and secondly because the king required changes in

the Frankfort Constitution which the Parliament refused to make. These

facts enabled his Majesty to discover that the imperial supremacy was

"an unreal dignity, and the Constitution only a means gradually, and

under legal pretences, to set aside authority, and to introduce the

republic." In July the state of siege was terminated in Berlin, and the

new elections went in favour of the Government.

Austria, the centre of despotic power on the Continent, the model of

absolutism, in which the principle of Divine Right was most deeply

rooted, enjoyed peace from 1815, when Europe was tranquillised by

the Holy Alliance, down to 1848, when it felt in all its force the

tremendous shock of revolution. During that time Prince Metternich

ruled the Austrian Empire almost autocratically. This celebrated

diplomatist was the greatest champion and most powerful protector in

Europe of legitimacy and ultra-conservatism. The news of the French

Revolution reached Vienna on the 1st of March; and no censorship of

the press, no espionage, no sanitary cordon designed to exclude the

plague of revolution, could avert its electric influence, or arrest

its momentous effects. On the 13th the people rose, defeated the

Imperial troops, forced Metternich to fly, and the emperor to promise

constitutional reforms. The emperor and his family, however, soon

felt that Vienna was too hot for them, and notwithstanding unlimited

concessions, Ferdinand began to fear that his throne might share the

fate of Louis Philippe's. Therefore, he secretly quitted the capital

with the imperial family, on the evening of the 17th of May, 1848,

alleging the state of his health as a reason for his flight, which took

his Ministers quite by surprise. He proceeded to Innsbruck in Tyrol.

The Viennese repeatedly sent petitions and deputations imploring him in

vain to return; and it was not till the 8th of August that he consented

to quit the safe asylum he had chosen. Personally he had nothing to

apprehend. He was amiable and kind, and wanted both the ability and

energy to make himself feared. It was not at Vienna alone, or in the

Austrian province, that the imperial power was paralysed. Every limb of

the vast empire quivered in the throes of revolution. Two days after

the outbreak in Vienna a great meeting, convoked anonymously, was held

at Prague, the capital of Bohemia, which passed resolutions demanding

constitutional government; perfect equality in the two races--German

and Czech; the union of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia, with a common

Diet to meet alternately at Prague and Brünn; that judicial proceedings

should be public; that there should be a separate and responsible

government at Prague, with security for personal liberty; free press,

and religious equality. A deputation was sent with these demands to

Vienna. They were all granted; Bohemia was recognised as having a

distinct nationality; the Prince Francis Joseph, afterwards Emperor

of Austria, having been appointed Viceroy. Even so Slav ambition was

unsatisfied, and Prague had to be bombarded by the Austrian troops.

Jellacic, the Ban, or Governor, of Croatia, resolved to hold a Slavonic

Diet at Agram on the 5th of June; but it was forbidden as illegal

by the Austrian Government, and the Ban was summoned to Innsbruck

to explain his conduct to the emperor. He disobeyed the summons.

The Diet was held, and one of its principal acts was to confer upon

Jellacic the title of Ban, which he had held under the now repudiated

authority of the emperor. He was consequently denounced as a rebel,

and divested of all his titles and offices. The emperor proceeded to

restore his authority by force of arms. Carlowitz was bombarded, and

converted into a heap of ruins; and other cities surrendered to escape

a similar fate. It was not, however, from disloyalty to the imperial

throne, but from hostility to the ascendency of Hungary, that the Ban

had taken up arms. He therefore went to Innsbruck early in July, and

having obtained an interview with the emperor, he declared his loyalty

to the Sovereign, and made known the grievances which his nation

endured under the Hungarian Government. His demands were security and

equality of rights with the Hungarians, both in the Hungarian Diet and

in the administration. These conditions were profoundly resented by

the Magyars, who, headed by Count Batthyány and Louis Kossuth, had in

1847 extorted a Constitution from the emperor. It was the unfortunate

antipathy of races, excited by the Germanic and Pan-Slavonic movements,

that enabled the emperor to divide and conquer. The Archduke Stephen in

opening the Hungarian Diet indignantly repelled the insinuation that

either the king or any of the royal family could give the slightest

encouragement to the Ban of Croatia in his hostile proceedings against

Hungary. Yet, on the 30th of September following, letters which had

been intercepted by the Hungarians were published at Vienna, completely

compromising the emperor, and revealing a disgraceful conspiracy

which he appears to have entered into with Jellacic, when they met at

Innsbruck. Not only were the barbarous Croatians, in their devastating

aggression on Hungary, encouraged by the emperor while professing to

deplore and condemn them, but the Imperial Government were secretly

supplying the Ban with money for carrying on the war. Early in August

the Croatian troops laid siege to several of the most important cities

in Hungary, and laid waste some of the richest districts in that

country. In these circumstances the Diet voted that a deputation of

twenty-five members should proceed at once to Vienna, and make an

appeal to the National Assembly for aid against the Croats, who were

now rapidly overrunning the country under Jellacic, who proclaimed that

he was about to rid Hungary "from the yoke of an incapable, odious, and

rebel Government." The deputation went to Vienna, and the Assembly,

by a majority of 186 to 108, resolved to refuse it a hearing. Deeply

mortified at this insult, the Hungarians resolved to break completely

with Austria. They invested Kossuth with full powers as Dictator,

whereupon the Archduke resigned his vice-royalty on the 25th of

September, and retired to Moravia.

In the midst of the excitement at Pesth, Count Lamberg was appointed

Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial army in Hungary; and a decree

appeared at the same time ordering a suspension of hostilities. The

Count immediately started for Pesth without a military escort. In

the meantime Kossuth had issued a counter-proclamation, in which the

appointment of Lamberg was declared to be illegal and null, as it

was not countersigned by the Hungarian Minister, according to the

Constitution, and all persons obeying him were declared to be guilty

of high treason. Unknown assassins, translating this language into

action, stabbed the Count to death in the public street (September 28,

1848). The Government of Vienna resolved now to crush the Hungarian

insurrection at any cost. A decree was issued by the emperor, who

had lately returned to the capital, dissolving the Diet, declaring

all its ordinances and acts illegal and void, constituting Jellacic

Commander-in-Chief in Hungary and Transylvania, with unlimited powers,

and appointing also a new Hungarian Ministry. Kossuth met this by a

counter-proclamation, asserting the entire independence of Hungary, and

denouncing the Ban and the new Prime Minister as traitors. The power

given to Jellacic excited the indignation not only of all Hungarians,

but of the citizens of Vienna. They rose the second time, and again

forced the Emperor to fly, this time to Olmütz.

But the triumph of the insurgents was brief. From Radetzky, triumphant

in Italy, from Windischgrätz at Prague, and from Jellacic in Hungary,

came assurances that they were making haste to rally round the

emperor's flag, and to cause it to wave in triumph over the vanquished

revolution. The last with his Croats moved up by forced marches,

availing himself of the Southern Railway, and on the 9th of October

he was within two hours' march of Vienna. On the news of the approach

of this formidable enemy, consternation seized the Viennese. The

reinforcements brought by Windischgrätz swelled the Imperial forces at

Vienna to 70,000 men. In the presence of this host, hanging like an

immense thunder-cloud charged with death and ruin over the capital,

the citizens relied chiefly upon the Hungarian army. But this was held

in check by the Croatian army; and Kossuth, deeming it prudent not

to enter into the contest, withdrew his troops within the bounds of

Hungarian territory. On the 28th, Prince Windischgrätz began to bombard

the city, and the troops advanced to the assault. The Hungarians at

last advanced in aid of the insurgents, but were beaten off, and on

the night of the 31st of October the city surrendered, and was in

possession of the Imperial troops.

A new Ministry was appointed with Prince Schwarzenberg at its head,

and on the 2nd of December the Emperor Ferdinand abdicated in favour

of his nephew, Francis Joseph, whose father Francis Charles, next in

succession, renounced his claim to the throne. The retiring emperor

stated that the pressure of events, and the immediate want of a

comprehensive reformation in the forms of State, convinced him that

more youthful powers were necessary to complete the grand work which

he had commenced. The real reason was that Lord Palmerston, who in

his private correspondence held the Emperor to be "next thing to an

idiot," had been constantly advising him to resign his sceptre into

firmer hands. The young Emperor, in his proclamation, expressed his

conviction of the value of free institutions, and said that he entered

with confidence on the path of a prosperous reformation of the monarchy.

Windischgrätz was, meanwhile, diligently preparing for the conquest of

Hungary, with an army which numbered 65,000 men, with 260 guns. The

full details of the campaign, however, can hardly be said to belong

to English history. It is enough to say here that while Görgei more

than held him in check at the outset of the campaign, Bem, a Pole,

had been conducting the war in the east of Hungary with the most

brilliant success. He was there encountered by the Austrian General

Puchner, who had been shut up in the town of Hermannstadt with 4,000

men and eighteen guns, and Bem succeeded in completely cutting off his

communications with the main Austrian army. In these circumstances, the

inhabitants of Hermannstadt and Kronstadt, on the Russian frontier,

both menaced with destruction by the hourly increasing forces under

Bem's command, earnestly implored the intervention of Russia.

Puchner summoned a council of war, which concurred in the prayer for

intervention. For this the Czar was prepared, and a formal requisition

having been made by Puchner, General Luders, who had received

instructions from St. Petersburg, ordered two detachments of his troops

to cross the frontier, and occupy the two cities above mentioned.

Nevertheless Bem defeated the combined Russian and Austrian army, and

shortly afterwards Görgei won an important battle at Isaszeg.

An unhappy difference in principle of the most fundamental character

occurred between Kossuth and Görgei at this time, which brought ruin

on the Hungarian cause, now on the verge of complete success. Kossuth

was for complete independence; his rival for the maintenance of the

Hapsburg monarchy. Kossuth, however, had taken his course before

consulting Görgei--a fact that embittered the spirit of the latter. The

Hungarian Assembly, at his suggestion, had voted the independence of

Hungary (April 19, 1849), with the deposition and banishment for ever

of the House of Hapsburg Lorraine. After this declaration the Hungarian

forces increased rapidly. The highest hopes still pervaded the nation.

They gained several advantages over the enemy, having now in the field

150,000 men. Field-Marshal Welden, the Austrian Commander-in-Chief,

dispirited and broken down in health, resigned the command, and was

succeeded by the infamous Haynau--the "woman-flogger." But the fate of

Hungary was decided by Russian intervention actuated by the fear of

the Czar lest the movement should spread to Poland. Hungary would have

successfully defended itself against Austria; but when the latter's

beaten armies were aided by 120,000 Muscovites under Paskievitch,

their most famous general, coming fresh into the field, success was no

longer possible, and the cause was utterly hopeless. On the 31st of

July, 1849, Luders, having effected a junction with Puchner, attacked

Bem, and completely defeated him. On the 13th of August Görgei was

surrounded at Vilagos, and surrendered to the Russian general Rudiger.

The war was over with the capitulation of Comorn.

Paskievitch and the other Russian generals pleaded earnestly with the

Emperor of Austria, imploring him to extend his clemency to all the

officers and soldiers who had been engaged in the insurrection. But

the Emperor was deeply mortified at the humiliation of having to call

for Russian aid against his own rebellious subjects; he was vexed at

the horror the Hungarians felt about surrendering to his army, as well

as jealous of the magnanimity of the Muscovites. He therefore answered

the Russian appeal, that he had sacred duties to perform towards his

other subjects, which, as well as the general good of his people,

he was obliged to consider. The warmest apologists of Austria were

forced to condemn the vindictive and cruel policy now adopted. Görgei

was pardoned and offered rank in the Russian army, which he declined,

and Klapka escaped by the terms of his capitulation; but fourteen

other Hungarian officers of the highest rank were cruelly immolated

to Austrian vengeance. One lady was ordered to sweep the streets of

Temesvar, another was stripped and flogged by the soldiery. Many

eminent Magyars were hanged. But of all the atrocities which stained

the name of Austria, and brought down upon her the execration of the

civilised world, none was so base and infamous as the judicial murder

of Count Batthyány. This illustrious man, who had presided over the

Hungarian Ministry, was sentenced to be hanged. Having taken leave of

his wife, he endeavoured, in the course of the night, to escape the

infamy of such a death by opening the veins of his neck with a blunt

paper-knife; but the attempt was discovered, and the surgeon stopped

the bleeding. Next day the noble patriot procured a less ignominious

doom--he was shot (October 6, 1849).

[Illustration: ASSASSINATION OF COUNT LAMBERG. (_See p._ 579.)]

Meanwhile Lord Palmerston had been constant in his appeals to the

Austrian Court. When the Hungarian cause became desperate, he had

urged Austria to consent to some arrangement which, while maintaining

unimpaired the union with the House of Hapsburg, would satisfy the

national feelings of the Hungarians. After the surrender of Comorn, he

urged the Government to "make a generous use of the successes which it

had obtained," and to pay "due regard to the ancient constitutional

rights of Hungary." But he received from Prince Schwarzenberg, the

Austrian Minister, a scathing reply. "The world," he wrote, "is

agitated by a spirit of subversion. England herself is not exempt from

this spirit; witness Canada, the island of Cephalonia, and finally

unhappy Ireland. But, wherever revolt breaks out within the vast

limits of the British Empire, the English Government always knows how

to maintain the authority of the law, were it even at the price of

torrents of blood. It is not for us to blame her.... We consider it our

duty to refrain from expressing our opinion, persuaded as we are that

persons are apt to fall into gross errors in making themselves judges

of the often so complicated position of foreign affairs."

For this rebuff, to which he did not even venture an answer, Lord

Palmerston speedily obtained a dexterous revenge. Kossuth, Bem,

Dembinski, and some thousands of the Hungarian leaders, found refuge

at Shumla, within the Turkish frontier. A joint and imperative demand

was made by Austria and Russia upon the Sultan to deliver them up.

This demand was enforced by two envoys from each Court. The pressure

was resisted by the Sultan, who refused to yield to a demand which

required him to violate his own honour, the national dignity, the

dictates of humanity, and the most sacred rights of hospitality. He

took this course at the risk of a rupture with Russia, and though he

was pledged by treaty to refuse to shelter both Austrian and Russian

malcontents. But he was strongly supported by Lord Palmerston and the

French Government, who having gained time by the Sultan's despatch

of a special mission to St. Petersburg, ordered the British and

French fleets to move up to the Dardanelles and Smyrna. Thereupon

the autocratic Powers lowered their tone, Russia demanding only the

expulsion of the Poles, Austria the internment of some thirty of the

refugees. The refugees were removed to Kutaya, in Asia Minor, where

they remained till August 22nd, 1851. On the 1st of September in that

year Kossuth left Turkey. On his arrival at Marseilles he was refused

permission to travel through France; but he was hospitably received

at Gibraltar and Lisbon, and on the 28th of October arrived safely

in England, where he was welcomed with unbounded enthusiasm. During

these negotiations Palmerston had displayed a courage which raised his

reputation both at home and abroad.

Italy, of all the countries on the Continent, was most predisposed

for revolution in 1848. In fact, the train had long been laid in that

country--rather, a number of trains--designed to blow up the despotisms

under which the people had been so grievously oppressed. Mazzini, the

prince of political conspirators, had been diligently at work, and the

Carbonari had been actively engaged in organising their associations,

and making preparations for action. The hopes of the Italian people had

been greatly excited by the unexpected liberalism of the new Pope, Pius

IX., who startled the world by the novelty of his reforming policy.

Already partial concessions had been made by the Government, but these

proved wholly insufficient. Upon the news of the revolution in Vienna,

Venice rose, forced the Governor to release her leaders, Tommaseo and

Manin, compelled the Austrians to evacuate the city, and established

a Provisional Government. Meanwhile in Milan all was quiet until the

news arrived of the flight of Metternich. Then the inhabitants became

impatient and clamorous, and assembled in large numbers around the

Government House. In order to disperse them, the soldiers fired blank

cartridge. At this moment a fiery youth shouted "_Viva l'Italia!_" and

then, apparently, gave the preconcerted signal by firing a pistol at

the troops. Instantly the guards were overpowered, the Vice-Governor,

O'Donell, was made prisoner, and the success of the movement was

quickly signalised by the floating of the tricolour over the palace.

That night (March 18) and the next day (Saturday) the people were

busily occupied in the erection of barricades. The bells of Milan

tolled early on Sunday morning, summoning the population, not to

worship, but to battle. An immense tricolour flag floated from the

tower of the cathedral, and under that emblem of revolution the unarmed

people, men and women, fought fiercely against Marshal Radetzky's

Imperial troops, and in spite of his raking cannon, for five days. It

was the most terrific scene of street fighting by an enraged people

who had broken their chains that had ever occurred in the history of

the world. Every stronghold was defended by cannon, and yet one by one

they all fell into the hands of the people, till at last the troops

remained masters of only the gates of the city. But the walls were

scaled by emissaries, who announced to the besieged that Pavia and

Brescia were in open insurrection, and that the Archduke, son of the

Viceroy, had been taken prisoner. The citizens also communicated with

the insurgent population outside by means of small balloons, containing

proclamations, requesting them to break down the bridges and destroy

the roads, to prevent reinforcements coming to the Austrians. In vain

the Austrian cannon thundered from the Tosa and Romagna gates. The

undaunted peasantry pressed forward in increasing numbers, and carried

the positions. Radetzky was at length compelled to order a retreat.

He retired to Crema, within the Quadrilateral fortresses beyond the

Mincio. In the meantime a Provisional Government was appointed at

Milan, which issued an earnest appeal to all Italians to rise in arms.

"We have conquered," they said; "we have compelled the enemy to fly."

The proclamation also intimated that Charles Albert of Sardinia was

hastening to their assistance, "to secure the fruits of the glorious

revolution," to fight the last battle of independence and the Italian

Union. On the 25th of March the Piedmontese army was ordered across the

Ticino.

The enthusiasm which now pervaded the whole Italian peninsula was

unbounded, and broke forth in frantic expressions of joy and triumph.

The days of Continental despotism seemed numbered at last. Everything

promised well for the cause of Italian freedom and unity. The Italian

troops stationed at Bergamo, Cremona, Brescia, and Rovigo joined

the insurgents. The Grand Duke of Tuscany set his troops in motion;

the Pope blessed the volunteers; even Naples sent a contingent. The

Austrian garrisons had to abandon Padua and several other places,

while the great fortress of Verona was held with difficulty. In the

south of Italy the cause of despotism seemed to be going down rapidly.

Deceived by the promises of the King of Naples, the people of Sicily

determined to trust him no longer. In January, 1848, an address to the

Sicilians was issued from Palermo, which stated that prayers, pacific

protestations and demonstrations had all been treated by Ferdinand

with contempt. Palermo would receive with transport every Sicilian who

should come armed to sustain the common cause, and establish reformed

institutions, "in conformity with the progress and will of Italy and

of Pius IX." Property was to be respected, robbery was to be punished

as high treason, and whoever was in want would be supplied at the

common charge. The king's birthday was kept by unfurling the banner of

revolution, and calling the citizens to arms. The royal troops retired

into the barracks, the forts, and the palace, leaving the streets and

squares in possession of the insurgents. The determination of the

Sicilians caused the weak and wavering king, Ferdinand II., to yield;

and on the 28th of January a royal decree appeared upon the walls of

Naples, granting a Constitution for the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies.

Orders were sent the same day to Palermo for the withdrawal of the

Neapolitan troops, and an amnesty for political offences soon was

published. The troops remained in the garrison, however, and occasional

conflicts took place between them and the citizens till the 2nd of May,

when an armistice was agreed to, which lasted to the 2nd of August. In

the meantime the elections had taken place under the new Constitution,

which the king had promulgated; but the Neapolitan Chamber proceeded

to modify it, to which the king objected. The people, led on by the

National Guard, which had been established, determined to support the

Assembly. On the 15th of May, therefore, barricades were erected in

the streets, the royal palace was occupied by troops, and artillerymen

stood by their guns with lighted matches in their hands. The accidental

firing of a gun led to a collision with the Swiss troops; thereupon, a

tremendous battle ensued, lasting for eight hours, in which the royal

troops were completely victorious.

The Sicilian Chambers met on the 13th of April, and voted the

deposition of the royal family of Naples. It was resolved to elect a

new king, and to join the league for the independence of Italy. The

prince chosen King of Sicily was the Duke of Genoa, second son of

Charles Albert, with the title of Albert Amadeus I., King of Sicily.

Messina had revolted, and a fleet was sent from Naples to reduce

it. A bombardment commenced on September 3rd, and was continued

night and day. The insurgents bravely defended themselves till their

provisions were exhausted, and they were scarcely able to stand to

their guns. Their ammunition had been all consumed. On the other hand,

reinforcements by thousands were poured in from a fleet of Neapolitan

steamers. The city was now on fire in every quarter. The insurgents

were unable to return a single shot. The victorious royalists then

began to massacre the inhabitants, who fled in every direction from

their murderous assailants, 10,000 of them finding shelter on board

French and English vessels while the Bourbon standard floated over the

smoking ruins of Messina. The king promptly withdrew his fleet and

contingent of 20,000 men from Northern Italy.

The Pope had been labouring to satisfy his subjects by effecting

some mitigation of the ecclesiastical system of government. He had

promulgated a plan for the organisation of the executive in nine

departments; the chiefs of which were to compose the Council of

Ministers, to consist partly of laymen, with a cardinal as secretary.

The populace, however, became gradually more unmanageable. The

cardinals were insulted wherever they appeared in the streets.

In the new Administration, Count Rossi--formerly Ambassador from

France--occupied the post of Prime Minister. He was the object of

popular distrust; and it was supposed that by his temporising policy,

and the feint of practical reforms, he was merely trying to gain time,

and to delude the people--so, at least, thought the revolutionary

party. The 15th of November was the day appointed for the opening of

the Chambers, and on that day he was murdered on the steps of the

Cancellaria. The mob obtained the upper hand with surprising rapidity.

Thenceforth the Pope took no part in public affairs, and remained a

prisoner in his palace, though the Government was still carried on in

his name. It was not to be expected that the head of the Roman Catholic

Church would remain long in that position. But the difficulty was to

get out of the city unobserved. However, he escaped in disguise to

Gaeta. Garibaldi, who had returned from South America, and had been

serving with the army of Charles Albert as a guerilla leader, now

appeared on the Roman stage. He had collected together about 3,000

volunteers and refugees, with whom he arrived in Rome at the end of

January, 1849. A constituent Assembly was convoked, by which the Pope

was dethroned, and a republic proclaimed, at the head of which was a

triumvirate composed of Mazzini, Armellini, and Saffi.

Meanwhile these disturbances elsewhere were having a disastrous effect

upon the fortunes of the war in Lombardy. At first, indeed, everything

pointed to the success of the Italian cause. In May Peschiera fell, and

Radetzky, venturing beyond the Quadrilateral, was defeated by Charles

Albert at Goito. Already the Italians had rejected the help which

Lamartine offered them from France, and Austria in despair appealed to

Lord Palmerston for the mediation of Britain. Well would it have been

for the Italians if terms could have been arranged. Lord Palmerston,

indeed, who had already sent off a private note to the British Minister

at Vienna, advising the Austrians to give up their Italian possessions

at once, now consented to propose an armistice, while asserting that

"things had gone too far to admit of any future connection between

Austria and the Italians." But nothing came of the proposal; the

Sardinians declined to consent to the armistice, which would only be

for the benefit of Radetzky, who was at this moment somewhat hardly

pressed; and the maximum of the concessions offered by the Austrian

envoy, Baron Hummelauer, was that Lombardy should be freed from its

connection with Austria while Venice should be retained. Palmerston

considered the surrender insufficient, and the war went on.

[Illustration: GIUSEPPE GARIBALDI.]

Soon it became apparent that the Italians were disunited, monarchists

against republicans, and Milanese against Piedmontese. Radetzky,

meanwhile, had received ample reinforcements, and in June set himself

to reduce Venetia. Fortress after fortress fell, and by the end of the

month the province, with the exception of the capital, was once more in

Austrian hands. Then the sturdy old warrior crushed the Piedmontese

at Custozza and drove them pell-mell across the Mincio, after a battle

which lasted three days. Charles Albert, unequal to his position, and

worn out by the dissensions of his staff, surrendered Milan without

a struggle, and by August, 1848, the fate of Lombardy was sealed. In

vain the Lombards appealed to France; the cautious Cavaignac had there

replaced the sentimental Lamartine. He offered, indeed, to join with

England in mediation, and, with his consent, Lord Palmerston proposed

the terms which had been previously offered by Baron Hummelauer. The

Austrians, however, declined to negotiate on that basis, and at last on

the 25th of September declared that they would consent to no cession of

territory. However, there was a cessation of hostilities.

[Illustration: PIUS IX. QUITTING THE VATICAN IN DISGUISE. (_See p._

583.)]

An armistice was arranged with Piedmont, which lasted throughout the

autumn and winter. The events at Rome and the flight of the Pope had

meanwhile greatly altered the position of the Italian question; and

the revolutionary spirit was so strong that Charles Albert found

it impossible to resist the demand of his people for a renewal of

hostilities. "I must restore war," he said, "or abdicate the crown and

see a republic established." He opened his Parliament in person on the

1st of January, 1849, when he delivered a lengthy speech, in which he

fully expounded his policy. He invited the nation to co-operate in the

great struggle which was impending. In January, the Sardinian Prime

Minister, M. Gioberti, addressed a protest to the foreign Powers,

in which he stated that though the suspension of hostilities agreed

to on the 5th of August, 1848, was productive of fatal political

consequences, Sardinia had faithfully observed the agreement, while

Austria had disregarded her promises, and exhibited nothing but bad

faith. She had pursued an iniquitous system of spoliation. Under the

name of extraordinary war contributions her fleet seized Italian

vessels navigating the Adriatic. She had put to death persons whose

safety was guaranteed by the law of nations. She had violated the most

sacred compacts in a manner unparalleled in the annals of civilised

nations. Gioberti, however, who was obnoxious to the republican party,

was compelled to resign. On the 24th of February the new Ministry

issued a programme of its policy, and on the 14th of March M. Ratazzi,

Minister of the Interior, announced to the Chamber of Deputies the

expiration of the armistice, declaring that no honourable peace

with Austria could be expected unless won by arms. War would, of

course, have its perils; but between those perils and the shame of

an ignominious peace, which would not insure Italian independence,

the king's Government could not hesitate. Consequently, he stated

that, two days before, a special messenger had been sent to Radetzky,

announcing the termination of the armistice. He was perhaps justified

by the declaration of the Austrian envoy to London, Count Colloredo,

that Austria would not enter into any sort of conference unless she

was assured that no cession of territory would be required. The king,

meanwhile, had joined the army as a general officer, commanding the

brigade in Savoy. The nominal strength of his army at that time was

135,000 men; but the muster-roll on the 20th of March showed only

about 84,000 effective troops, including 5,000 cavalry, with 150

guns. Radetzky had under his command an army equal in number, but far

superior in equipment and discipline. He at once broke Charles Albert's

lines; drove him to retreat upon Novara, where he utterly defeated him.

Abdication only remained for the king, and his son, Victor Emmanuel,

concluded peace on terms dictated by Austria. The King of Sardinia

was to disband ten military corps composed of Hungarians, Poles, and

Lombards. Twenty thousand Austrian troops were to occupy the territory

between the Po, the Ticino, and the Sesia, and to form one half of the

garrison of Alessandria, consisting of 6,000 men, a mixed military

committee to provide for the maintenance of the Austrian troops.

The Sardinians were to evacuate the duchies of Modena, Piacenza,

and Tuscany. The Piedmontese in Venice were to return home, and the

Sardinian fleet, with all the steamers, was to quit the Adriatic. In

addition to these stipulations, Sardinia was to indemnify Austria

for the whole cost of the war. These terms were accepted with great

reluctance by the Piedmontese Government, and with even more reluctance

by the Genoese, who revolted, and had to be suppressed by the royal

troops.

It remained for Austria to put down the revolution in Venice. That

city had bravely stood a siege for nearly twelve months, when, after

wonderful displays of heroism, its defenders were at last compelled to

relinquish the unequal contest. This glorious defence was mainly owing

to the extraordinary energy and activity of Manin, who was at the head

of the Government. After the capitulation he escaped with General Hesse

and other leaders of the Republican party. Manin settled in Paris,

where he lived in retirement, supporting himself by giving lessons

in Italian. He died there in 1857. The people of Venice honoured his

memory by going into mourning on the anniversary of his death, though,

by doing so--such is the meanness of malice--even ladies incurred the

penalties of fine and imprisonment at the hands of the Austrians.

During the months of April and May Florence and all the other towns

of Tuscany recovered from the revolutionary fever, and returned to

their allegiance. At Bologna the Austrians met with a determined

resistance. The garrison consisted of 3,000 men, including some

hundreds of the Swiss Guards, who had abandoned the service of the

Pope. They defied the Austrians, stating that the Madonna was all for

resistance, and was actively engaged in turning aside the rockets of

the enemy. But the heavy artillery did its deadly work notwithstanding;

and after a short bombardment the white flag was hung out, the city

capitulated, and the garrison laid down their arms, but were permitted

to march out unmolested. Ancona also capitulated on the 10th, and

Ferrara was occupied without resistance by Count Thurn. In fact, the

counter-revolution was successful all over Central Italy, except in the

Papal States, which now became the centre of universal interest. The

leaders of the revolutionary party, chased from the other cities of

Italy, were warmly welcomed at Rome, and gladly entered the ranks of

its defenders.

The eyes of the world were now turned upon Rome. It was not to be

expected that the Catholic Powers would allow the bark of St. Peter

to go down in the flood of revolution without an effort to save it.

Spain was the first to interpose for this purpose. Its Government

invited France, Austria, Bavaria, Sardinia, Tuscany, and Naples to send

plenipotentiaries to consult on the best means of reinstating the Pope.

Austria also protested against the new state of things, complaining

that the Austrian flag, and the arms of the empire on the palace of

its ambassador at Rome, had been insulted and torn down. On the 8th

of February a body of Austrian troops, under General Haynau, entered

Ferrara, to avenge the death of three Austrian soldiers, and an insult

offered to an Austrian consul. He required that the latter should be

indemnified, that the Papal colours should be again displayed, that

the murderers of the soldiers should be given up, and that the city

should support 10,000 Austrian troops. This was a state of things not

to be endured by the French Republic, and its Government determined to

interpose and overreach Austria, for the purpose of re-establishing

French ascendency at Rome, even though based upon the ruins of a

sister republic. The French Republicans, it is well known, cared very

little for the Pope, but they were ready to make use of him to gratify

their own national ambition. Their attack on the Roman Republic would

therefore be fittingly described by the language which Pius IX. applied

to that republic itself, as "hypocritical felony."

It was agreed between the Catholic Powers that the Papal territory

should be invaded at the same time by Neapolitan, Austrian, and French

troops. France was determined to have the chief part, and, if possible,

all the glory of the enterprise. Odillon Barrot, President of the

Council, explained the objects of the French expedition, on the 16th

of April. The Minister demanded extraordinary credit for the expenses

of the expedition. It was promptly voted without any opposition,

save some murmurs from the Left. An expedition was immediately

organised, and an army, 6,000 strong, was embarked at Marseilles, with

astounding celerity, on the 22nd of April, 1849, under the command of

General Oudinot. But the Romans had no confidence in their professed

protectors. On the contrary, they set about making all possible

preparations for the defence of the city. In consequence of the hints

he had got, however, Oudinot sent forward a reconnoitring party, which

was saluted with a fire of artillery, certainly not meant as a _feu de

joie_. The French general then ordered an attack upon two gates, the

Portese and San Pancrazio, both on the right bank of the Tiber. The

Romans repelled them at both points with a discharge of grape-shot,

and they were compelled to retire with heavy loss; General Garibaldi,

with his Lombard legion, having surrounded a retreating column, and

made 200 prisoners. After this mortifying repulse, Oudinot retired

to Palo, near Civita Vecchia, to await reinforcements, in order to

enable him to vindicate the honour of the French arms, which could now

be done only by the capture of Rome; and the French Government were

probably not sorry to have this pretext for their unwarrantable course

of aggression. In the meantime reinforcements were rapidly sent from

Toulon. During this period a Neapolitan army, 16,000 strong, commanded

by the king in person, had entered the States of the Church. Garibaldi,

disregarding the orders of Roselli, went forth to meet the invaders,

fell upon them with the suddenness of a thunderbolt, won a victory over

them, and compelled them to retreat. All negotiations having failed,

the French general commenced a regular siege. The city was cannonaded

from the 11th to the 21st of June, when Garibaldi assured the Triumvirs

that the defence was no longer possible. So Pius IX. was restored by

foreign bayonets. Shortly after, the Pope issued a decree, _proprio

motu_, containing a programme of "liberal institutions," so far as

they were compatible with an absolute authority, enjoyed in virtue of

Divine Right. The people were up for a brief period; they were now

down, and would be kept down, if possible. They had presumed to think

that they were the source of political power; that they could give

their representatives the right of making laws and dethroning kings;

but they must now learn that their business was to obey, and submit to

anything which their superiors might think proper, of their own will

and pleasure, to ordain.

The affairs of Italy were the subject of warm debates in the British

Parliament in the Session of 1849. Lord Palmerston was assailed by

the Conservatives for having countenanced the Sicilian insurrection,

and for having sent Lord Minto to Italy on a mission of conciliation,

which they considered an unwarrantable meddling in the affairs of

foreign countries. His assailants, he said, belonged to a school which

maintained "the right divine to govern wrong," and they therefore

stigmatised the Sicilians as rebels. But the Sicilians had had a

Constitution for centuries, and their ancient and indisputable rights

were confirmed in 1812. As to Lord Minto, he interfered at the instance

of the King of Naples himself. The Treaty of Vienna recognised the

title of the king as King of the Two Sicilies; "but the recognition of

a title was one thing, the overturning of a Constitution another."

In the House of Lords the Earl of Aberdeen, Foreign Secretary in the

late Government, strongly censured our foreign policy with regard to

Northern Italy. He spoke with delight of the brilliant victories and

rare generosity of Radetzky, and warmly eulogised the administration

of the Austrian dominions in Italy. Lord Brougham spoke strongly on

the same side with Lord Aberdeen, indignantly condemning the Italian

policy of the Government. On the 20th of July he moved a set of

resolutions on the subject, in which he also praised Austria, as being

just and moderate, while Sardinia was aggressive and faithless. He

spoke of "the terrible tyranny established by those firebrands of

revolution, Mazzini and Garibaldi." He considered that an eternal debt

of gratitude was due to General Oudinot, for conducting the siege in

such a manner as to avoid any waste of blood, and to preserve the

treasures of art of which that city was the repository. With reference

to Southern Italy he protested against the conduct, not only of our

regular diplomatic body, but of "that mongrel sort of monster--half

nautical, half political--diplomatic vice-admirals, speculative ship

captains, observers of rebellions, and sympathisers therewith;" the

officers alluded to being Lord Napier, Sir William Parker, and Captain

Codrington. The Earl of Carlisle, in reply to Lord Brougham, ably

defended the conduct of our diplomatists and officers throughout

the Sicilian contest, and repelled the sarcasms with which they

were assailed. He vindicated the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston,

and called upon the House to reject "the illogical and unmeaning"

resolutions of Lord Brougham. Lord Minto, also, at length defended the

course he had taken. The Marquis of Lansdowne, while willing to rest

the defence of the Government upon the able speech of Lord Carlisle,

made some remarks in answer to the charge of partiality brought by the

Earl of Aberdeen against Lord Minto, after which the House divided,

when the resolutions of Lord Brougham were rejected by a majority of 12.

In the House of Commons, on the 21st of July, Mr. Bernal Osborne

raised a discussion on the affairs of Hungary, and was followed by

Mr. Roebuck, Colonel Thompson, and Lord Claud Hamilton: the latter

denounced the conduct of Kossuth as "infamous." This debate is

memorable chiefly on account of Lord Palmerston's great speech on the

causes of the revolutions of 1848. In reply to the eulogiums upon the

Austrian Government, the noble lord stated that Austria, in the opinion

of a great part of the Continent, had been identified with obstruction

to progress, resistance to improvement, political and social; and it

was in that capacity she won the affections of the Tories. He regarded

the conduct of such men as an example of "antiquated imbecility." He

firmly believed that in the war between Austria and Hungary there were

enlisted on the side of Hungary the hearts and souls of the whole

people of that country. He took the question then being fought for on

the plains of Hungary to be this, whether that country should maintain

its separate nationality as a distinct kingdom with a constitution of

its own, or be incorporated in the empire as an Austrian province. If

Hungary succeeded, Austria would cease to be a first-rate European

power. If Hungary were entirely crushed, Austria in that battle would

have crushed her own right arm. Every field that was laid waste was an

Austrian resource destroyed. Every Hungarian that perished upon the

field was an Austrian soldier deducted from the defensive forces of

the empire. "It is quite true," continued the noble lord, "that it may

be said, 'Your opinions are but opinions; and you express them against

our opinions, who have at our command large armies to back them--what

are opinions against armies?' Sir, my answer is, opinions are stronger

than armies. I say, then, that it is our duty not to remain passive

spectators of events that in their immediate consequences affect

other countries, but in their remote and certain consequences are

sure to come back with disastrous effect upon ourselves; that so far

as the courtesies of international intercourse will permit us to do

so, it is our duty--especially when our opinion is asked, as it has

been on many occasions on which we have been blamed for giving it--to

state our opinions, founded on the experience of this country--an

experience that might be, and ought to have been, an example to less

fortunate countries. We are not entitled to interpose in any manner

that will commit this country to embark in those hostilities. All

we can justly do is to take advantage of any opportunities that may

present themselves, in which the counsels of friendship and peace

may be offered to the contending parties.... Sir, to suppose that

any Government of England can wish to excite revolutionary movements

in any part of the world--to suppose that England can have any other

wish or desire than to confirm and maintain peace between nations, and

tranquillity and harmony between Governments and subjects--shows really

a degree of ignorance and folly which I never supposed any public man

could have been guilty of--which may do very well for a newspaper

article, but which it astonishes me to find is made the subject of a

speech in Parliament." The noble lord sat down amidst much cheering.

Lord Dudley Stuart said that he looked upon the speech which had been

delivered by Mr. Osborne, followed up as it had been by Mr. Roebuck and

Lord Palmerston, as one of the most important events of the Session.

[Illustration: THE CHANDNI CHOWK, DELHI. (_From a Photograph by Frith

& Co., Reigate._)]

CHAPTER XXI.

REIGN OF VICTORIA (_continued_).

Our Relations with Scinde--Occupation of the Country--Napier in

Scinde--Ellenborough's Instructions--A New Treaty--Capture of

Emaum-Ghur--The Treaty signed--Attack on the Residency--Battle of

Meeanee--Defeat of Shere Mahommed--Subjugation of Scinde--Napier's

Government of the Province--Position of the Sikhs--Disorders in

Gwalior--Battle of Maharajpore--Settlement of Gwalior--Recall

of Lord Ellenborough--Sir Henry Hardinge--Power of the

Sikhs--Disorders on the Death of Runjeet Singh--The Sikhs

cross the Sutlej--Battle of Moodkee--Battle of Ferozeshah--The

Victory won--Battle of Aliwal--Battle of Sobraon--Terms of

Peace--Administration of the Lawrences--Murder of Vans Agnew and

Anderson--Renewal of the War--Battles of Chillianwallah and of

Goojerat--Capture of Mooltan--Annexation of the Punjab.

The conclusion of the Afghan war did not end the difficulties with

the countries bordering on India. In the treaty with the Ameers of

Scinde it was provided that Britain should have liberty to navigate

the Indus for mercantile purposes, but that she should not bring into

it any armed vessels or munitions of war, and that no British merchant

should, on any account, settle in the country. Permission, however,

was given to a British agent to reside at Kurrachee, and in 1836, when

the country was threatened by Runjeet Singh, the British Government

took advantage of the occasion to secure a footing in the country, one

of the most fertile in the East. Kurrachee was only at the mouth of

the river, but in 1838 a great step in advance was gained by getting

a British agent to reside at Hyderabad, the capital, in order that

he might be at hand to negotiate with Runjeet Singh. But the agent

undertook to negotiate without consulting the Ameers, and awarded the

payment of a large sum claimed by the Prince whom they dreaded, for

which sum they produced a full discharge. This discharge was ignored

by the British Government in India, acting in the interests of Shah

Sujah, its royal _protégé_ in Afghanistan. This was not all. A British

army of 10,000 men, under Sir John Keane, marched, without permission,

through Scinde, in order to support the same Prince against his

competitors. Bolder encroachments were now made. The British Government

determined on establishing a military force at Yatah, contrary to the

wishes of the people, and compelled the Ameers to contribute to its

support, in consideration of the advantages which it was alleged it

would confer upon them. When the draft of a treaty to this effect was

presented to the Ameers, one of them took the former treaties out of

a box, and said, "What is to become of all these? Since the day that

Scinde has been covenanted with the English there has been always

something new. Your Government is never satisfied. We are anxious for

your friendship; but we cannot be continually persecuted. We have

given you and your troops a passage through our territories, and now

you wish to remain." But remonstrance was in vain. The treaty must be

signed; and the great Christian Power, which had its headquarters at

Calcutta, insisted that the British force might be located anywhere in

the country west of the Indus, and that the Ameers must pay for its

support three lacs of rupees.

Pottinger was the first political agent at Hyderabad. He was succeeded

by Major Outram, who could detect no hostility or treacherous purpose

in the rulers of the country, though he admitted that during the

reverses in Afghanistan they had intrigued freely with the enemy. But

this favourable account did not suit the designs of Lord Ellenborough.

He had issued a proclamation as hollow as it was high-sounding,

condemning the "political system" that had led to the Afghan war. But

he immediately began to act upon that system in Scinde, though with

the evacuation of Afghanistan the solitary reason for the occupation

had disappeared. In order to accomplish his objects more effectually,

he superseded Outram, and sent Sir Charles Napier, with full civil and

military authority, to get possession of the country any way; by fair

means if possible, but if not, he was at all events to get possession.

It was to be his first "political duty" to hear what Major Outram

and the other political agents had to allege against the Ameers of

Hyderabad and Khyrpore, tending to prove hostile designs against the

British Government, or to act hostilely against the British army. Lord

Ellenborough added, "that they may have had such hostile feelings

there can be no doubt. It would be impossible to suppose that they

could entertain friendly feelings; but we should not be justified in

inflicting punishment upon these thoughts. Should any Ameer or chief

with whom we have a treaty of friendship and alliance have evinced

hostile designs against us during the late events, which may have

induced them to doubt the continuance of our power, it is the present

intention of the Governor-General to inflict upon the treachery of

such ally or friend so signal a punishment as shall effectually deter

others from similar conduct. But the Governor-General would not proceed

in this course without the most ample and convincing evidence of the

guilt of the person accused." Certain letters were speedily produced

by Sir Charles Napier (which, no doubt, he considered authentic,

though never proved to be so, and which might very easily have been

fabricated by interested parties), showing a design among the chiefs

to unite for the defence of their country. On the pretence of danger

suggested by those documents, a new treaty was tendered to the Ameers

for signature on the 6th of December, 1842, which required that around

certain central positions the British Government should have portions

of territory assigned to it, and another portion should be given to

the Khan of Bhawlpore as a reward for his fidelity; that the Ameers

were to supply fuel for the steamers navigating the Indus, and that

failing to do so, the servants of the Company were to fell what wood

they required within a hundred yards of the river on either side, and

that the East India Company should coin money for Scinde, with the head

of the Queen of Great Britain stamped on one side. This was a virtual

assertion of sovereign rights; and if the people had any spirit at all,

any patriotism, the _casus belli_ so much desired was now forced upon

them. The Ameers were so circumstanced that they pretended to accept

the treaty; but it mattered little to Sir Charles Napier whether it was

signed or not; for long before it was ratified he issued a proclamation

in which he said, "The Governor-General of India has ordered me to take

possession of the districts of Ledzeel Kote and of Banghara, and to

reannex the said districts to the territory of his Highness the Nawab

of Bhawlpore, to whom they will immediately be made over." This was

done, and Sir Charles Napier forthwith marched into the country without

any declaration of war; having by this time succeeded in blackening the

character of the people, according to the custom of invaders, in order

to make the seizure and confiscation of their country seem to be an

act of righteous retribution. The following despatch from Sir Charles

Napier would be worthy of a Norman invader of the twelfth century:--"I

had discovered long ago that the Ameers put implicit faith in their

deserts, and feel confident that we can never reach them there.

Therefore, when negotiations and delays, and lying and intrigues of all

kinds fail, they can at last declare their entire obedience, innocence,

and humility, and retire beyond our reach to their deserts, and from

thence launch their wild bands against us, so as to cut off all our

communications and render Scinde more hot than Nature has already

done. So circumstanced, and after drawing all I could from Ali Moorad,

whom I saw last night at Khyrpore, I made up my mind that, although

war was not declared, nor is it necessary to declare it, I would at

once march upon Emaum-Ghur, and prove to the whole Talpoor family,

both of Khyrpore and Hyderabad, that neither their deserts nor their

negotiations could protect them from the British troops. While they

imagine they can fly with security they never will."

The forces on which the Ameers relied numbered about 20,000 men,

who had retired to a great stronghold, eight days' journey distant,

in the dreary desert of Beloochistan. Thither, notwithstanding the

difficulties of the march, Sir Charles Napier boldly determined to

pursue them. The wells being all dry, water for the troops and their

horses had to be carried on camels' backs. With 360 men of the Queen's

Regiment, mounted on camels, and 200 irregular cavalry, followed by

ten camels bearing provisions, and eighty loaded with water, the

adventurous general directed his perilous course into the desert,

commencing his march on the 5th of January, 1843. After three or four

days' march over burning sands, the camels became too weak to draw

the howitzers. Their place was supplied, or their failing strength

aided, by the hardy and indomitable Irishmen who formed part of the

expedition. "At length, on the evening of the 14th, the square tower

of Emaum-Ghur was discerned, rising on the distant horizon in solitary

grandeur, in that profound solitude." They found the place deserted;

Mahommed Khan, the governor, having retired with his treasure the day

before, leaving an immense quantity of ammunition behind. With this the

fortress was blown up. No fewer than twenty-four mines were run under

it in different parts. As Major Warburton, the engineer, was applying

his fusee to the last one, his assistant cried, "The other mines are

going to burst." "That may be," he replied; "but this must burst

also." He then set fire to the fusee with his own hand, and quietly

walked away. In a few minutes the stronghold of the Beloochees was

blown into fragments. They had another, of equal strength, farther on

in the desert; but to attack that with the forces now at his command

was an impossibility; and so Sir Charles Napier returned, and rejoined

his main army near Hyderabad, having sent Outram to negotiate the

details of the treaty.

On the 12th of February, 1843, Outram persuaded the Ameers, who were

in deadly fear of Napier, to sign the treaty. But the negotiator, who

continued to place implicit confidence in the pacific professions of

the Ameers--they being anxious to gain time till the hot weather should

come, and give them an advantage against their enemies--was convinced

of his mistake by a treacherous attack made on the British residency;

the Ameers boasting that "every man, woman, and child belonging to the

British army in Scinde should be collected on the field of battle,

and have their throats cut, except the general, who should be led,

chained, with a ring in his nose to the durbar." Outram's garrison

consisted only of 100 soldiers, with forty rounds of ammunition each,

with which he had to defend himself against 8,000 men with six guns.

The British fired with effect from behind a wall till their ammunition

was exhausted, when they slowly retired till they got safe on board the

British steamers, protected by their guns, which swept the flank of

the enemy. The war had now come in earnest, and so Sir Charles Napier

resolved to show the Ameers what British troops could do. The odds were

greatly against him, for he had but 8,600 men, of whom only 400 were

Europeans, with which he was to engage an army 22,000 strong, with

5,000 horse, and fifteen guns, all well posted in a strong position at

Meeanee. It required marvellous hardihood in the veteran warrior of

the Peninsula to enter upon such an unequal contest. But it was the

first time that the ambition of his life was realised--in being placed

in a position of supreme command--and he longed to show the world how

worthily he could have filled it long ago. The officers who fought

under him in that memorable battle deserve to be mentioned. Major Lloyd

commanded the Artillery, Captain Henderson the Sappers and Miners;

next to them stood the 22nd, commanded by Colonel Pennefather; Colonel

Teesdale led the 25th Sepoys; Colonel Read the 12th Native Infantry;

Major Clibborne the Bengal Engineers; Colonel Pattle the 9th Bengal

Horse; and Captain Tait the Poonah Horse. The plain between the two

armies was about 1,000 yards in breadth. The space was rapidly passed

over. Napier's men rushed forward, and crossing the bed of a river

which intervened, they ran up the slope, while the artillery of the

Beloochees fired over their heads. Reaching the summit, they beheld,

for the first time, the camp of the enemy, which was carried by the

22nd. The Native Infantry also behaved well, and while the little army

was doing terrible execution upon the enemy, the artillery swept their

ranks with shot and shell. Nevertheless, they fought bravely, and held

their ground for three hours in a hand to hand encounter with their

assailants. The chasms which were repeatedly made by the guns in the

living mass were quickly filled up by those behind rushing forward to

the conflict. The pressure of numbers bearing down the hill seemed more

than once on the point of overwhelming the British, and obliterating

their "thin red lines." Nearly all the officers were killed or wounded.

Everything now depended upon the cavalry, which were commanded by

Colonel Pattle, who was ordered to charge instantly. They went at full

gallop through the jungle: fifty were thrown off their horses, but the

rest pressed on, ascended the ridge of the hill, dashed into the thick

of the enemy's ranks, fiercely cutting their way with their swords

right and left, trampling down the men under their horses' feet, never

ceasing till they had traversed the whole camp. The confusion and

wavering thus occasioned gave courage to the infantry. The Irish and

the Sepoys, raising the cry of victory, pressed on with fury, drove the

enemy back down the hill, and compelled them to retreat, abandoning

their guns, their ammunition, and their baggage, leaving their dead

on the field, and marking their course by a long train of killed and

wounded. Their loss was estimated at 5,000--1,000 bodies being found in

the bed of the river. The British loss was almost incredibly small: six

officers and fifty-four privates killed, fourteen officers and 109 men

wounded.

Next day the victorious general sent a message to Hyderabad,

threatening to storm the city if it was not immediately surrendered.

The walls were very strong, and might have been defended successfully;

but the Ameers had lost heart, and six of them came out to the British

camp, and laid their swords at the feet of the conqueror. But though

the city was in his possession, conquest seemed only to increase his

difficulties. He had to keep possession of a large hostile city, and

to defend his own entrenched camp against 20,000 Beloochees, who were

still in the field under Shere Mahommed, and to accomplish all this

he had but 2,000 effective men under his command. Reinforcements,

however, were quickly dispatched by Lord Ellenborough. They arrived

safely and gave him an army of 5,000 veteran troops. In the meantime,

Shere Mahommed had come within five miles of the British camp, and

sent Sir Charles Napier a summons to surrender; he had an army of

20,000 men in an extremely strong position. Nothing daunted, Sir

Charles Napier attacked the enemy. His plan of action was altered,

on account of an unauthorised attack made by Colonel Stark with his

cavalry, in consequence of the giving way of the centre before an

onset of the Irish regiment. The cavalry charge, the result of a

sudden inspiration, was brilliantly successful. The cavalry swept

everything before them, and carried confusion and dismay into the rear

of the enemy's centre. The British general instantly took advantage

of this success, and, changing his plan, he led on the Irish infantry

to storm the first nullah. After a fierce resistance, the scarp was

mounted, and Lieutenant Coote fell wounded while in the act of waving

the Beloochee standard in triumph on the summit. The Sepoys were

equally successful in storming the second nullah, which was bravely

defended, but ultimately carried with great loss to the enemy, who were

routed in all directions, their retreating ranks being mowed down by

the artillery, and pursued by the cavalry for a distance of several

miles. The loss of the British in this great victory was only 270

men. Although the heat was then 110° in the shade, Sir Charles Napier

rapidly pursued the enemy, so that his cavalry arrived at Meerpoor, a

distance of forty miles, before Shere Mahommed could reach it. It was

his capital--strongly fortified, filled with stores of all kinds--and

it fell without resistance into the hands of the British general. Shere

Mahommed had retreated to the stronghold of Omerkote, in the desert.

Thither he was pursued by Captain Whitlie, at the head of the Light

Horse. The Ameer fled with some horsemen into the desert. The garrison

that remained, after a few shots, pulled down their colours, and, on

the 4th of April, the British standard waved on the towers of Omerkote.

The remnant of the Beloochee forces were hunted for some weeks by

flying columns. At length, Captain Roberts, at the head of one of them,

captured the brother of Shere Mahommed and 1,000 of his followers.

Another column was attacked by the Ameer himself; but his followers,

after the first round of fire, dispersed. The whole military force

of the Ameers was now annihilated, and the conquest of Scinde was

complete. "I think," said Sir Charles Napier, "I may venture to say

that Scinde is now subdued. The Scindian population everywhere express

their satisfaction at the change of masters." No doubt the change from

Mohammedan to British rule was an advantage to the poor Hindoos; and if

it be allowable to do evil that good may come, Lord Ellenborough was

justified in the means he had adopted for supplanting the Ameers.

[Illustration: THE CHARGE OF THE CAVALRY AT MEEANEE. (_See p._ 592.)]

The British public, thrilled by the news of his heroic achievements,

fully sympathised with the victorious general. The thanks of both

Houses of Parliament were voted to him and the army, and the Duke of

Wellington expressed in the House of Lords the highest admiration of

his generalship. Sir Charles Napier became the civil governor of the

province which his sword had won for his Sovereign; and he showed by

the excellence of his administration that his capacity as a statesman

was equal to his genius as a general. He encouraged trade; he carried

on extensive public works; he erected a pier at Kurrachee, extending

two miles into the water, and forming a secure harbour; he organised

a most efficient police; he raised a revenue sufficient to pay the

whole expenses of the administration, giving a surplus of £90,000,

which, added to the prize-money, brought half a million sterling into

the Company's treasury in one year. The cultivators of the soil were

protected in the enjoyment of the fruits of their industry; artisans,

no longer liable to be mutilated for demanding their wages, came back

from the countries to which they had fled; beautiful girls were no

longer torn from their families to fill the zenanas of Mohammedan

lords, or to be sold into slavery. The Hindoo merchant and the Parsee

trader pursued their business with confidence, and commerce added

to the wealth of the new province. The effect of these reforms was

conspicuous in the loyalty of the Scindians during the revolt of 1857.

No sooner was the conquest of Scinde completed than the

Governor-General began to discern another cloud looming in the

distance. In the Punjab, Runjeet Singh had organised a regular and

well-disciplined army of 73,000 men. He died in 1839. His heir died

the next year, it was supposed of poison. The next heir was killed

a few days afterwards by accident. The third, who succeeded, was

an effeminate prince, who left the government in the hands of his

Minister, a wicked man, who, conspiring with others, caused to be

murdered several members of the Royal Family. They were, in their turn,

punished by having their heads cut off, and the only surviving son of

Runjeet Singh, a boy only ten years of age, was proclaimed Maharajah.

This was the work of the Sikh army, now virtually masters of the

country. Lord Ellenborough and his Council suspected that this army,

still 40,000 strong, and very brave, was unfriendly to the British,

and might some day give trouble to the Indian Government--possibly

invade its territories and cut off its communications. In order to

guard against such contingencies, it was necessary, they thought,

to take possession of Gwalior, a powerful Mahratta State in Central

India. This country lay on the flank of our line of communications with

Allahabad, Benares, and Calcutta. In this country also there were,

fortunately for the British, a disputed succession, royal murders,

civil dissensions, and military disorganisation. A boy, adopted by the

queen, was proclaimed Sovereign by the chiefs, with a regency, over

which the British Government extended its protecting wing. The young

Sovereign died in 1843, leaving no child; but his widow, then thirteen

years of age, adopted a boy of eight, who became king under another

regency. The regent Nana Sahib was deposed, notwithstanding the support

of the British Government. This was an offence which Lord Ellenborough

would not allow to go unpunished; and besides, the disorganised army

of Gwalior was said to be committing depredations along the British

frontier. Here, then, in the estimation of the Governor-General, was a

clear case for military intervention, to put down disorder, and secure

a good position for future defence against the possible aggressions of

the warlike Sikhs of the Punjab. Lord Ellenborough explained his policy

to the Company, stating that the Indian Government could not descend

from its high position as the paramount authority in India.

His arguments seemed to satisfy the Home Government, and a large

force was sent from Agra to Gwalior, under Sir Hugh Gough, then

Commander-in-Chief of India, as successor of Sir Jasper Nicholls. So

much interest did Lord Ellenborough feel in this invading expedition

that it was accompanied by him in person. The Mahrattas of course

prepared to defend themselves. They were met at Maharajpore. After

a severe struggle, in which the enemy were bayoneted at their guns,

and a series of bloody conflicts had taken place in the streets, the

British were victorious, and got possession of twenty-eight guns, with

the key of the enemy's position. The battle, however, was not over

when this vantage ground was gained; for though the enemy had fallen

back, they were prepared for a desperate resistance in other less

favourable positions. A general attack was then ordered. Brigadier

Scott, at the head of the 10th Light Horse, and Captain Grant, with

his Horse Artillery, had scattered their cavalry which covered the

extreme right. General Vaillant then led on the 40th Queen's, and

successively gained three strong positions, which the enemy defended

with the utmost firmness and courage, not quitting their guns till they

were cut down by their fierce assailants. In this attack they lost six

regimental standards. The 2nd Native Infantry also acted bravely on

this occasion. The 39th Queen's also made an impetuous attack, and the

result was that the enemy were driven from all their entrenchments in

utter confusion, with the loss of nine standards and sixty-four guns.

Seven of our officers were killed on the spot or wounded mortally. Our

total loss was 106 killed, and 684 wounded. The Commander-in-Chief

wrote in his despatch:--"I regret to say that our loss has been very

severe--infinitely beyond what I calculated upon. Indeed, I did not

do justice to the gallantry of my opponents." It was a loss certainly

almost unprecedented in Indian warfare, and it is remarkable that this

misfortune repeatedly occurred while Lord Gough was Commander-in-Chief.

Lord Ellenborough, with his suite, was rash enough to be under fire

during part of the engagement. The loss of the enemy was estimated at

3,000. Major-General Gray, with only 2,000 men, on the same day won

a victory over 12,000 of the Mahrattas, in the fortified village of

Mangor, about twelve miles from Gwalior. Here, too, the loss of the

victors was very heavy, more than a tenth of the little army having

fallen.

After these victories an armistice was agreed upon, as a preliminary to

negotiations. The result was submission on the part of the Mahrattas,

and the occupation of Gwalior by British troops. The Governor-General

then imposed the terms of peace, which did not include the seizure of

any territory, but consisted solely in the usurpation of sovereignty.

The Mahrattas were compelled to disband their army and abolish their

government. The supreme authority was lodged in a Council of men

devoted to the East India Company, whose President was to receive his

instructions from the British Resident. A new army was organised as a

contingent, which was to be at the service of the Indian Government

when required. Until the majority of the reigning Prince, the

administrators of the Government were to act on the British Resident's

advice, not only generally or in important points, but in all matters

wherein such advice should be offered.

The career of Lord Ellenborough as Governor-General of India was one

of the most remarkable in its annals. He went out for the purpose of

inaugurating a policy of peace, conciliation, and non-intervention.

His course from that day was one of constant aggression and war.

The conquests of Scinde and Gwalior were planned and prepared for

deliberately and in good time; and when the Governments to be subdued

were goaded into hostilities, he was ready to pounce upon them with

overwhelming force. His friends defended this policy on the ground

that, though it was aggressive it was self-defensive; to guard against

a possible, but very remote contingency--an invasion of the Sikhs

to drive the British out of India. The Governor-General, however,

had become entirely too warlike; and since he had smelt powder and

tasted blood at Gwalior, the Board of Control, who had already

formally censured his Scinde policy, became so alarmed at his martial

propensities that they determined on his immediate recall, and sent out

Sir Henry Hardinge to rule in his stead.

Sir Henry Hardinge, the new Governor-General of India, whom Sir Robert

Peel recommended to the Board of Control, had been in the army since

he was thirteen years of age. He had followed Wellington through

all the battles of the Peninsular war, and had won all the military

glory that could be desired, so that he was not likely to follow the

example of Lord Ellenborough in opening fresh fields for the gathering

of laurels in India. The Chairman of the East India Company, giving

him instructions on his departure, cautioned him against following

the example of Lord Ellenborough in appointing military officers as

administrators in preference to the civil servants of the Crown. He

reminded him that the members of the Civil Service were educated with a

special view to the important duties of civil administration, upon the

upright and intelligent performance of which so much of the happiness

of the people depended. He expressed a hope that he would appreciate

justly the eminent qualities of the civil servants of India; and that

he would act towards the Sepoys with every degree of consideration and

indulgence, compatible with the maintenance of order and obedience. He

urged that his policy should be essentially pacific, and should tend

to the development of the internal resources of the country, while

endeavouring to improve the condition of the finances.

[Illustration: THACKWELL AT SOBRAON. (_See p._ 599.)]

Sir Henry arrived at Calcutta in September, 1844. He found that

tranquillity prevailed throughout the empire, and applied his energies

to the formation of railways. But he had soon to encounter the

exigencies of war. Notwithstanding the stringent injunctions he had

received to cultivate the most amicable spirit with the Sikhs, he was

obliged to tax the resources of the empire in maintaining with them

one of the most desperate conflicts recorded in Indian history. The

Sikhs were a warlike race, distinguished not less by fanaticism than

bravery. They were bound together and inspired by the most powerful

religious convictions--a tall, muscular, and athletic race of men,

full of patriotic ardour, elevated by an ancient faith. They were

confederated in various provinces, to the number of about 7,000,000.

They were accustomed to ride upon fleet horses, and had organised an

effective cavalry, while their infantry had been disciplined by French

and Italian officers. They could, if necessary, bring into the field

260,000 fighting men; but their regular army now consisted of 73,000

men with 200 pieces of artillery. Settled chiefly in the Punjab, a

country of extraordinary fertility, they also abounded in Mooltan,

Afghanistan, and Cashmere, celebrated from the most ancient times as

the favoured abode of manufacturing industry, social order, wealth,

and happiness. This warlike race had been governed by Runjeet Singh,

a chief of extraordinary ability, energy, and determination. He had

but one eye; he was deeply marked with the small-pox; his aspect was

repulsive, and his manner rude; yet was he looked up to by this great

people with respectful homage, and obeyed with implicit trust. While

he lived he maintained an alliance with the British Government; but

after his death the Sikhs were divided into two factions--one headed

by Gholab Singh, and professing to be favourable to the British; the

other by the Ranee, who yielded to the clamours of the unpaid soldiers

to be led against the English. Accordingly the military forces of

the Sikhs were ordered to march down to the Sutlej. But their intended

attack was prevented by the astrologers, who declared that the

auspicious day for marching had not yet arrived. Sir Henry Hardinge,

however, in common with the most experienced officers of the Indian

Government, did not think the Sikh army would cross the Sutlej with its

infantry and artillery, or that they would have recourse to offensive

operations on a large scale. Up to this period it had committed no

act of aggression. In 1843 and 1844 it had moved down the river from

Lahore, and after remaining there encamped a few weeks, had returned

to the capital. These reasons, and, above all, his extreme anxiety

to avoid hostilities, induced him not to make any hasty movement

with his army, which, when the two armies came into each other's

presence, might bring about a collision. This moderation, however, was

misconstrued by the Sikhs. They supposed that the British were afraid

to encounter them. Accordingly, on the night of the 9th of December,

1845, a portion of the Sikh army appeared within three miles of the

Sutlej; and information was received by our garrison at Ferozepore

that preparations were making on a large scale for the movement of

infantry, artillery, and stores from the Sikh capital, Lahore. On the

12th of December the Sikh army crossed the Sutlej, and concentrated in

great force on the British side of the river. The British reserves,

meanwhile, were advancing to meet this formidable enemy; but they

were still far off, and Ferozepore had but a garrison of 9,500 men to

withstand an army of 60,000 with 100 guns! Sir Charles Napier wrote in

his "Memoirs" that he did not think history would let off Sir Henry

Hardinge for allowing such an army to cross the river unmolested, and

entrench itself on the other side. It is quite certain that Sir Charles

would not have given them such an advantage. But their generals did

not know how to use it. Sir Henry Hardinge had hastened in person to

assist General Gough in conducting the operations against the enemy,

and both putting themselves at the head of the advanced guard, they

were followed by the reserves, marching at the rate of twenty-six miles

a day, full of excitement at the prospect of more fighting.

At length the Sikhs moved on to meet the British on the 18th of

December. When they came in sight, the British bugles sounded, and the

wearied soldiers, who had been lying on the ground, started up and

stood to their arms. The Governor-General and the Commander-in-Chief

rode from regiment to regiment, cheering the spirits of their men,

and rousing them to the needful pitch of valour by encouraging

exhortations. About two miles from Moodkee, Gough, at the head of the

advanced guard, found the enemy encamped behind sandy hillocks and

jungle, 20,000 strong, with forty guns, which immediately opened fire

as he approached. The battlefield was a sandy plain, on which the view

was obstructed by small hills, which prevented the belligerents from

seeing one another till they were quite near. For some time the contest

was maintained on both sides by the artillery. Then General Gough

ordered the advance of a column of cavalry--the 3rd Light Dragoons,

the 5th Light Cavalry, and the 4th Lancers. The column was launched

like an immense thunderbolt against a mass of Sikh cavalry, and proved

so irresistible in its terrific onset that it broke them up into

fragments, scattered them about, and swept along the whole line of the

enemy, cutting down the gunners, and suspending for a time the roar of

their artillery. Soon afterwards the infantry came into action, led on

by Sir Harry Smith, General Gilbert, and Sir John M'Caskill. The Sikhs

fought bravely and obstinately at every point; but when the steady

incessant fire of the artillery had done its work, a general charge was

made, with loud, exultant cheers, and the enemy were driven from their

ground with tremendous loss. The day had closed upon the battlefield,

but the routed enemy were pursued for a mile and a half by the light of

the stars.

The British losses in the battle of Moodkee were very heavy--215

killed; among whom were Sir Robert Sale, Sir John M'Caskill, and a

number of young officers who had greatly distinguished themselves. The

wounded amounted to 657. Meanwhile, the enemy, having left seventeen

guns upon the field, retired in tolerably good order, within their

entrenched camp, which they had formed at Ferozeshah, on the banks

of the Sutlej, near Ferozepore. For two days both armies remained

inactive, but ready to renew the conflict. The losses of the British

had been made up by the arrival of the 29th Queen's and the 1st Bengal

Light Infantry. A memorable event in the history of British warfare in

India, was that Sir Henry Hardinge, the veteran commander, the hero of

so many battles, the Governor-General of India, offered his services

to Sir Hugh Gough as second in command. The offer was accepted, and

the army marched forth to attack the enemy's camp. They started at

daybreak on the 21st, and about midday a junction was effected with

General Littler's division, which had marched out from Ferozepore,

according to orders sent the night before. The British army was now

raised to 19,000 effective men. The enemy were double that number,

strongly entrenched, well provisioned, and fresh after two days' rest;

while our troops were ill provided with food, and had marched ten miles

that morning. To attack the Sikhs without waiting for some expected

reinforcements was hazardous; to postpone the attack for another day

seemed still more so--as there was a second Sikh army of equal force,

which would then have reached the scene of action. An immediate attack

was therefore determined upon--Gough leading the right wing, and

Hardinge the left. The Sikh artillery was heavier than the British.

The guns were protected behind embrasures, the gunners were sure in

their aim; and so terrible was the effect that the 62nd Regiment, which

led on the attack, was nearly cut away, and several Sepoy regiments

broke and fled. The whole of the left wing, though led on gallantly

by the Governor-General, were driven back, after carrying part of the

works. The right wing, under General Gough, succeeded better, and held

possession of several of the ramparts. But the Sikhs were still in

possession of the fortified village of Ferozeshah, and remained so till

night closed upon the scene; when the smoke and dust subsided, and the

silence was broken only by an occasional shot from the guns, responded

to in the darkness--the gunners seeing no enemy, but aiming at the

flash of light.

The weary night at length passed. The dull sun of a December day

(the 22nd) rose upon the ghastly scenes of that gory battlefield.

The soldiers, many of whom were without food from the morning of the

previous day, were again marshalled in order of battle. The artillery

commenced the work, but with little effect. "But why waste time and

ammunition thus?" said Gough. "We must try the bayonet once more."

Then was made a tremendous charge for life. At first, part of the line

reeled under the storm from the enemy's guns; but still the whole army

pressed on with desperate shouts, the two wings closing in upon the

village, driving everything before them, and still pressing onward

till they captured the whole of the enemy's guns on the works. The

two generals, waving the captured banners, rode in triumph before the

victorious army, and were hailed with enthusiastic applause. The whole

of the enemy's military stores and camp furniture, with seventy-three

guns and seventeen standards, remained in possession of the British.

One Sikh army was now defeated; but there was another to come on,

30,000 strong, most of whom were perfectly fresh. The spirit of the

Commander-in-Chief seemed now to fail him, and he so despaired of the

issue that he confessed in a letter to his friend, that for a moment he

felt regret as each passing shot left him still on horseback. Most of

our cavalry were hardly able to move from the exhaustion of the horses;

our ammunition was nearly spent, while the fire from the enemy's

guns was rapid. At this critical moment, owing to a misconception of

orders, our cavalry and artillery moved off from the flanks, which they

protected, taking the road towards Ferozepore. It was a blunder that

seemed ordered by Providence to save our army from annihilation; for

the Sikhs--not knowing our weakness, and conceiving that the design

was to take possession of the fords, and prevent their crossing the

river--immediately began to retreat. Our infantry pursued; and such

was the consternation and confusion of the enemy, that they never

stopped running till they got to the other side of the Sutlej. In

these terrible battles the British lost, in killed and wounded, 2,415

men, being a sixth of the whole number engaged. Among the killed were

Major Broadfoot, political agent in the North-West Provinces, Colonel

Wallace, and Major Somerset.

It was apprehended that the enemy would return next day in greater

force to renew the contest; but as they did not, the Commander-in-Chief

seized the opportunity to summon the troops to join him in public

thanksgiving to God for the victory. The year 1846 dawned upon the

still undecided contest. The British gained most by the delay. The

Governor-General had ordered up fresh troops from Meerut, Cawnpore,

Delhi, and Agra. By the end of January Sir Hugh Gough had under his

command 30,000 men of all arms. On every road leading to the scene of

action, from Britain's Indian possessions, convoys were seen bearing

provisions and stores of all sorts to the army; while reinforcements

were pressing onward rapidly that they might share the glory by

confronting the greatest danger. That danger was still grave. The

Sikhs also were bringing up reinforcements, and strengthening their

entrenched camp at the British side of the Sutlej, having constructed

a bridge of boats for the conveyance of their troops and stores

across the river. The enemy had established a considerable magazine

at a fortified village some miles from the camp, and Sir Harry Smith

proceeded at the head of a detachment to attack it. But Sirdar Runjeet

Singh intercepted him, cut off and captured all his baggage; but being

reinforced, he met the enemy again at a place on the Sutlej, called

Aliwal. The Sikh army, which seemed in the best possible order and

discipline, were drawn up in imposing array, 20,000 strong with 70

guns, while the British were 9,000 with 32. After a series of splendid

charges the enemy were driven successively from every position, and

fled in confusion across the river. Several of the British horsemen

followed the guns into the river, and spiked them there. The loss of

the Sikhs is said to have been 3,000, while that of the British was

only 673 killed and wounded. The moral effect of this victory over such

unequal forces was of the utmost advantage to the rest of the army

(January 28th, 1846).

On the 8th of February was fought the great and decisive battle of

Sobraon, the name of the _tête du pont_, at the entrenched camp of the

Sikhs, where all the forces of the enemy were now concentrated. The

camps extended along both sides of the river, and were defended by 130

pieces of artillery, of which nearly half were of heavy calibre, and

which were all served by excellent gunners. The British troops formed

a vast semicircle, each end of which touched the river, the village of

Sobraon being in the centre, where the enemy were defended by a triple

line of works, one within another, flanked by the most formidable

redoubts. The battle commenced by the discharge of artillery on both

sides, which played with terrific force for three hours. After this

the British guns went up at a gallop till they came within 300 yards

of the works, where it was intended the assault should be delivered.

Halting there, they poured a concentrated fire upon the position for

some time. After this the assault was made by the infantry, running.

The regiment which led the way was the 10th, supported by the 53rd

Queen's and the 43rd and 59th Native Infantry. They were repulsed with

dreadful slaughter. The post of honour and of danger was now taken

by the Ghoorkas. A desperate struggle with the bayonet ensued; the

Sikhs were overpowered by the brigades of Stacey and Wilkinson; but,

as the fire of the enemy was now concentrated upon this point, the

brave assailants were in danger of being overwhelmed and destroyed.

The British Commander-in-Chief seeing this, sent forward the brigades

of Ashburnham, as well as Smith's division, against the right of the

enemy, while his artillery played furiously upon their whole line. The

Sikhs fought with no less valour and determination than the British.

Not one of their gunners flinched till he was struck down at his post.

Into every gap opened by the artillery they rushed with desperate

resolution, repelling the assaulting columns of the British. At length

the cavalry, which has so often decided the fate of the day in great

battles, were instrumental in achieving the victory. The Sappers and

Miners having succeeded in opening a passage through which the horses

could enter in single file, the 3rd Queen's Dragoons, under Sir Joseph

Thackwell, got inside the works, quickly formed, and galloping along

in the rear of the batteries, cut down the gunners as they passed.

General Gough promptly followed up this advantage by ordering forward

the whole three divisions of the centre and the right. It was then that

the fighting may be said to have commenced in earnest. The struggle

was long, bloody, and relentless. No quarter was given or asked; the

Sikhs fighting like men for whom death had no terrors, and for whom

death in battle was the happiest as well as the most glorious exit

from life. But they encountered men with hearts as stout and stronger

muscle, and they were at length gradually forced back upon the river by

the irresistible British bayonet. The bridge at length gave way under

the enormous weight, and thousands were precipitated into the water

and drowned. But even in the midst of this catastrophe the drowning

fanatics would accept no mercy from the Feringhees. Our losses amounted

to 320 killed and 2,063 wounded. Of the European officers, thirteen

were killed and 101 wounded. The loss of the Sikhs in the battle of

Sobraon was estimated at from 10,000 to 13,000 men, the greater number

being shot down or drowned in the attempt to cross the bridge. They

left in the hands of the victors sixty-seven guns, 200 camel swivels,

nineteen standards, and a great quantity of ammunition.

The whole army now crossed the river at leisure, and marched towards

Lahore. Lord Hardinge issued a proclamation, in which he stated that

the war was the result of the wanton and unprovoked incursion of the

Sikhs; that the British Government wanted no acquisition of territory,

but only security for the future, indemnity for the expenses of the

war, and the establishment of a government at Lahore, which should

afford a guarantee against such aggressions in the time to come. The

Ranee and her durbar, or council, now saw the necessity of prompt

submission, which was tendered by plenipotentiaries sent to the British

camp, who threw the whole blame of the war on the uncontrollable

troops. They were well received by the Governor-General, and a

treaty was without difficulty concluded on the 15th of February at a

place called Kussoor. By the terms of the treaty, all the territory

lying between the river Beas and the Sutlej was ceded to the British

Government. The sum of one million sterling was to be paid for the

expenses of the war; but the sum was found too heavy, and instead

Gholab Singh was rewarded for his fidelity to the British by the grant

of a large tract of territory between the Beas and the Indus. Peace

having been thus concluded, the young Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, was

received by the Governor-General at his camp with Oriental pomp; and on

the 22nd of February Sir Henry Hardinge entered Lahore at the head of

his victorious army, taking possession of the gates, the citadel, and

the Royal palace.

These great victories, so hardly won with such heavy sacrifices of

human life, and accompanied by such heroic achievements, excited

the admiration of the British public. The principal actors were

munificently rewarded. The Governor-General was created Viscount

Hardinge of Lahore, the title being accompanied by a shower of honours

from his Sovereign, and a large pension from the East India Company.

Sir Hugh Gough was also raised to the peerage, and received from

the Company an annual pension of £2,000, with the same amount from

Parliament, for three lives. Many of the officers engaged in the Sikh

war received promotion and military orders, and a gratuity of twelve

months' pay was given to all the soldiers without exception engaged in

the campaign.

But the conquered Sikhs did not very easily acquiesce in the terms

proposed by the conquerors, in spite of the wise administration of the

great brothers John and Henry Lawrence, who organised a thoroughly

efficient government in the new territories. Gholab Singh was chased

from the territory the British had given him, and it became necessary

that British arms should reinstate him, and that a British force

should permanently garrison Lahore, at a cost to the Sikh Government

of £220,000 a year. The intriguing and restless Ranee was sent off

from the capital to Sharpoora, where she was kept under surveillance.

Sir Charles Napier was obliged to resign his government in Scinde from

ill-health, and he returned home in 1847. The Governor-General, after

making a progress through various parts of the empire, in order to

inaugurate and encourage works of social improvement, was also obliged

to retire from his post, in consequence of the failure of his health

owing to the fatigues and hardships he had endured in the campaign,

and Henry Lawrence accompanied him. On his return home Hardinge was

made Master-General of the Ordnance and Commander-in-Chief, being

succeeded in India by Lord Dalhousie, who arrived there on the 10th of

January, 1848. He, too, found disturbances to be quelled and treachery

to be punished among our allies and tributaries. Troubles occurred at

Lahore, where the hostility of the inhabitants to the British broke

out with terrible effect. Mr. Vans Agnew, the British Resident, and

Lieutenant Anderson were treacherously murdered at Mooltan, apparently

by the orders of Moolraj, who had been ordered to pay a large sum as

succession duty to the Sikh Government. Their death was avenged by

Lieutenant Edwardes and General Courtland, who, at the head of a small

force, attacked and defeated the revolted Sikhs, 3,000 strong. At

length 26,000 troops under General Whish invested the place. But his

troops went over to the enemy, and he was compelled to raise the siege

and retire. At the same time an insurrection broke out in the Punjab,

headed by the governor of the North-West Provinces; in fact, there was

a general revolt of the Sikhs against British rule.

On the 20th of October, 1848, Chuttur Singh and his son, Shere Singh,

raised the standard of revolt in the Punjab, and soon appeared at

the head of 30,000 men. In November Lord Gough encountered them with

20,000. At Ramnuggur, in attacking the position of the enemy, his men

were led into an ambuscade, and were repulsed with tremendous loss.

The contest was again renewed on the 13th of January, 1849, when the

Sikhs were also very strongly posted in a jungle with 40,000 men

and sixty-two guns. Near the village of Chillianwallah a desperate

battle was fought, and had lasted for some time when the 14th Light

Dragoons, on being ordered to charge, turned and fled through our Horse

Artillery, upsetting several guns, and causing such confusion that the

Sikh cavalry, promptly availing themselves of the advantage, made a

charge, and cut down seventy of our gunners, capturing six guns and

five colours. The result was a drawn battle, but the loss on our side

was fearful--twenty-seven officers and 731 men killed, and sixty-six

officers and 1,446 men wounded. This terrible reverse produced a

profound sensation at home. It was ascribed to bad generalship, and

there were loud cries for the recall of Lord Gough. The Duke of

Wellington felt that the case was so desperate that he called upon Sir

Charles Napier to go out and take the command, though suffering under

a mortal disease, using the memorable expression, "If you don't go, I

must." Sir Charles went immediately. But before he arrived, Lord Gough,

on the 21st of February, had retrieved his reputation, and covered

the British arms with fresh glory by winning, in magnificent style,

the great battle of Goojerat, with the loss of only ninety-two killed

and 682 wounded. Mooltan had been besieged again in December. During

the bombardment the principal magazine was blown up. It contained

16,000 lbs. of powder: 800 persons were killed or wounded by the

explosion, and many buildings destroyed. But Moolraj, though he saw

ruined in a moment a work which it cost him five years to construct,

still held out. On the 2nd of January the city was stormed, but the

citadel remained. Though of immense strength, it yielded to artillery,

and Moolraj, with his garrison of nearly 4,000 men, surrendered at

discretion.

[Illustration: ARRIVAL OF THE MAHARAJAH DHULEEP SINGH AT THE BRITISH

CAMP. (_See p._ 600.)]

No small curiosity was experienced to see the man that had maintained

a defence, obstinate and protracted beyond any related in the annals

of modern war. Gorgeously attired in silks and splendid arms, he rode

a magnificent Arab steed, with a rich saddle-cloth of scarlet. He but

little exceeded the middle size, was powerfully but elegantly formed;

his keen, dark, piercing, restless eyes surveyed at a glance everything

around. He neither wore the face of defiance nor dejection; but moved

along under the general gaze as one conscious of having bravely done

his duty.

The result of these victories was that the Punjab was annexed to

our Indian Empire, the reasons for this step being explained by the

Governor-General in a proclamation, which announced favourable terms

for the conquered people. Henry Lawrence, as is well known, was against

the annexation, but his arguments were overridden by the strenuous

Governor-General, and he became chief of the Commission, with his

brother John as a member, for the administration of the Punjab. Moolraj

was subsequently tried for the murder of Mr. Agnew and Mr. Anderson,

and being found guilty, he was sentenced to death. The sentence was

afterwards commuted to imprisonment for life.

CHAPTER XXII.

REIGN OF VICTORIA (_continued_).

Events in England--The Budgets of 1848--Repeal of the Navigation

Act--The Jewish Disabilities Bill--Election of Baron Rothschild by

the City of London--He is refused the Oath--Election of Alderman

Salomons--He takes his Seat in Spite of the Speaker--Action in

the Court of the Exchequer--The Bill finally passed--Colonial

Self-Government--Lord Palmerston's Foreign Policy censured by

the House of Lords--The Don Pacifico Debate--Testimonial to Lord

Palmerston--Peel's last Speech--His Death--Testimony as to his

Worth--Honours to his Memory.

While stirring events were in progress on the Continent, public

attention was naturally distracted from home politics; nor were these

in themselves of a nature to command enthusiasm. The Russell Government

was weak, but the Opposition was weaker. Sir Robert Peel with his

little band gave, on the whole, his support to the Ministry, and Mr.

Disraeli, on the retirement of Lord George Bentinck, had only just

begun to rally the Conservatives, who had been utterly dispirited and

crushed by the carrying of Free Trade. Finance was always a weak point

with the Whigs, and that of 1848 was no exception to the rule. Urged by

the Duke of Wellington's letter to Sir John Burgoyne on the state of

the defences, the Chancellor of the Exchequer determined on increasing

the naval and military establishments. The result was a deficit of

three millions, and no less than three withdrawals and alterations of

the Budget had to be made before his proposals could be so shaped as

to be acceptable to the House. The next Session was mainly devoted to

Irish affairs, the Rate in Aid producing a collision between the two

Houses, which was decided in favour of the Lords. In the same year,

however, the most important measure of the Russell Ministry became

law; the repeal, namely, of the Navigation Act, by which the carrying

monopoly was abolished after the retaliation of foreign nations had

reduced the principle of reciprocity, upon which Mr. Huskisson's Act

had been framed, to a dead letter. Supported by the Canadian demand

for liberation from the restrictions of the Navigation Act, Ministers

courageously faced the clamour raised by the Protectionists, and

carried their Bill through the Commons by large majorities. In the

Upper House, however, they snatched a bare majority of ten through the

circumstance that they had more proxies than their opponents.

An effort was made to decide the long-agitated question of the

emancipation of the Jews in the Session of 1849. On the 19th of

February Lord John Russell moved that the House of Commons should go

into committee for the purpose of considering the oaths taken by

members of Parliament, excepting the Roman Catholic oath, settled in

1829. The oath of allegiance, he said, became a mockery when Cardinal

York died, there being no descendants of James II. in existence; he

therefore proposed to abolish it. The oath of abjuration, which was

aimed against Papal aggression, had now no practical effect but to

exclude the Jews from Parliament, which it did by the words "on the

true faith of a Christian," which were never meant to exclude Jews, but

only to give greater solemnity to the oath. He proposed, therefore,

to omit these words when the oath was tendered to a Jew, and this he

thought would complete the measure of religious liberty. The House

resolved by a large majority--214 to 111--to go into committee on the

subject. He then moved a resolution that it was expedient to alter

the Parliamentary oaths so as "to make provision in respect of the

said oaths for the relief of her Majesty's subjects professing the

Jewish religion." A Bill founded on this resolution was brought in

by Lord John Russell. The second reading was carried by a majority

of 278 to 185. The third reading, after an important debate, was

carried by a majority of 66. In the House of Lords the second

reading was moved on the 26th of July, by the Earl of Carlisle, in

an able speech, in which he observed that the Jews, though admitted

to municipal privileges, were the only religious community debarred

from political rights; but there was not, as far as he could see, a

single valid objection upon which they could be refused. The Earl of

Eglinton objected to their admission on religious grounds; so also

did the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Exeter. The former

argued that our national Christianity, to which we owed our greatness,

would be grievously disparaged by the measure. The latter condemned

it as a violation of the distinct contract between the Sovereign

and the nation--that the Crown should maintain "to the utmost the

laws of God and the true profession of the Gospel." The Archbishop

of Dublin (Whately), always the powerful champion of religious

freedom, contended on the other hand that it was inconsistent with

the principles and repugnant to the genius of Christianity that civil

disqualifications and penalties should be imposed on those who did not

conform to it. Their lordships must either retrace their steps, and

exclude from office all who did not belong to the Established Church,

or they must, in consistency, consent to the abrogation of this last

restriction. The Bill was rejected by a majority of 25--the numbers

being, for the second reading, 70; against it, 95.

Before another attempt was made to open the portals of the Legislature

the question was brought to a practical issue by an event similar to

the Clare election, by which O'Connell forced on the decision with

regard to Catholic Emancipation. The City of London had returned

Baron Rothschild as one of its members; and at the morning sitting

on the 26th of July, 1850, he presented himself at the table to take

the oaths. When the clerk presented the New Testament, he said, "I

desire to be sworn on the Old Testament." Sir Robert Inglis, in a

voice tremulous with emotion, exclaimed--"I protest against that." The

Speaker then ordered Baron Rothschild to withdraw. An animated debate

followed as to whether the Baron could be sworn in that way, although

he declared that that was the form of oath most binding upon his

conscience. He presented himself a second time, when there was another

long debate. Ultimately, on the 6th of August, to which the matter was

adjourned, the Attorney-General moved two resolutions--first, that

Baron Rothschild was not entitled to vote in the House till he took the

oath in the form prescribed by law; and, second, that the House would

take the earliest opportunity in the next Session to consider the oath

of abjuration, with a view to the relief of the Jews. These resolutions

were carried--the first, by a majority of 92 to 66; the second, by 142

to 106.