not all, the landings on the Patuxent River, and by their presence with
arms in their hands are frightening quiet people and producing great
confusion. Have they been sent there by any order, and if so, for what
reason?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL R. C. SCHENCK.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 22, 1863.1.30 P.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:
Please come over here. The fact of one of our officers being killed on the
Patuxent is a specimen of what I would avoid. It seems to me we could
send white men to recruit better than to send negroes and thus inaugurate
homicides on punctilio.
Please come over.
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 24, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:
Taking all our information together, I think it probable that Ewell's
corps has started for East Tennessee by way of Abingdon, marching
last Monday, say from Meade's front directly to the railroad at
Charlottesville.
First, the object of Lee's recent movement against Meade; his destruction
of the Alexandria and Orange Railroad, and subsequent withdrawal
without more motive, not otherwise apparent, would be explained by this
hypothesis.
Secondly, the direct statement of Sharpe's men that Ewell has gone to
Tennessee.
Thirdly, the Irishman's [Northern Spy in Richmond] statement that he has
not gone through Richmond, and his further statement of an appeal made
to the people at Richmond to go and protect their salt, which could only
refer to the works near Abingdon.
Fourthly, Graham's statement from Martinsburg that Imboden is in retreat
for Harrisonburg. This last matches with the idea that Lee has retained
his cavalry, sending Imboden and perhaps other scraps to join Ewell. Upon
this probability what is to be done?
If you have a plan matured, I have nothing to say. If you have not, then
I suggest that, with all possible expedition, the Army of the Potomac
get ready to attack Lee, and that in the meantime a raid shall, at all
hazards, break the railroad at or near Lynchburg.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TO E. B. WASHBURNE.
(Private and Confidential.)
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 26, 1863.
HON. E. B. WASHBURNE.
MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 12th has been in my hands several days.
Inclosed I send the leave of absence for your brother, in as good form as
I think I can safely put it. Without knowing whether he would accept it. I
have tendered the collectorship at Portland, Maine, to your other brother,
the governor.
Thanks to both you and our friend Campbell for your kind words and
intentions. A second term would be a great honor and a great labor, which,
together, perhaps I would not decline if tendered.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TO SECRETARY CHASE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 26, 1863.
HON. SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
MY DEAR SIR:--The writer of the accompanying letter is one of Mrs.
Lincoln's numerous cousins. He is a grandson of "Milliken's Bend," near
Vicksburg--that is, a grandson of the man who gave name to Milliken's
Bend. His father was a brother to MRS. Lincoln's mother. I know not a
thing about his loyalty beyond what he says. Supposing he is loyal, can
any of his requests be granted, and if any, which of them?
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
THE PAPERS AND WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN
VOLUME SEVEN
CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION
By Abraham Lincoln
Edited by Arthur Brooks Lapsley
THE WRITINGS OF A. LINCOLN, Volume Seven, 1863-1865
1863
OPINION ON THE LOSS OF GENERAL R. H. MILROY'S DIVISION.
October 27, 1863.
In June last a division was substantially lost at or near Winchester, Va.
At the time, it was under General Milroy as immediate commander in the
field, General Schenck as department commander at Baltimore, and General
Halleck as general-in-chief at Washington.
General Milroy, as immediate commander, was put in arrest, and
subsequently a court of inquiry examined chiefly with reference to
disobedience of orders, and reported the evidence.
The foregoing is a synoptical statement of the evidence, together with the
judge-advocate-general's conclusions. The disaster, when it came, was a
surprise to all. It was very well known to Generals Shenck and Milroy for
some time before, that General Halleck thought the division was in great
danger of a surprise at Winchester; that it was of no service commensurate
with the risk it incurred, and that it ought to be withdrawn; but,
although he more than once advised its withdrawal, he never positively
ordered it. General Schenck, on the contrary, believed the service of the
force at Winchester was worth the hazard, and so did not positively
order its withdrawal until it was so late that the enemy cut the wire and
prevented the order reaching General Milroy.
General Milroy seems to have concurred with General Schenck in the opinion
that the force should be kept at Winchester at least until the approach of
danger, but he disobeyed no order upon the subject.
Some question can be made whether some of General Halleck's dispatches to
General Schenk should not have been construed to be orders to withdraw the
force, and obeyed accordingly; but no such question can be made against
General Milroy. In fact, the last order he received was to be prepared to
withdraw, but not to actually withdraw until further order, which further
order never reached him.
Serious blame is not necessarily due to any serious disaster, and I cannot
say that in this case any of the officers are deserving of serious blame.
No court-martial is deemed necessary or proper in the case.
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.
Private and confidential
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 28, 1863.
GENERAL JOHN M. SCHOFIELD:
There have recently reached the War Department, and thence been laid
before me, from Missouri, three communications, all similar in import and
identical in object. One of them, addressed to nobody, and without place
or date, but having the signature of (apparently) the writer, is a letter
of eight closely written foolscap pages. The other two are written by
a different person, at St. Joseph, Mo., and of the dates, respectively,
October 12 and 13, 1863, and each inclosing a large number of affidavits.
The general statements of the whole are that the Federal and State
authorities are arming the disloyal and disarming the loyal, and that the
latter will all be killed or driven out of the State unless there shall be
a change. In particular, no loyal man who has been disarmed is named, but
the affidavits show by name forty-two persons as disloyal who have been
armed. They are as follows: [The names are omitted.]
A majority of these are shown to have been in the rebel service. I believe
it could be shown that the government here has deliberately armed more
than ten times as many captured at Gettysburg, to say nothing of similar
operations in East Tennessee. These papers contain altogether thirty--one
manuscript pages, and one newspaper in extenso, and yet I do not find it
anywhere charged in them that any loyal man has been harmed by reason of
being disarmed, or that any disloyal one has harmed anybody by reason of
being armed by the Federal or State Government. Of course, I have not had
time to carefully examine all; but I have had most of them examined and
briefed by others, and the result is as stated. The remarkable fact that
the actual evil is yet only anticipated--inferred--induces me to suppose I
understand the case; but I do not state my impression, because I might
be mistaken, and because your duty and mine is plain in any event. The
locality of nearly all this seems to be St. Joseph and Buchanan County.
I wish you to give special attention to this region, particularly on
election day. Prevent violence from whatever quarter, and see that the
soldiers themselves do no wrong.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.
[Cipher.]
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 28, 1863.
HON. ANDREW JOHNSON, Nashville, Tenn.: If not too inconvenient, please
come at once and have a personal conversation with me.
A. LINCOLN.
TO VICE-PRESIDENT HAMLIN.
AN ACT TO REGULATE THE DUTIES OF THE CLERK OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
IN PREPARING FOR THE ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled, that, before the first meeting of
the next Congress, and of every subsequent Congress, the clerk of the
next preceding House of Representatives shall make a roll of the
Representatives elect, and place thereon the names of all persons, and of
such persons only, whose credentials show that they were regularly elected
in accordance with the laws of their States respectively, or the laws of
the United States.
Approved March 3, 1863.
TO J. W. GRIMES.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, D.C., October 29, 1863.
HON. JAMES W. GRIMES.
MY DEAR SIR:--The above act of Congress was passed, as I suppose, for
the purpose of shutting out improper applicants for seats in the House of
Representatives; and I fear there is some danger that it will be used to
shut out proper ones. Iowa, having an entire Union delegation, will be
one of the States the attempt will be made, if upon any. The Governor
doubtless has made out the certificates, and they are already in the
hands of the members. I suggest that they come on with them; but that, for
greater caution, you, and perhaps Mr. Harlan with you, consult with the
Governor, and have an additional set made out according to the form on the
other half of this sheet; and still another set, if you can, by studying
the law, think of a form that in your judgment, promises additional
security, and quietly bring the whole on with you, to be used in case of
necessity. Let what you do be kept still.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO P. F. LOWE.
[Cipher.]
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 30, 1863.
HON. F. F. LOWE, San Francisco, Cal.:
Below is an act of Congress, passed last session, intended to exclude
applicants not entitled to seats, but which, there is reason to fear, will
be used to exclude some who are entitled. Please get with the Governor
and one or two other discreet friends, study the act carefully, and make
certificates in two or three forms, according to your best judgement,
and have them sent to me, so as to multiply the chances of the delegation
getting their seats. Let it be done without publicity. Below is a form
which may answer for one. If you could procure the same to be done for the
Oregon member it might be well.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 30, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:
Much obliged for the information about deserters contained in your
dispatch of yesterday, while I have to beg your pardon for troubling you
in regard to some of them, when, as it appears by yours, I had the means
of answering my own questions.
A. LINCOLN.
MEMORANDUM.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 31, 1863.
The Provost-Marshal-General has issued no proclamation at all. He has
in no form announced anything recently in regard to troops in New York,
except in his letter to Governor Seymour of October 21, which has been
published in the newspapers of that State. It has not been announced or
decided in any form by the Provost-Marshal-General, or any one else in
authority of the Government, that every citizen who has paid his three
hundred dollars commutation is liable to be immediately drafted again, or
that towns that have just raised the money to pay their quotas will have
again to be subject to similar taxation or suffer the operations of the
new conscription, nor it is probable that the like of them ever will be
announced or decided.
TELEGRAM TO W. H. SEWARD.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 1, 1863.
HON. W. H. SEWARD, Auburn, N.Y.:
No important news. Details of Hooker's night fight do great credit to his
command, and particularly to the Eleventh Corps and Geary's part of the
Twelfth. No discredit on any.
A. LINCOLN.
TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL BLAIR.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, November 2, 1863.
HON. MONTGOMERY BLAIR.
MY DEAR SIR:--Some days ago I understood you to say that your brother,
General Frank Blair, desires to be guided by my wishes as to whether he
will occupy his seat in Congress or remain in the field. My wish, then, is
compounded of what I believe will be best for the country; and it is that
he will come here, put his military commission in my hands, take his seat,
go into caucus with our friends, abide the nominations, help elect the
nominees, and thus aid to organize a House of Representatives which will
really support the Government in the war. If the result shall be the
election of himself as Speaker, let him serve in that position. If not,
let him retake his commission and return to the army for the benefit of
the country.
This will heal a dangerous schism for him. It will relieve him from a
dangerous position or a misunderstanding, as I think he is in danger of
being permanently separated from those with whom only he can ever have a
real sympathy--the sincere opponents of slavery.
It will be a mistake if he shall allow the provocations offered him by
insincere time-servers to drive him from the house of his own building. He
is young yet. He has abundant talents--quite enough to occupy all his time
without devoting any to temper.
He is rising in military skill and usefulness. His recent appointment to
the command of a corps, by one so competent to judge as General Sherman,
proves this. In that line he can serve both the country and himself more
profitably than he could as a member of Congress upon the floor.
The foregoing is what I would say if Frank Blair was my brother instead of
yours.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 2, 1863.
His EXCELLENCY A. W. BRADFORD, Governor of Maryland.
SIR:--Yours of the 31st ult. was received yesterday about noon, and since
then I have been giving most earnest attention to the subject-matter
of it. At my call General Schenck has attended, and he assures me it is
almost certain that violence will be used at some of the voting places on
election day unless prevented by his provost-guards. He says that at some
of those places Union voters will not attend at all, or run a ticket,
unless they have some assurance of protection. This makes the Missouri
case, of my action in regard to which you express your approval.
The remaining point of your letter is a protest against any person
offering to vote being put to any test not found in the laws of Maryland.
This brings us to a difference between Missouri and Maryland. With the
same reason in both States, Missouri has, by law, provided a test for the
voter with reference to the present rebellion, while Maryland has not. For
example, General Trimble, captured fighting us at Gettysburg, is, without
recanting his treason, a legal voter by the laws of Maryland. Even General
Schenck's order admits him to vote, if he recants upon oath. I think that
is cheap enough. My order in Missouri, which you approve, and General
Scherick's order here, reach precisely the same end. Bach assures the
right of voting to all loyal men, and whether a man is loyal, each allows
that man to fix by his own oath. Your suggestion that nearly all the
candidates are loyal, I do not think quite meets the case. In this
struggle for the nation's life, I cannot so confidently rely on those
whose elections may have depended upon disloyal votes. Such men, when
elected, may prove true; but such votes are given them in the expectation
that they will prove false.
Nor do I think that to keep the peace at the polls, and to prevent the
persistently disloyal from voting, constitutes just cause of offense to
Maryland. I think she has her own example for it. If I mistake not, it is
precisely what General Dix did when your Excellency was elected Governor.
I revoke the first of the three propositions in General Schenek's General
Order No. 53; not that it is wrong in principle, but because the military,
being of necessity exclusive judges as to who shall be arrested, the
provision is too liable to abuse. For the revoked part I substitute the
following:
That, all provost-marshals and other military officers do prevent all
disturbance and violence at or about the polls, whether offered by such
persons as above described, or by any other person or persons whomsoever.
The other two propositions of the order I allow to stand. General Schenek
is fully determined, and has my strict orders besides, that all loyal men
may vote, and vote for whom they please.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN.
TO J. H. HACKETT
[Private.]
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 2, 1863.
JAMES H. HACKETT.
MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of October 22d is received, as also was, in
due course, that of October 3d. I look forward with pleasure to the
fulfillment of the promise made in the former to visit Washington the
following winter and to "call."
Give yourself no uneasiness on the subject mentioned in that of the 22d.
My note to you I certainly did not expect to see in print, yet I have not
been much shocked by the newspaper comments upon it.
Those comments constitute a fair specimen of what has occurred to me
through life. I have endured a great deal of ridicule, without much
malice; and have received a great deal of kindness not quite free from
ridicule. I am used to it.
TELEGRAM TO W. H. SEWARD.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, November 3, 1863.
HON. W. H. SEWARD, Auburn, N. Y.:
Nothing new. Dispatches up to 12 last night from Chattanooga show all
quiet and doing well. How is your son?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 3, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:
Samuel Wellers, private in Company B, Forty-ninth Pennsylvania Volunteers,
writes that he is to be shot for desertion on the 6th instant. His own
story is rather a bad one, and yet he tells it so frankly, that I
am somewhat interested in him. Has he been a good soldier except the
desertion? About how old is he?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
EXECUTIVE, MANSION WASHINGTON, D. C., November 5, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:
Please suspend the execution of Samuel Wellers, Forty-ninth Pennsylvania
Volunteers, until further orders.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE. WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, November
9, 1863.4 P.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Knoxville, Tenn.:
Have seen dispatch from General Grant about your loss at Rogersville. Per
contra, about the same time, Averell and Duffle got considerable advantage
of the enemy at and about Lewisburg, Virginia: and on Saturday, the
seventh, Meade drove the enemy from Rappahannock Station and Kelly's Ford,
capturing eight battle-flags, four guns, and over 1800 prisoners, with
very little loss to himself. Let me hear from you.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. G. MEADE.
WASHINGTON, November 9, 1863 7.30 P.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE:
I have seen your dispatches about operations on the Rappahannock on
Saturday, and I wish to say, "Well done!" Do the 1500 prisoners reported
by General Sedgwick include the 400 taken by General French, or do the
Whole amount to 1900?
A. LINCOLN.
ORDER CONCERNING THE EXPORT OF TOBACCO PURCHASED BY FOREIGN NATIONS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, November 10, 1863.
In consideration of the peculiar circumstances and pursuant to the comity
deemed to be due to friendly powers, any tobacco in the United States
belonging to the government either of France, Austria, or any other state
with which this country is at peace, and which tobacco was purchased and
paid for by such government prior to the 4th day of March, 1861, may be
exported from any port of the United States under the supervision and upon
the responsibility of naval officers of such governments and in conformity
to such regulations as may be presented by the Secretary of State of the
United States, and not otherwise.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 10, 1863.
GENERAL SCHOFIELD, Saint Louis, Mo.:
I see a dispatch here from Saint Louis, which is a little difficult
for me to understand. It says "General Schofield has refused leave of
absence to members in military service to attend the legislature. All such
are radical and administration men. The election of two Senators from
this place on Thursday will probably turn upon this thing." what does this
mean? Of course members of the legislation must be allowed to attend its
sessions. But how is there a session before the recent election returns
are in? And how is it to be at "this place"--and that is Saint Louis?
Please inform me.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 11, 1863.
GENERAL SCHOFIELD, Saint Louis, Mo.:
I believe the Secretary of War has telegraphed you about members of the
legislation. At all events, allow those in the service to attend the
session, and we can afterward decide whether they can stay through the
entire session.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO HIRAM BARNEY.
[Cipher.]
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 11, 1863.
HON. HIRAM BARNEY, New York; I would like an interview with you. Can you
not come?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO J. MILDERBORGER.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, D. C., November 11, 1863.
JOHN MILDERBORGER, Peru, Ind.:
I cannot comprehend the object of your dispatch. I do not often decline
seeing people who call upon me, and probably will see you if you call.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM to E. H. AND E. JAMESON.
WAR DEPARTMENT,
WASHINGTON, D. C., November 13, 1863.
E. H. and E. JAMESON, Jefferson City, Mo.:
Yours saying Brown and Henderson are elected Senators is received. I
understand this is one and one. If so it is knocking heads together to
some.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, November 14, 1863. 12.15 P.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Cincinnati, Ohio:
I have received and considered your dispatch of yesterday. Of the reports
you mention, I have not the means of seeing any except your own. Besides
this, the publication might be improper in view of the court of inquiry
which has been ordered. With every disposition, not merely to do justice,
but to oblige you, I feel constrained to say I think the publications
better not be made now.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, November 16, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Knoxville, Tenn.:
What is the news?
A. LINCOLN.
TO SECRETARY CHASE
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 17, 1863.
HON. SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
MY DEAR SIR:--I expected to see you here at Cabinet meeting, and to say
something about going to Gettysburg. There will be a train to take and
return us. The time for starting is not yet fixed, but when it shall be I
will notify you.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
ADDRESS AT GETTYSBURG
NOVEMBER 19, 1863.
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this
continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or
any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a
great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that
field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that
that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should
do this.
But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we
can not hallow--this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled
here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.
The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can
never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be
dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus
far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the
great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take
increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure
of devotion that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have
died in vain--that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of
freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people,
shall not perish from the earth.