in this case that question is a perplexing compound--Union and slavery.
It thus becomes a question not of two sides merely, but of at least four
sides, even among those who are for the Union, saying nothing of those who
are against it. Thus, those who are for the Union with, but not without
slavery; those for it without, but not with; those for it with or without,
but prefer it with; and those for it with or without, but prefer it
without.
Among these, again, is a subdivision of those who are for gradual, but
not for immediate, and those who are for immediate, but not for gradual
extinction of slavery.
It is easy to conceive that all these shades of opinion, and even more,
may be sincerely entertained by honest and truthful men. Yet, all being
for the Union, by reason of these differences each will prefer a different
way of sustaining the Union. At once, sincerity is questioned, and motives
are assailed. Actual war comming, blood grows hot and blood is spilled.
Thought is forced from old channels into confusion. Deception breeds and
thrives. Confidence dies, and universal suspicion reigns. Each man feels
an impulse to kill his neighbor, lest he be killed by him. Revenge and
retaliation follow. And all this, as before said, may be among honest men
only. But this is not all. Every foul bird comes abroad, and every dirty
reptile rises up. These add crime to confusion. Strong measures
deemed indispensable, but harsh at best, such men make worse by
maladministration. Murders for old grudges, and murders for self, proceed
under any cloak that will best serve for the occasion.
These causes amply account for what has occurred in Missouri, without
ascribing it to the weakness or wickedness of any general. The newspaper
files, those chroniclers of current events, will show that the evils now
complained of were quite as prevalent under Fremont, Hunter, Halleck, and
Curtis, as under Schofield. If the former had greater force opposed
to them, they also had greater force with which to meet it. When the
organized rebel army left the State, the main Federal force had to go
also, leaving the department commander at home relatively no stronger
than before. Without disparaging any, I affirm with confidence that no
commander of that department has, in proportion to his means, done better
than General Schofield.
The first specific charge against General Schofield is, that the enrolled
militia was placed under his command, whereas it had not been placed under
the command of General Curtis. The fact is, I believe, true; but you do
not point out, nor can I conceive, how that did, or could, injure loyal
men or the Union cause.
You charge that, General Curtis being superseded by General Schofield,
Franklin A. Dick was superseded by James O. Broadhead as Provost-Marshal
General. No very specific showing is made as to how this did or could
injure the Union cause. It recalls, however, the condition of things, as
presented to me, which led to a change of commander of that department.
To restrain contraband intelligence and trade, a system of searches,
seizures, permits, and passes, had been introduced, I think, by General
Fremont. When General Halleck came, he found and continued the system, and
added an order, applicable to some parts of the State, to levy and
collect contributions from noted rebels, to compensate losses and relieve
destitution caused by the rebellion. The action of General Fremont and
General Halleck, as stated, constituted a sort of system which General
Curtis found in full operation when he took command of the department.
That there was a necessity for something of the sort was clear; but that
it could only be justified by stern necessity, and that it was liable to
great abuse in administration, was equally clear. Agents to execute it,
contrary to the great prayer, were led into temptation. Some might, while
others would not, resist that temptation. It was not possible to hold
any to a very strict accountability; and those yielding to the temptation
would sell permits and passes to those who would pay most and most readily
for them, and would seize property and collect levies in the aptest way
to fill their own pockets. Money being the object, the man having money,
whether loyal or disloyal, would be a victim. This practice doubtless
existed to some extent, and it was, a real additional evil that it could
be, and was, plausibly charged to exist in greater extent than it did.
When General Curtis took command of the department, Mr. Dick, against
whom I never knew anything to allege, had general charge of this system.
A controversy in regard to it rapidly grew into almost unmanageable
proportions. One side ignored the necessity and magnified the evils of the
system, while the other ignored the evils and magnified the necessity;
and each bitterly assailed the other. I could not fail to see that the
controversy enlarged in the same proportion as the professed Union men
there distinctly took sides in two opposing political parties. I exhausted
my wits, and very nearly my patience also, in efforts to convince both
that the evils they charged on each other were inherent in the case, and
could not be cured by giving either party a victory over the other.
Plainly, the irritating system was not to be perpetual; and it was
plausibly urged that it could be modified at once with advantage. The case
could scarcely be worse, and whether it could be made better could only
be determined by a trial. In this view, and not to ban or brand General
Curtis, or to give a victory to any party, I made the change of commander
for the department. I now learn that soon after this change Mr. Dick was
removed, and that Mr. Broadhead, a gentleman of no less good character,
was put in the place. The mere fact of this change is more distinctly
complained of than is any conduct of the new officer, or other consequence
of the change.
I gave the new commander no instructions as to the administration of
the system mentioned, beyond what is contained in the private letter
afterwards surreptitiously published, in which I directed him to act
solely for the public good, and independently of both parties. Neither any
thing you have presented me, nor anything I have otherwise learned, has
convinced me that he has been unfaithful to this charge.
Imbecility is urged as one cause for removing General Schofield; and
the late massacre at Lawrence, Kansas, is pressed as evidence of that
imbecility. To my mind that fact scarcely tends to prove the proposition.
That massacre is only an example of what Grierson, John Morgan, and many
others might have repeatedly done on their respective raids, had they
chosen to incur the personal hazard, and possessed the fiendish hearts to
do it.
The charge is made that General Schofield, on purpose to protect the
Lawrence murderers, would not allow them to be pursued into Missouri.
While no punishment could be too sudden or too severe for those murderers,
I am well satisfied that the preventing of the threatened remedial raid
into Missouri was the only way to avoid an indiscriminate massacre there,
including probably more innocent than guilty. Instead of condemning, I
therefore approve what I understand General Schofield did in that respect.
The charges that General Schofield has purposely withheld protection from
loyal people and purposely facilitated the objects of the disloyal are
altogether beyond my power of belief. I do not arraign the veracity of
gentlemen as to the facts complained of, but I do more than question the
judgment which would infer that those facts occurred in accordance with
the purposes of General Schofield.
With my present views, I must decline to remove General Schofield. In
this I decide nothing against General Butler. I sincerely wish it were
convenient to assign him a suitable command. In order to meet some
existing evils I have addressed a letter of instructions to General
Schofield, a copy of which I enclose to you.
As to the enrolled militia, I shall endeavor to ascertain better than
I now know what is its exact value. Let me say now, however, that your
proposal to substitute national forces for the enrolled militia implies
that in your judgment the latter is doing something which needs to be
done; and if so, the proposition to throw that force away and to supply
its place by bringing other forces from the field where they are urgently
needed seems to me very extraordinary. Whence shall they come? Shall they
be withdrawn from Banks, or Grant, or Steele, or Rosecrans? Few things
have been so grateful to my anxious feelings as when, in June last, the
local force in Missouri aided General Schofield to so promptly send
a large general force to the relief of General Grant, then investing
Vicksburg and menaced from without by General Johnston. Was this all
wrong? Should the enrolled militia then have been broken up and General
Herron kept from Grant to police Missouri? So far from finding cause to
object, I confess to a sympathy for whatever relieves our general force
in Missouri and allows it to serve elsewhere. I therefore, as at present
advised, cannot attempt the destruction of the enrolled militia of
Missouri. I may add that, the force being under the national military
control, it is also within the proclamation in regard to the habeas
corpus.
I concur in the propriety of your request in regard to elections, and
have, as you see, directed General Schofield accordingly. I do not feel
justified to enter upon the broad field you present in regard to the
political differences between Radicals and Conservatives. From time to
time I have done and said what appeared to me proper to do and say.
The public knows it all. It obliges nobody to follow me, and I trust it
obliges me to follow nobody. The Radicals and Conservatives each agree
with me in some things and disagree in others. I could wish both to agree
with me in all things, for then they would agree with each other, and
would be too strong for any foe from any quarter. They, however, choose to
do otherwise; and I do not question their right. I too shall do what
seems to be my duty. I hold whoever commands in Missouri or elsewhere
responsible to me and not to either Radicals or Conservatives. It is my
duty to hear all, but at last I must, within my sphere, judge what to do
and what to forbear.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN.
THE CASE OF DR. DAVID M. WRIGHT
APPROVAL OF THE DECISION OF THE COURT
WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERALS OFFICE,
WASHINGTON, October 8, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL J. G. FOSTER, Commanding Department of Virginia and North
Carolina, Fort Monroe, Va.
SIR:--The proceedings of the military commission instituted for the trial
of David Wright, of Norfolk, in Special Orders Nos. 195, 196, and 197, of
1863, from headquarters Department of Virginia, have been submitted to the
President of the United States. The following are his remarks on the case:
Upon the presentation of the record in this case and the examination
thereof, aided by the report thereon of the Judge-Advocate-General, and
on full hearing of counsel for the accused, being specified that no proper
question remained open except as to the sanity of the accused, I caused a
very full examination to be made on that question, upon a great amount of
evidence, including all effort by the counsel for accused, by an expert
of high reputation in that professional department, who thereon reports to
me, as his opinion, that the accused, Dr. David M. Wright, was not insane
prior to or on the 11th day of July, 1863, the date of the homicide of
Lieutenant Sanborn; that he has not been insane since, and is not insane
now (Oct. 7, 1863). I therefore approve the finding and sentence of the
military commission, and direct that the major-general in command of the
department including the place of trial, and wherein the convict is now in
custody, appoint a time and place and carry such sentence into execution.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 8, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:
I am appealed to in behalf of August Blittersdorf, at Mitchell's Station,
Va., to be shot to-morrow as a deserter. I am unwilling for any boy under
eighteen to be shot, and his father affirms that he is yet under sixteen.
Please answer. His regiment or company not given me.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 8, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:
The boy telegraphs from Mitchell's Station, Va. The father thinks he is in
the One hundred and nineteenth Pennsylvania Volunteers. The father signs
the name "Blittersdorf." I can tell no more.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 12, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:
The father and mother of John Murphy, of the One hundred and nineteenth
Pennsylvania Volunteers, have filed their own affidavits that he was born
June 22, 1846, and also the affidavits of three other persons who all
swear that they remembered the circumstances of his birth and that it
was in the year 1846, though they do not remember the particular day. I
therefore, on account of his tender age, have concluded to pardon him, and
to leave it to yourself whether to discharge him or continue him in the
service.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO W. S. ROSECRANS.
[Cipher.]
WAR DEPARTMENT, October 12, 1863.8.35 A.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Chattanooga, Term.:
As I understand, Burnside is menaced from the west, and so cannot go to
you without surrendering East Tennessee. I now think the enemy will not
attack Chattanooga, and I think you will have to look out for his making
a concentrated drive at Burnside. You and Burnside now have him by the
throat, and he must break your hold or perish I therefore think you better
try to hold the road up to Kingston, leaving Burnside to what is above
there. Sherman is coming to you, though gaps in the telegraph prevent our
knowing how far he is advanced. He and Hooker will so support you on the
west and northwest as to enable you to look east and northeast. This is
not an order. General Halleck will give his views.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. G. MEADE.
WASHINGTON, October 12, 1863. 9 A.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE: What news this morning? A despatch from Rosecrans,
leaving him at 7.30 P.M. yesterday, says:
"Rebel rumors that head of Ewell's column reached Dalton yesterday."
I send this for what it is worth.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO WAYNE McVEIGH.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 13, 1863.
McVEIGH, Philadelphia:
The enemy some days ago made a movement, apparently to turn General
Meade's right. This led to a maneuvering of the two armies and to pretty
heavy skirmishing on Saturday, Sunday, and Monday. We have frequent
despatches from General Meade and up to 10 o'clock last night nothing had
happened giving either side any marked advantage. Our army reported to be
in excellent condition. The telegraph is open to General Meade's camp this
morning, but we have not troubled him for a despatch.
A. LINCOLN.
TO THURLOW WEED.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 14, 1863.
HON. THURLOW WEED.
DEAR SIR:--I have been brought to fear recently that somehow, by
commission or omission, I have caused you some degree of pain. I have
never entertained an unkind feeling or a disparaging thought toward you;
and if I have said or done anything which has been construed into such
unkindness or disparagement, it has been misconstrued. I am sure if we
could meet we would not part with any unpleasant impression On either
side.
Yours as ever,
A. LINCOLN.
TO L. B. TODD.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 15, 1863.
L. B. TODD, Lexington, Ky.:
I send the following pass to your care.
A. LINCOLN.
AID TO MRS. HELM, MRS. LINCOLN'S SISTER
WASHINGTON, D. C.. October 15, 1863.
To WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:
Allow MRS. Robert S. Todd, widow, to go south and bring her daughter, MRS.
General B. Hardin Helm, with her children, north to Kentucky.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FOSTER.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 15, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL FOSTER, Fort Monroe, Va.:
Postpone the execution of Dr. Wright to Friday the 23d instant (October).
This is intended for his preparation and is final.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 15, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:
On the 4th instant you telegraphed me that Private Daniel Hanson, of
Ninety-seventh New York Volunteers, had not yet been tried. When he shall
be, please notify me of the result, with a brief statement of his case, if
he be convicted. Gustave Blittersdorf, who you say is enlisted in the One
hundred and nineteenth Pennsylvania Volunteers as William Fox, is proven
to me to be only fifteen years old last January. I pardon him, and you
will discharge him or put him in the ranks at your discretion. Mathias
Brown, of Nineteenth Pennsylvania Volunteers, is proven to me to be
eighteen last May, and his friends say he is convicted on an enlistment
and for a desertion both before that time. If this last be true he is
pardoned, to be kept or discharged as you please. If not true suspend his
execution and report the facts of his case. Did you receive my despatch of
12th pardoning John Murphy?
A. LINCOLN.
[The Lincoln papers during this time have a suspended execution on almost
every other page, I have omitted most of these D.W.]
TELEGRAM TO T. W. SWEENEY.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 16, 1863.
THOMAS W. SWEENEY, Continental, Philadelphia:
Tad is teasing me to have you forward his pistol to him.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO T. C. DURANT.
WASHINGTON, D. C., October 16, 1863.
T. C. DURANT, New York:
I remember receiving nothing from you of the 10th, and I do not comprehend
your despatch of to-day. In fact I do not remember, if I ever knew, who
you are, and I have very little conception as to what you are telegraphing
about.
A. LINCOLN.
COMMENT ON A NOTE.
NEW YORK, October 15, 1863.
DEAR SIR: On the point of leaving I am told, by a gentleman to
whose statements I attach credit, that the opposition policy for the
Presidential campaign will be to "abstain from voting." J.
[Comment.]
More likely to abstain from stopping, once they get at it, until they
shall have voted several times each.
October 16. A. L.
TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 16, 1863.
MAJOR GENERAL HALLECK:
I do not believe Lee can have over 60,000 effective men.
Longstreet's corps would not be sent away to bring an equal force back
upon the same road; and there is no other direction for them to have come
from.
Doubtless, in making the present movement, Lee gathered in all available
scraps, and added them to Hill's and Ewell's corps; but that is all, and
he made the movement in the belief that four corps had left General Meade;
and General Meade's apparently avoiding a collision with him has confirmed
him in that belief. If General Meade can now attack him on a field no
worse than equal for us, and will do so now with all the skill and courage
which he, his officers, and men possess, the honor will be his if he
succeeds, and the blame may be mine if he fails.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
CALL FOR 300,000 VOLUNTEERS, OCTOBER 17, 1863.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A Proclamation.
Whereas the term of service of a part of the Volunteer forces of the
United States will expire during the coming year; and whereas, in addition
to the men raised by the present draft, it is deemed expedient to call out
three hundred thousand volunteers to serve for three years or during the
war, not, however, exceeding three years:
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, and
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, and of the militia of
the several States when called into actual service, do issue this my
proclamation, calling upon the governors of the different States to
raise, and have enlisted into the United States service, for the various
companies and regiments in the field from their respective States, the
quotas of three hundred thousand men.
I further proclaim that all the volunteers thus called out and duly
enlisted shall receive advance pay, premium, and bounty, as heretofore
communicated to the governors of States by the War Department through the
Provost-Marshal-General's office, by special letters.
I further proclaim that all volunteers received under this call, as well
as all others not heretofore credited, shall be duly credited and deducted
from the quotas established for the next draft.
I further proclaim that if any State shall fail to raise the quota
assigned to it by the War Department under this call, then a draft for the
deficiency in said quota shall be made in said State, or in the districts
of said State, for their due proportion of said quota, and the said draft
shall commence on the 5th day of January, 1864.
And I further proclaim that nothing in this proclamation shall interfere
with existing orders, or with those which may be issued for the present
draft in the States where it is now in progress, or where it has not yet
been commenced.
The quotas of the States and districts will be assigned by the War
Department through the Provost-Marshal-General's office, due regard being
had for the men heretofore furnished, whether by volunteering or drafting;
and the recruiting will be conducted in accordance with such instructions
as have been or may be issued by that department.
In issuing this proclamation, I address myself not only to the governors
of the several States, but also to the good and loyal people thereof,
invoking them to lend their cheerful, willing, and effective aid to the
measures thus adopted, with a view to reinforce our victorious army now in
the field, and bring our needful military operations to a prosperous end,
thus closing forever the fountains of sedition and civil war.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.....................
A. LINCOLN.
By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FOSTER.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., October 17, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL FOSTER, Port Monroe, Va.:
It would be useless for Mrs. Dr. Wright to come here. The subject is a
very painful one, but the case is settled.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO W. B. THOMAS
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., OCTOBER 17, 1863
HON. WILLIAM B. THOMAS, Philadelphia, Pa.
I am grateful for your offer of 100,000 men, but as at present advised
I do not consider that Washington is in danger, or that there is any
emergency requiring 60 or 90 days men.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO J. WILLIAMS AND N. G. TAYLOR.
WAR DEPARTMENT, October 17, 1863.
JOHN WILLIAMS AND N G. TAYLOR, Knoxville, Tenn.:
You do not estimate the holding of East Tennessee more highly than I do.
There is no absolute purpose of withdrawing our forces from it, and only a
contingent one to withdraw them temporarily for the purpose of not losing
the position permanently. I am in great hope of not finding it necessary
to withdraw them at all, particularly if you raise new troops rapidly for
us there.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO T. C. DURANT.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON CITY, October 18, 1863.
T. C. DURANT, New York:
As I do with others, so I will try to see you when you come.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.
WAR DEPARTMENT, October 19, 1863.9. A.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Chattanooga, Tenn:
There has been no battle recently at Bull Run. I suppose what you have
heard a rumor of was not a general battle, but an "affair" at Bristow
Station on the railroad, a few miles beyond Manassas Junction toward the
Rappahannock, on Wednesday, the 14th. It began by an attack of the enemy
upon General Warren, and ended in the enemy being repulsed with a loss of
four cannon and from four to seven hundred prisoners.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL R. C. SCHENCK.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 21, 1863.2.45
MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.: