much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with
the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who are
equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure that either
the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in some
respects both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if
it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a point so
connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly
to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my
earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I
can learn what it is I will do it! These are not, however, the days of
miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a
direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case,
ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right.
The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, the
other day, four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New York
called as a delegation on business connected with the war; but
before leaving two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general
emancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them. You
know also that the last session of Congress had a decided majority of
antislavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. And the same is
true of the religious people. Why, the rebel soldiers are praying with a
great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and expecting
God to favor their side: for one of our soldiers who had been taken
prisoner told Senator Wilson a few days since that he met nothing so
discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among in their
prayers. But we will talk over the merits of the case.
What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially
as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the whole
world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull
against the comet! Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even
enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court, or
magistrate or individual that would be influenced by it there? And what
reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon the
slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers
protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our
lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single slave to come
over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a proclamation of freedom
from me to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them? How can
we feed and care for such a multitude? General Butler wrote me a few days
since that he was issuing more rations to the slaves who have rushed to
him than to all the white troops under his command. They eat, and that is
all; though it is true General Butler is feeding the whites also by the
thousand; for it nearly amounts to a famine there. If, now, the pressure
of the war should call off our forces from New Orleans to defend some
other point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the blacks
to slavery again? for I am told that whenever the rebels take any black
prisoners, free or slave, they immediately auction them off. They did so
with those they took from a boat that was aground in the Tennessee River
a few days ago. And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it! For
instance, when, after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition
went out from Washington under a flag of truce to bury the dead and bring
in the wounded, and the rebels seized the blacks who went along to help,
and sent them into slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the
government would probably do nothing about it. What could I do?
Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would
follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I
raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as
commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I have
a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I
urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of
insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a practical
war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages
it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.
I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine
qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but
they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument. I will
also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them
that we are incited by something more than ambition. I grant, further,
that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as
you and those you represent imagine. Still, some additional strength would
be added in that way to the war, and then, unquestionably, it would weaken
the rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance;
but I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. If we were to arm
them, I fear that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the
rebels; and, indeed, thus far we have not had arms enough to equip our
white troops. I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn
and contempt. There are fifty thousand bayonets in the Union armies from
the border slave States. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence
of a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the rebels. I
do not think they all would--not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as
six months ago--not so many to-day as yesterday. Every day increases their
Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and want to
beat the rebels. Let me say one thing more: I think you should admit that
we already have an important principle to rally and unite the people, in
the fact that constitutional government is at stake. This is a fundamental
idea going down about as deep as anything.
Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They
indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some
such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of
liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement; and I can
assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any
other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will do. I trust that
in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I have not in any
respect injured your feelings.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. G. WRIGHT.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 14, 1862.
GENERAL WRIGHT, Cincinnati, Ohio:
Thanks for your despatch. Can you not pursue the retreating enemy, and
relieve Cumberland Gap?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON,
September 15, 1862. 2.45 P.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:
Your despatch of to-day received. God bless you, and all with you. Destroy
the rebel army if possible.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO J. K. DUBOIS. WASHINGTON, D.C.,
September 15, 1862. 3 P.M.
HON. K. DUBOIS, Springfield, Illinois:
I now consider it safe to say that General McClellan has gained a great
victory over the great rebel army in Maryland, between Fredericktown and
Hagerstown. He is now pursuing the flying foe.
A. LINCOLN.
[But not very fast--and he did not catch them! D.W.]
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN,
WASHINGTON, D. C., September 16, 1862. Noon.
GOVERNOR CURTIN, Harrisburg:
What do you hear from General McClellan's army? We have nothing from him
to-day.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR MORTON.
WASHINGTON, D.C., September 17, 1862.
GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON, Indianapolis, Indiana:
I have received your despatch in regard to recommendations of General
Wright. I have received no such despatch from him, at least not that I can
remember. I refer yours for General Halleck's consideration.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL KETCHUM.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 20, 1862.
GENERAL KETCHUM, Springfield, Illinois:
How many regiments are there in Illinois, ready for service but for want
of arms? How many arms have you there ready for distribution?
A. LINCOLN.
PRELIMINARY EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION, SEPTEMBER 22, 1862.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A Proclamation.
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America and
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and
declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the
object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the
United States and each of the States and the people thereof in which
States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed.
That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again
recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid
to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the
people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States,
and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may
voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within
their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of
African descent with their consent upon this continent or elsewhere, with
the previously obtained consent of the governments existing there, will be
continued.
That on the 1st day of January, A.D. 1863, all persons held as slaves
within any State or designated part of a State the people whereof
shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,
thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the
United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will
recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons and will do no act or
acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make
for their actual freedom.
That the Executive will on the 1st day of January aforesaid, by
proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which
the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the
United States; and the fact that any State or the people thereof shall on
that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States
by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified
voters of such State shall have participated shall, in the absence of
strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such
State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United
States.
That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled "An act to
make an additional article of war," approved March 13, 1862, and which act
is in the words and figure following:
"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following
shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of
the Army of the United States and shall be obeyed and observed as such.
"ART. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the
United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their
respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or
labor who may have escaped from any person, to whom such service or labor
is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a
court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the
service.
"SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from
and after its passage."
Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled "An act to
suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and
confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July
17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following:
"SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves of persons who shall
hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Government of the United
States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping
from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army, and all
slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them and coming under
the control of the Government of the United States, and all slaves of such
persons found on (or) being within any place occupied by rebel forces and
afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall be deemed
captives of war and shall be forever free of their servitude and not again
held as slaves.
"SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, That no slave escaping into any State,
Territory, or the District of Columbia from any other State shall be
delivered up or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for
crime, or some offence against the laws, unless the person claiming
said fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or
service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has
not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor
in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person engaged in the
military or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretense
whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to
the service or labor of any other person, or surrender up any such person
to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service."
And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the military
and naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and enforce,
within their respective spheres of service, the act and sections above
recited.
And the Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of the
United States who shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the
rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional relation
between the United States and their respective States and people, if that
relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated for all
losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this twenty-second day of September, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the
independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.
A. LINCOLN.
By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS,
SEPTEMBER 24, 1862.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
A Proclamation
Whereas it has become necessary to call into service not only volunteers,
but also portions of the militia of the States by draft, in order to
suppress the insurrection existing in the United States, and disloyal
persons are not adequately restrained by the ordinary processes of law
from hindering this measure, and from giving aid and comfort in various
ways to the insurrection:
Now, therefore, be it ordered
First. That during the existing insurrection, and as a necessary measure
for suppressing the same, all rebels and insurgents, their aiders and
abettors within the United States, and all persons discouraging volunteer
enlistments, resisting militia drafts, or guilty of any disloyal practice
affording aid and comfort to rebels against the authority of the
United States, shall be subject to martial law, and liable to trial and
punishment by courts-martial or military commissions.
Second. That the writ of habeas corpus is suspended in respect to all
persons arrested, or who are now, or hereafter during the rebellion shall
be, imprisoned in any fort camp, arsenal, military prison or other
place of confinement by any military authority or by the sentence of any
court-martial or military commission.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of WASHINGTON, this twenty-fourth day of September. A.D.
eighteen hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United
States the eighty-seventh.
A. LINCOLN.
By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
REPLY TO SERENADE, SEPTEMBER 24, 1862.
I appear before you to do little more than acknowledge the courtesy you
pay me, and to thank you for it. I have not been distinctly informed
why it is that on this occasion you appear to do me this honor, though I
suppose it is because of the proclamation. What I did, I did after a
very full deliberation, and under a very heavy and solemn sense of
responsibility. I can only trust in God I have made no mistake. I shall
make no attempt on this occasion to sustain what I have done or said by
any comment. It is now for the country and the world to pass judgment and,
maybe, take action upon it.
I will say no more upon this subject. In my position I am environed with
difficulties. Yet they are scarcely so great as the difficulties of those
who upon the battle-field are endeavoring to purchase with their blood and
their lives the future happiness and prosperity of this country. Let us
never forget them. On the fourteenth and seventeenth days of this present
month there have been battles bravely, skillfully, and successfully
fought. We do not yet know the particulars. Let us be sure that, in giving
praise to certain individuals, we do no injustice to others. I only ask
you, at the conclusion of these few remarks, to give three hearty cheers
for all good and brave officers and men who fought those successful
battles.
RECORD EXPLAINING THE DISMISSAL OF MAJOR JOHN J. KEY
FROM THE MILITARY SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
September 26, 1862.
MAJOR JOHN J. KEY:
I am informed that, in answer to the question, "Why was not the rebel army
bagged immediately after the battle near Sharpsburg?" propounded to you
by Major Levi C. Turner, Judge Advocate, etc., you said: "That is not the
game. The object is, that neither army shall get much advantage of the
other; that both shall be kept in the field till they are exhausted, when
we will make a compromise and save slavery."
I shall be very happy if you will, within twenty-four hours from the
receipt of this, prove to me by Major Turner that you did not, either
literally or in substance, make the answer stated.
[Above delivered to Major Key at 10.25 a.m. September 27th.]
At about 11 o'clock A.M., September 27, 1862, Major Key and Major Turner
appeared before me. Major Turner says:
"As I remember it, the conversation was: 'Why did we not bag them after
the battle of Sharpsburg?' Major Key's reply was: 'That was not the game;
that we should tire the rebels out and ourselves; that that was the
only way the Union could be preserved, we come together fraternally, and
slavery be saved.'"
On cross-examination, Major Turner says he has frequently heard Major Key
converse in regard to the present troubles, and never heard him utter
a sentiment unfavorable to the maintenance of the Union. He has never
uttered anything which he, Major T., would call disloyalty. The particular
conversation detailed was a private one.
[Indorsement on the above.]
In my view, it is wholly inadmissible for any gentleman holding a military
commission from the United States to utter such sentiments as Major Key is
within proved to have done. Therefore, let Major John J. Key be forthwith
dismissed from the military service of the United States.
A. LINCOLN.
TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN.
(Strictly private.)
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
September 28, 1862.
HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN.
MY DEAR SIR: Your kind letter of the 25th is just received. It is known to
some that, while I hope something from the proclamation, my expectations
are not as sanguine as are those of some friends. The time for its effect
southward has not come; but northward the effect should be instantaneous.
It is six days old, and, while commendation in newspapers and by
distinguished individuals is all that a vain man could wish, the stocks
have declined, and troops come forward more slowly than ever. This, looked
soberly in the face, is not very satisfactory. We have fewer troops in
the field at the end of the six days than we had at the beginning--the
attrition among the old outnumbering the addition by the new. The North
responds to the proclamation sufficiently in breath; but breath alone
kills no rebels.
I wish I could write more cheerfully; nor do I thank you the less for the
kindness of your letter.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL HALLECK.
McCLELLAN'S HEADQUARTERS, October 3, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:
General Stuart, of the rebel army, has sent in a few of our prisoners
under a flag of truce, paroled with terms to prevent their fighting the
Indians, and evidently seeking to commit us to their right to parole
prisoners in that way. My inclination is to send the prisoners back with
a definite notice that we will recognize no paroles given to our prisoners
by the rebels as extending beyond a prohibition against fighting them,
though I wish your opinion upon it, based both upon the general law and
our cartel. I wish to avoid violations of the law and bad faith. Answer as
quickly as possible, as the thing, if done at all, should be done at once.
A. LINCOLN, President
REMARKS TO THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC AT FREDERICK, MARYLAND,
OCTOBER, 4, 1862.
I am surrounded by soldiers and a little farther off by the citizens of
this good City of Frederick. Nevertheless I can only say, as I did five
minutes ago, it is not proper for me to make speeches in my present
position. I return thanks to our soldiers for the good services they have
rendered, the energy they have shown, the hardships they have endured, and
the blood they have shed for this Union of ours; and I also return thanks,
not only to the soldiers, but to the good citizens of Frederick, and to
the good men, women, and children in this land of ours, for their devotion
to this glorious cause; and I say this with no malice in my heart towards
those who have done otherwise. May our children and children's children,
for a thousand generations, continue to enjoy the benefits conferred upon
us by a united country, and have cause yet to rejoice under these glorious
institutions, bequeathed to us by WASHINGTON and his compeers. Now, my
friends, soldiers and citizens, I can only say once more-farewell.
TELEGRAM FROM GENERAL HALLECK
TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN., WASHINGTON, D. C., October 6, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:
I am instructed to telegraph you as follows: The President directs that
you cross the Potomac and give battle to the enemy, or drive him south.
Your army must move now, while the roads are good. If you cross the river
between the enemy and Washington, and cover the latter by your operation,
you can be reinforced by thirty thousand men. If you move up the valley of
the Shenandoah, not more than twelve or fifteen thousand can be sent you.
The President advises the interior line between Washington and the enemy,
but does not order it. He is very desirous that your army move as soon as
possible. You will immediately report what line you adopt, and when you
intend to cross the river; also to what point the reinforcements are to
be sent. It is necessary that the plan of your operations be positively
determined on, before orders are given for building bridges and repairing
railroads. I am directed to add that the Secretary of War and the
General-in-chief fully concur with the President in these directions.
H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 7, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN, Hdqs. Army of the Potomac:
You wish to see your family and I wish to oblige you. It might be left
to your own discretion; certainly so, if Mrs. M. could meet you here at
Washington.
A. LINCOLN.
TO T. H. CLAY.
WAR DEPARTMENT, October 8, 1862.
THOMAS H. CLAY, Cincinnati, Ohio: