1. Hephaistiôn, son of Amyntor.

2. Leonnatos, son of Anteas.

3. Lysimakhos, son of Agathoklês.

4. Asklepiodôros, son of Timander.

5. Arkhôn, son of Kleinias.

6. Demonikos, son of Athenaios.

7. Arkhias, son of Anaxidotos.

8. Ophellas, son of Seilênos.

9. Timanthês, son of Pantiadês.

Of Amphipolis.

10. Nearkhos, son of Androtîmos, who wrote a narrative of the voyage.

11. Laomedôn, son of Larikhos.

12. Androsthenês, son of Kallistratos.

Of Oresis.

13. Krateros, son of Alexander.

14. Perdikkas, son of Orontes.

Of Eördaia.

15. Ptolemaios, son of Lagos.

16. Aristonous, son of Peisaios.

Of Pydna.

17. Metrôn, son of Epikharmos.

18. Nikarkhidês, son of Simos.

Of Stymphaia.

19. Attalos, son of Andromenês.

Of Mieza.

20. Peukestas, son of Alexander.

Of Alkomenai.

21. Peithôn, son of Krateuas.

Of Aigai.

22. Leonnatos, son of Antipater.

Of Alôros.

23. Pantoukhos, son of Nikolaös.

Of Beroia.

24. Mylleas, son of Zôilos.

All these were Makedonians.

Greeks,—of Larisa:

25. Mêdios, son of Oxynthemis.

Of Kardia.

26. Eumenês, son of Hierônymos.

Of Kôs.

27. Kritoboulos, son of Plato.

Of Magnêsia.

28. Thoas, son of Mênodôros.

29. Maiander, son of Mandrogenês.

Of Teos.

30. Andrôn, son of Kabêlas.

Of Soloi in Cyprus.

31. Nikokleês, son of Pasikratês.

Of Salamis in Cyprus.

32. Nithaphôn, son of Pnutagoras.

A Persian was also appointed as a Trierarch.

33. Bagoas, son of Pharnoukhês.

The Pilot and Master of Alexander’s own ship was Onêsikritos of

Astypalaia, and the Secretary-General of the fleet Euagoras, the son

of Eukleôn, a Corinthian. Nearkhos, the son of Androtîmos, a Kretan

by birth, but a citizen of Amphipolis on the Strymôn was appointed as

Admiral of the expedition.

When these dispositions had been all completed, Alexander sacrificed to

his ancestral gods, and to such as had been indicated by the oracle;

also to Poseidôn and Amphitritê and the Nêreids, and to Okeanos

himself, and to the River Hydaspês, from which he was setting forth on

his enterprise; and to the Akesinês into which the Hydaspês pours its

stream, and to the Indus which receives both these rivers. He further

celebrated the occasion by holding contests in music and gymnastics,

and by distributing to the whole army, rank by rank, the sacrificial

victims.

XIX. When all the preparations for the voyage had been made, Alexander

ordered Krateros, with a force of horse and foot, to go to one side of

the Hydaspês; while Hephaistiôn commanding a still larger force, which

included 200 elephants, should march in a parallel line on the other

side. Alexander himself had under his immediate command the body of

foot guards called the Hypaspists, and all the archers, and what was

called the companion-cavalry,—a force consisting in all of 8,000 men.

The troops under Krateros and Hephaistiôn marching in advance of the

fleet had received instructions where they were to wait its arrival.

Philip, whom he had appointed satrap of this region, was despatched to

the banks of the Akesinês with another large division, for by this time

he had a following of 120,000 soldiers,[34] including those whom he had

himself led up from the sea-coast, as well as the recruits enlisted by

the agents whom he had deputed to collect an army, when he admitted

to his ranks barbarous tribes of all countries in whatever way they

might be armed. Then weighing anchor, he sailed down the Hydaspês to

its point of junction with the Akesinês. The ships numbered altogether

1800, including the long narrow war galleys, the round-shaped roomy

merchantmen, and the transports for carrying horses and provisions

to feed the army. But how the fleet sailed down the rivers, and what

tribes Alexander conquered in the course of the voyage, and how he

was in danger among the Malli,[35] and how he was wounded in their

country, and how Peukestas and Leonnatos covered him with their shields

when he fell,—all these incidents have been already related in my

other work, that which is written in the Attic dialect.[36] My present

object is to give an account of the coasting voyage which Nearkhos

accomplished with the fleet when starting from the mouths of the Indus

he sailed through the great ocean as far as the Persian Gulf, called by

some the Red Sea.

XX. Nearkhos himself has supplied a narrative of this voyage, which

runs to this effect. Alexander, he informs us, had set his heart on

navigating the whole circuit of the sea which extends from India

to Persia, but the length of the voyage made him hesitate, and the

possibility of the destruction of his fleet, should it be cast on some

desert coast either quite harbourless or too barren to furnish adequate

supplies; in which case a great stain tarnishing the splendour of his

former actions would obliterate all his good fortune. His ambition,

however, to be always doing something new and astonishing prevailed

over all his scruples. Then arose a difficulty as to what commander

he should choose, having genius sufficient for working out his plans,

and a difficulty also with regard to the men on ship-board how he

could overcome their fear, that in being despatched on such a service

they were recklessly sent into open peril. Nearkhos here tells us that

Alexander consulted him on the choice of a commander, and that when the

king had mentioned one man after another, rejecting all, some because

they were not inclined to expose themselves for his sake to danger,

others because they were of a timid temper, others because their only

thought was how to get home, making this and that objection to each

in turn, Nearkhos then proffered his own services in these terms: “I,

then, O king, engage to command the expedition, and, under the divine

protection, will conduct the fleet and the people on board safe into

Persia, if the sea be that way navigable, and the undertaking within

the power of man to perform.” Alexander made a pretence of refusing the

offer, saying that he could not think of exposing any friend of his

to the distresses and hazard of such a voyage, but Nearkhos, so far

from withdrawing his proposal, only persisted the more in pressing its

acceptance upon him. Alexander, it need not be said, warmly appreciated

the promptitude to serve him shown by Nearkhos, and appointed him to be

commander-in-chief of the expedition. When this became known, it had a

great effect in calming the minds of the troops ordered on this service

and on the minds of the sailors, since they felt assured that Alexander

would never have sent forth Nearkhos into palpable danger unless their

lives were to be preserved. At the same time the splendour with which

the ships were equipped, and the enthusiasm of the officers vying with

each other who should collect the best men, and have his complement

most effective, inspired even those who had long hung back with nerve

for the work, and a good hope that success would crown the undertaking.

It added to the cheerfulness pervading the army that Alexander himself

sailed out from both the mouths of the Indus into the open main when

he sacrificed victims to Poseidôn and all the other sea-deities, and

presented gifts of great magnificence to the sea; and so the men

trusting to the immeasurable good fortune which had hitherto attended

all the projects of Alexander, believed there was nothing he might not

dare—nothing but would to him be feasible.

XXI. When the Etesian winds,[37] which continue all the hot season

blowing landward from the sea, making navigation on that coast

impracticable, had subsided, then the expedition started on the voyage

in the year when Kephisidôros was Archon at Athens, on the 20th day of

the month Boëdromion according to the Athenian Kalendar, but as the

Makedonians and Asiatics reckon * * in the 11th year of the reign of

Alexander.[38] Nearkhos, before putting to sea sacrifices to Zeus the

Preserver, and celebrates, as Alexander had done, gymnastic games. Then

clearing out of harbour they end the first day’s voyage by anchoring

in the Indus at a creek called Stoura, where they remain for two days.

The distance of this place from the station they had just left was 100

stadia. On the third day they resumed the voyage, but proceeded no

further than 30 stadia, coming to an anchor at another creek, where the

water was now salt, for the sea when filled with the tide ran up the

creek, and its waters even when the tide receded commingled with the

river. The name of this place was Kaumana. The next day’s course, which

was of 20 stadia only, brought them to Koreatis, where they once more

anchored in the river. When again under weigh their progress was soon

interrupted, for a bar was visible which there obstructed the mouth of

the Indus; and the waves were heard breaking with furious roar upon its

strand which was wild and rugged. Observing, however, that the bar at

a particular part was soft, they made a cutting through this, 5 stadia

long, _at low water_, and on the return of the flood-tide carried the

ships through by the passage thus formed into the open sea.[39] Then

following the winding of the coast they ran a course of 120 stadia, and

reach Krôkala,[40] a sandy island where they anchored and remained all

next day. The country adjoining was inhabited by an Indian race called

the Arabies, whom I have mentioned in my longer work, where it is

stated that they derive their name from the River Arabis, which flows

through their country to the sea, and parts them from the Oreitai.[41]

Weighing from Krôkala they had on their right hand a mountain which

the natives called Eiros, and on their left a flat island almost level

with the sea, and so near the mainland to which it runs parallel that

the intervening channel is extremely narrow. Having quite cleared

this passage they come to anchor in a well-sheltered harbour, which

Nearkhos, finding large and commodious, designated Alexander’s Haven.

This harbour is protected by an island lying about 2 stadia off from

its entrance. It is called Bibakta, and all the country round about

Sangada.[42] The existence of the harbour is due altogether to the

island which opposes a barrier to the violence of the sea. Here heavy

gales blew from seaward for many days without intermission, and

Nearkhos fearing lest the barbarians might, some of them, combine to

attack and plunder the camp, fortified his position with an enclosure

of stones. Here they were obliged to remain for 24 days. The soldiers,

we learn from Nearkhos, caught mussels and oysters, and what is called

the razor-fish, these being all of an extraordinary size as compared

with the sorts found in our own sea.[43] He adds that they had no water

to drink but what was brackish.

XXII. As soon as the monsoon ceased they put again to sea, and having

run fully 60 stadia came to anchor at a sandy beach under shelter of

a desert island that lay near, called Domai.[44] On the shore itself

there was no water, but 20 stadia inland it was procured of good

quality. The following day they proceeded 300 stadia to Saranga, where

they did not arrive till night. They anchored close to the shore, and

found water at a distance of about 8 stadia from it. Weighing from

Saranga they reach Sakala, a desert place, and anchored. On leaving

it they passed two rocks so close to each other that the oar-blades

of the galleys grazed both, and after a course of 300 stadia they

came to anchor at Morontobara.[45] The harbour here was deep and

capacious, and well sheltered all round, and its waters quite tranquil,

but the entrance into it was narrow. In the native language it was

called Women’s Haven, because a woman had been the first sovereign

of the place. They thought it a great achievement to have passed

those two rocks in safety, for when they were passing them the sea

was boisterous and running high. They did not remain in Morontobara,

but sailed the day after their arrival, when they had on their left

hand an island which sheltered them from the sea, and which lay so

near to the mainland that the intervening channel looked as if it

had been artificially formed. Its length from one end to the other

was 70 stadia.[46] The shore was woody and the island throughout

over-grown with trees of every description. They were not able to get

fairly through this passage till towards daybreak, for the sea was

not only rough, but also shoal, the tide being at ebb. They sailed on

continuously, and after a course of 120 stadia anchored at the mouth of

the river Arabis, where there was a spacious and very fine haven.[47]

The water here was not fit for drinking, for the sea ran up the mouths

of the Arabis. Having gone, however, about 40 stadia up the river,

they found a pool from which, having drawn water, they returned to the

fleet. Near the harbour is an island high and bare, but the sea around

it supplied oysters and fish of various kinds.[48] As far as this, the

country was possessed by the Arabies, the last Indian people living in

this direction; and the parts beyond were occupied by the Oreitai.[49]

XXIII. On weighing from the mouths of the Arabia, they coasted the

shores of the Oreitai, and after running 200 stadia reached Pagala,[50]

where there was a surf but nevertheless good anchorage. The crew were

obliged to remain on board, a party, however, being sent on shore to

procure water. They sailed next morning at sunrise, and after a course

of about 430 stadia, reached Kabana[51] in the evening, where they

anchored at some distance from the shore, which was a desert; the

violence of the surf by which the vessels were much tossed preventing

them from landing. While running the last course the fleet had been

caught in a heavy gale blowing from seaward, when two galleys and

a transport foundered. All the men, however, saved themselves by

swimming, as the vessels at the time of the disaster were sailing

close to the shore. They weighed from Kabana about midnight, and

having proceeded 200 stadia arrived at Kôkala, where the vessels _could

not be drawn on shore_, but rode at anchor out at sea. As the men,

however, had suffered severely by confinement on board,[52] and were

very much in want of rest, Nearkhos allowed them to go on shore, where

he formed a camp, fortifying it in the usual manner for protection

against the barbarians. In this part of the country Leonnatos, who

had been commissioned by Alexander to reduce the Oreitai and settle

their affairs, defeated that people and their allies in a great

battle, wherein all the leaders and 6,000 men were slain, the loss of

Leonnatos, being only 15 of his horse, besides a few foot-soldiers, and

_one man of note_ Apollophanês, the satrap of the Gedrosians.[53] A

full account, however, of those transactions is given in my other work,

where it is stated that for this service Leonnatos had a golden crown

placed upon his head by Alexander in presence of the Makedonian army.

Agreeably to orders given by Alexander, corn had been here collected

for the victualling of the vessels, and stores sufficient to last for

10 days were put on board. Here also such ships as had been damaged

during the voyage were repaired, while all the mariners that Nearkhos

considered deficient in fortitude for the enterprise, he consigned to

Leonnatos to be taken on by land, but at the same time he made good his

complement of men by taking in exchange others more efficient from the

troops under Leonnatos.

XXIV. From this place they bore away with a fresh breeze, and having

made good a course of 500 stadia anchored near a winter torrent called

the Tomêros, which at its mouth expanded into an estuary.[54] The

natives lived on the marshy ground near the shore in cabins close

and suffocating. Great was their astonishment when they descried the

fleet approaching, but _they were not without courage_, and collecting

in arms on the shore, drew up in line to attack the strangers when

landing. They carried thick spears about 6 cubits long, not headed

with iron, but what was as good, hardened at the point by fire. Their

number was about 600, and when Nearkhos saw that they stood their

ground prepared to fight, he ordered his vessels to advance, and then

to anchor just within bowshot of the shore, for he had noticed that the

thick spears of the barbarians were adapted only for close fight, and

were by no means formidable as missiles. He then issued his directions:

those men that were lightest equipped, and the most active and best

at swimming were to swim to shore at a given signal: when any one

had swum so far that he could stand in the water he was to wait for

his next neighbour, and not advance against the barbarians until a

file could be formed of three men deep: that done, they were to rush

forward shouting the war-cry. The men selected for this service at

once plunged into the sea, and swimming rapidly touched ground, still

keeping due order, when forming in file, they rushed to the charge,

shouting the war-cry, which was repeated from the ships, whence all

the while arrows and missiles from engines were launched against the

enemy. Then the barbarians terrified by the glittering arms and the

rapidity of the landing, and wounded by the arrows and other missiles,

against which they had no protection, being all but entirely naked,

fled at once without making any attempt at resistance. Some perished in

the ensuing flight, others were taken prisoners, and some escaped to

the mountains. Those they captured had shaggy hair, not only on their

head but all over their body; their nails resembled the claws of wild

beasts, and were used, it would seem, instead of iron for dividing fish

and splitting the softer kinds of wood. Things of a hard consistency

they cut with sharp stones, for iron they had none. As clothing they

wore the skins of wild beasts, and occasionally also the thick skins of

the large sorts of fish.[55]

XXV. After this action they draw the ships on shore and repair all

that had been damaged. On the 6th day they weighed again, and after a

course of 300 stadia reached a place called Malana, the last on the

coast, of the Oreitai.[56] In the interior these people dress like

the Indians, and use similar weapons, but differ from them in their

language and their customs. The length of the coast of the Arabies,

measured from the place whence the expedition had sailed, was about

1,000 stadia, and the extent of the coast of the Oreitai 1,600 stadia.

Nearkhos mentions that as they sailed along the Indian coast (for

the people beyond this are not Indians), their shadows did not fall

in the usual direction, for when they stood out a good way to the

southward, their shadows appeared to turn and fall southward.[57] Those

constellations, moreover, which they had been accustomed to see high

in the heavens, were either not visible at all, or were seen just on

the verge of the horizon, while the Polar constellations which had

formerly been always visible now set and soon afterwards rose again. In

this Nearkhos appears to me to assert nothing improbable, for at Syênê

in Egypt they show a well in which, when the sun is at the Tropic,

there is no shadow at noon. In Meroë also objects project no shadow at

that particular time. Hence it is probable that the shadow is subject

to the same law in India which lies to the south, and more especially

in the Indian ocean, which extends still further to the southward.

XXVI. Next to the Oreitai lies Gedrosia,[58] an inland province

through which Alexander led his army, but this with difficulty, for

the region was so desolate that the troops in the whole course of the

expedition never suffered such direful extremities as on this march.

But all the particulars relating to this I have set down in my larger

work (VI. 22-27). The seaboard below the Gedrosians is occupied by a

people culled the Ikhthyophagi, and along this country the fleet now

pursued its way. Weighing from Malana about the second watch they

ran a course of 600 stadia, and reached Bagisara. Here they found a

commodious harbour, and at a distance of 60 stadia from the sea a small

town called Pasira, whence the people of the neighbourhood were called

Pasirees.[59] Weighing early next morning they had to double a headland

which projected far out into the sea, and was high and precipitous.

Here having dug wells, and got only a small supply of bad water, they

rode at anchor that day because a high surf prevented the vessels

approaching the shore. They left this place next day, and sailed till

they reached Kolta after a course of 200 stadia.[60] Weighing thence

at daybreak they reached Kalama, after a course of 600 stadia, and

there anchored.[61] Near the beach was a village around which grew a

few palm-trees, the dates on which were still green. There was here an

island called Karbinê, distant from the shore about 100 stadia.[62]

The villagers by way of showing their hospitality brought presents

of sheep and fish to Nearkhos, who says that the mutton had a fishy

taste like the flesh of sea birds for the sheep fed on fish, there

being no grass in the place. Next day they proceeded 200 stadia, and

anchored off a shore near which lay a village called Kissa, 30 stadia

inland.[63] That coast was however called Karbis. There they found

little boats such as might belong to miserably poor fishermen, but

the men themselves they saw nothing of, for they had fled when they

observed the ships dropping anchor. No corn was here procurable, but

a few goats had been left, which were seized and put on board, for in

the fleet provisions now ran short. On weighing they doubled a steep

promontory, which projected about 150 stadia into the sea, and then put

into a well-sheltered haven called Mosarna, where they anchored. Here

the natives were fishermen, and here they obtained water.[64]

XXVII. From this place they took on board, Nearkhos says, as pilot of

the fleet, a Gedrosian called Hydrakês, who undertook to conduct them

as far as Karmania.[65] Thenceforth until they reached the Persian

Gulf, the voyage was more practicable, and the names of the stations

more familiar. Departing from Mosarna at night, they sailed 750 stadia,

and reached the coast of Balômon. They touched next at Barna, which

was 400 stadia distant.[66] Here grew many palm trees, and here was

a garden wherein were myrtles and flowers from which the men wove

chaplets for their hair.[67] They saw now for the first time cultivated

trees, and met with natives in a condition above that of mere savages.

Leaving this they followed the winding of the coast, and arrived at

Dendrobosa, where they anchor in the open sea.[68] They weighed from

this about midnight, and after a course of about 400 stadia gained

the haven of Kôphas.[69] The inhabitants were fishermen possessed of

small and wretched boats, which they did not manage with oars fastened

to a row-lock according to the Grecian manner, but with paddles which

they thrust on this side, and on that into the water, like diggers

using a spade. They found at this haven plenty of good water. Weighing

about the first watch they ran 800 stadia, and put into Kyiza, where

was a desert shore with a high surf breaking upon it.[70] They were

accordingly obliged to let the ships ride at anchor and take their meal

on board. Leaving this they ran a course of 500 stadia, and came to

a small town built on an eminence not far from the shore. On turning

his eyes in that direction Nearkhos noticed that the land had some

appearance of being cultivated, and thereupon addressing Arkhias (who

was the son of Anaxidotos of Pella, and sailed in the Commander’s

galley, being a Makedonian of distinction) pointed out to him that

they must take possession of the place, as the inhabitants would not

willingly supply the army with food. It could not however be taken by

assault, a tedious siege would be necessary, and they were already

short of provisions. But the country was one that produced corn as the

thick stubble which they saw covering the fields near the shore clearly

proved. This proposal being approved of by all, he ordered Arkhias to

make a feint of preparing the fleet, all but one ship to sail, while he

himself, pretending to be left behind with that ship, approached the

town as if merely to view it.

The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythræan Sea Being a Translation of the Periplus Maris Erythræi, by an Anonymous Writer, and of Arrian's Account of the Voyage of Nearkhos, from the Mouth of the Indus to the Head of the Persian Gulf · 第 10 / 15 段