suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on any people.
But even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed from being
placed on an equality with the white race. You are cut off from many of
the advantages which the other race enjoys. The aspiration of men is to
enjoy equality with the best when free, but on this broad continent not
a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go
where you are treated the best, and the ban is still upon you. I do not
propose to discuss this, but to present it as a fact, with which we have
to deal. I cannot alter it if I would. It is a fact about which we all
think and feel alike, I and you. We look to our condition. Owing to the
existence of the two races on this continent, I need not recount to you
the effects upon white men, growing out of the institution of slavery.
I believe in its general evil effects on the white race. See our present
condition--the country engaged in war--white men cutting one another's
throats--none knowing how far it will extend--and then consider what we
know to be the truth: But for your race among us there could not be war,
although many men engaged on either side do not care for you one way or
the other. Nevertheless I repeat, without the institution of slavery and
the colored race as a basis, the war could not have an existence. It is
better for us both, therefore, to be separated. I know that there are free
men among you, who, even if they could better their condition, are not as
much inclined to go out of the country as those who, being slaves, could
obtain their freedom on this condition. I suppose one of the principal
difficulties in the way of colonization is that the free colored man
cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You may believe
that you can live in WASHINGTON, or elsewhere in the United States, the
remainder of your life, as easily, perhaps more so, than you can in any
foreign Country; and hence you may come to the conclusion that you have
nothing to do with the idea of going to a foreign country.
This is (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the
case. You ought to do something to help those who are not so fortunate as
yourselves. There is an unwillingness on the part of our people, harsh
as it may be, for you free colored people to remain with us. Now, if you
could give a start to the white people, you would open a wide door for
many to be made free. If we deal with those who are not free at the
beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by slavery, we have very poor
material to start with. If intelligent colored men, such as are before me,
would move in this matter, much might be accomplished.
It is exceedingly important that we have men at the beginning capable
of thinking as white men, and not those who have been systematically
oppressed. There is much to encourage you. For the sake of your race you
should sacrifice something of your present comfort for the purpose of
being as grand in that respect as the white people. It is a cheering
thought throughout life that something can be done to ameliorate the
condition of those who have been subject to the hard usages of the world.
It is difficult to make a man miserable while he feels he is worthy of
himself and claims kindred to the great God who made him. In the American
Revolutionary war sacrifices were made by men engaged in it, but they were
cheered by the future. General WASHINGTON himself endured greater physical
hardships than if he had remained a British subject, yet he was a happy
man because he had engaged in benefiting his race, in doing something for
the children of his neighbors, having none of his own.
The colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a certain
sense it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just
been with me--the first time I ever saw him. He says they have within the
bounds of that colony between three and four hundred thousand people, or
more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island or Delaware,
or in some of our newer States, and less than in some of our larger ones.
They are not all American colonists or their descendants. Something less
than 12,000 have been sent thither from this country. Many of the original
settlers have died; yet, like people else-where, their offspring outnumber
those deceased. The question is, if the colored people are persuaded to go
anywhere, why not there?
One reason for unwillingness to do so is that some of you would rather
remain within reach of the country of your nativity. I do not know how
much attachment you may have toward our race. It does not strike me that
you have the greatest reason to love them. But still you are attached to
them, at all events.
The place I am thinking about for a colony is in Central America. It is
nearer to us than Liberia not much more than one fourth as far as Liberia,
and within seven days' run by steamers. Unlike Liberia, it is a great line
of travel--it is a highway. The country is a very excellent one for any
people, and with great natural resources and advantages, and especially
because of the similarity of climate with your native soil, thus being
suited to your physical condition. The particular place I have in view is
to be a great highway from the Atlantic or Caribbean Sea to the Pacific
Ocean, and this particular place has all the advantages for a colony. On
both sides there are harbors--among the finest in the world. Again, there
is evidence of very rich coal-mines. A certain amount of coal is valuable
in any country. Why I attach so much importance to coal is, it will afford
an opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate employment till they get
ready to settle permanently in their homes. If you take colonists where
there is no good landing, there is a bad show; and so where there is
nothing to cultivate and of which to make a farm. But if something is
started so that you can get your daily bread as soon as reach you there,
it is a great advantage. Coal land is the best thing I know of with which
to commence an enterprise. To return--you have been talked to upon this
subject, and told that a speculation is intended by gentlemen who have an
interest in the country, including the coal-mines. We have been mistaken
all our lives if we do not know whites, as well as blacks, look to their
self-interest. Unless among those deficient of intellect, everybody
you trade with makes something. You meet with these things here and
everywhere. If such persons have what will be an advantage to them,
the question is whether it cannot be made of advantage to you. You are
intelligent, and know that success does not so much depend on external
help as on self-reliance. Much, therefore, depends upon yourselves. As to
the coal-mines, I think I see the means available for your self-reliance.
I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you engaged, have provision made
that you shall not be wronged. If you will engage in the enterprise,
I will spend some of the money intrusted to me. I am not sure you will
succeed. The government may lose the money; but we cannot succeed unless
we try, and we think with care we can succeed. The political affairs in
Central America are not in quite as satisfactory a condition as I wish.
There are contending factions in that quarter, but it is true all the
factions are agreed alike on the subject of colonization, and want it, and
are more generous than we are here.
To your colored race they have no objection I would endeavor to have
you made the equals, and have the best assurance that you should be the
equals, of the best.
The practical thing I want to ascertain is whether I can get a number of
able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are willing to go when
I present evidence of encouragement and protection. Could I get a hundred
tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, and able to
"cut their own fodder," so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I could find
twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and children--good
things in the family relation, I think,--I could make a successful
commencement. I want you to let me know whether this can be done or not.
This is the practical part of my wish to see you. These are subjects of
very great importance, worthy of a month's study, instead of a speech
delivered in an hour. I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not
pertaining to yourselves merely, nor for your race and ours for the
present time, but as one of the things, if successfully managed, the good
of mankind--not confined to the present generation, but as
"From age to age descends the lay
To millions yet to be,
Till far its echoes roll away
Into eternity."
The above is merely given as the substance of the President's remarks.
The chairman of the delegation briefly replied that they would hold a
consultation, and in a short time give an answer.
The President said: Take your full time-no hurry at all.
The delegation then withdrew.
TELEGRAM TO OFFICER AT CAMP CHASE, OHIO.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 14, 1862.
OFFICER in charge of Confederate prisoners at Camp Chase, Ohio:
It is believed that a Dr. J. J. Williams is a prisoner in your charge, and
if so tell him his wife is here and allow him to telegraph to her.
A. LINCOLN.
TO HIRAM BARNEY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 16, 1862.
HON. HIRAM BARNEY, New York:
Mrs. L. has $1000 for the benefit of the hospitals and she will be
obliged, and send the pay, if you will be so good as to select and send
her $200 worth of good lemons and $100 worth of good oranges.
A. LINCOLN.
NOTE OF INTRODUCTION.
The Secretary of the Treasury and the Commissioner of Internal Revenue
will please see Mr. Talcott, one of the best men there is, and, if any
difference, one they would like better than they do me.
August 18, 1862
A. LINCOLN
TELEGRAM TO S. B. MOODY
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON August 18, 1862
S. B. MOODY, Springfield, Ill.:
Which do you prefer--commissary or quartermaster? If appointed it must be
without conditions.
A. LINCOLN.
Operator please send above for President. JOHN HAY
TO Mrs. PRESTON.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 21, 1862.
Mrs. MARGARET PRESTON, Lexington, Ky.:
Your despatch to Mrs. L. received yesterday. She is not well. Owing to
her early and strong friendship for you, I would gladly oblige you, but I
cannot absolutely do it. If General Boyle and Hon. James Guthrie, one
or both, in their discretion see fit to give you the passes, this is my
authority to them for doing so.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE OR GENERAL PARKE.
WASHINGTON, August 21.
TO GENERAL BURNSIDE OR GENERAL PARKE:
What news about arrival of troops?
A. LINCOLN.
TO G. P. WATSON.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 21, 1862.
GILLET F. WATSON, Williamsburg, Va.:
Your telegram in regard to the lunatic asylum has been received. It
is certainly a case of difficulty, but if you cannot remain, I cannot
conceive who under my authority can. Remain as long as you safely can and
provide as well as you can for the poor inmates of the institution.
A. LINCOLN.
TO HORACE GREELEY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 22, 1862.
HON. HORACE GREELEY.
DEAR SIR:--I have just read yours of the 19th, addressed to myself through
the New York Tribune. If there be in it any statements or assumptions of
fact which I may know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert
them. If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely
drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. If there be perceptible
in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old
friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right.
As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant to
leave any one in doubt.
I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the
Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored, the
nearer the Union will be, "the Union as it was." If there be those who
would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save slavery,
I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union
unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with
them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is
not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without
freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing
all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and
leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and
the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union; and
what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save
the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts
the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will
help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and
I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. I
have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty, and
I intend no modification of my oft expressed personal wish that all men,
everywhere, could be free.
Yours,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR YATES.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., August 13.1862. 8 A.M.
HON. R. YATES, Springfield, Ill.:
I am pained to hear that you reject the service of an officer we sent
to assist in organizing and getting off troops. Pennsylvania and Indiana
accepted such officers kindly, and they now have more than twice as many
new troops in the field as all the other States together. If Illinois
had got forward as many troops as Indiana, Cumberland Gap would soon be
relieved from its present peril. Please do not ruin us on punctilio.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR RAMSEY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 27, 1862
GOVERNOR RAMSEY, St. Paul, Minnesota:
Yours received. Attend to the Indians. If the draft cannot proceed, of
course it will not proceed. Necessity knows no law. The government cannot
extend the time.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
WASHINGTON CITY, August 27, 1862 4 P.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN, Alexandria, Virginia:
What news from the front?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.
August 27, 1862 4.30 p.m.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Falmouth, Virginia:
Do you hear anything from Pope?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.
August 28, 1862. 2.40 P. M.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Falmouth, Virginia:
Any news from General Pope?
A. LINCOLN
TELEGRAM TO COLONEL HAUPT.
August 28, 1862. 2.40 p. m.
COLONEL HAUPT, Alexandria, Virginia:
Yours received. How do you learn that the rebel forces at Manassas are
large and commanded by several of their best generals?
A. LINCOLN,
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.
WASHINGTON, D. C., August 29, 1862. 2.30 P.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Falmouth, Virginia:
Any further news? Does Colonel Devon mean that sound of firing was
heard in direction of Warrenton, as stated, or in direction of Warrenton
Junction?
A. LINCOLN
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
WASHINGTON, August 29, 1862. 2.30 p.m.
MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN
What news from direction of Manassas Junction? What generally?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
WASHINGTON, August 29, 1862. 4.10 P.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: Yours of to-day just received. I think your first
alternative--to wit, "to concentrate all our available forces to open
communication with Pope"--is the right one, but I wish not to control.
That I now leave to General Halleck, aided by your counsels.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO COLONEL HAUPT.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 30, 1862. 10.20 A.M.
COLONEL HAUPT Alexandria, Virginia:
What news?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO COLONEL HAUPT.
WAR DEPARTMENT, August 30, 1862. 3.50 P.M. COLONEL HAUPT, Alexandria,
Virginia
Please send me the latest news.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BANKS.
August 30, 1862. 8.35 P.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL BANKS, Manassas Junction, Virginia:
Please tell me what news.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. T. BOYLE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, August 31, 1862.
GENERAL BOYLE, Louisville, Kentucky:
What force, and what the numbers of it, which General Nelson had in the
engagement near Richmond yesterday?
A. LINCOLN.
ORDER TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
WASHINGTON, D. C., September 3, 1862.
Ordered, That the general-in-chief, Major-General Halleck, immediately
commence, and proceed with all possible despatch; to organize an army,
for active operations, from all the material within and coming within his
control, independent of the forces he may deem necessary for the defense
of Washington when such active army shall take the field.
By order of the President:
EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.
[Indorsement.]
Copy delivered to Major-General Halleck, September 3, 1862, at 10 p.m.
E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant-Adjutant General.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. G. WRIGHT.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 7, 1862.
GENERAL WRIGHT, Cincinnati, Ohio:
Do you know to any certainty where General Bragg is? May he not be in
Virginia?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. T. BOYLE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 7, 1862.
GENERAL BOYLE, Louisville, Kentucky:
Where is General Bragg? What do you know on the subject?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. E. WOOL.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C.
September 7, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL Wool, Baltimore:
What about Harper's Ferry? Do you know anything about it? How certain is
your information about Bragg being in the valley of the Shenandoah?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B, McCLELLAN.
WASHINGTON, September 8, 1862. 5 P.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN, Rockville, Maryland:
How does it look now?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, September 8, 1862. 7.20 P.M.
GENERAL BUELL:
What degree of certainty have you that Bragg, with his command, is not now
in the valley of the Shenandoah, Virginia?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO T. WEBSTER.
WASHINGTON, September 9, 1862.
THOMAS WEBSTER, Philadelphia:
Your despatch received, and referred to General Halleck, who must control
the questions presented. While I am not surprised at your anxiety, I do
not think you are in any danger. If half our troops were in Philadelphia,
the enemy could take it, because he would not fear to leave the other half
in his rear; but with the whole of them here, he dares not leave them in
his rear.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, September 10, 1862. 10.15 AM.
MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN, Rockville, Maryland:
How does it look now?
A. LINCOLN.
TO GOVERNOR CURTIN. September 11, 1862.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C.,
HIS EXCELLENCY ANDREW G. CURTIN, Governor of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg,
Pennsylvania.
SIR:--The application made to me by your adjutant general for authority
to call out the militia of the State of Pennsylvania has received careful
consideration. It is my anxious desire to afford, as far as possible,
the means and power of the Federal Government to protect the State
of Pennsylvania from invasion by the rebel forces; and since, in your
judgment, the militia of the State are required, and have been called upon
by you, to organize for home defense and protection, I sanction the call
that you have made, and will receive them into the service and pay of
the United States to the extent they can be armed, equipped, and usefully
employed. The arms and equipments now belonging to the General Government
will be needed for the troops called out for the national armies, so that
arms can only be furnished for the quota of militia furnished by the draft
of nine months' men, heretofore ordered. But as arms may be supplied by
the militia under your call, these, with the 30,000 in your arsenal, will
probably be sufficient for the purpose contemplated by your call. You will
be authorized to provide such equipments as may be required, according
to the regulations of the United States service, which, upon being turned
over to the United States Quartermaster's Department, will be paid for
at regulation prices, or the rates allowed by the department for such
articles. Railroad transportation will also be paid for, as in other
cases. Such general officers will be supplied as the exigencies of the
service will permit.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN.
WASHINGTON, September 11, 1862 12M
HON. ANDREW G. CURTIN:
Please tell me at once what is your latest news from or toward Hagerstown,
or of the enemy's movement in any direction.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL C. B. McCLELLAN.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 11, 1862. 6 PM
MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:
This is explanatory. If Porter, Heintzelman, and Sigel were sent you, it
would sweep everything from the other side of the river, because the new
troops have been distributed among them, as I understand. Porter reports
himself 21,000 strong, which can only be by the addition of new troops.
He is ordered tonight to join you as quickly as possible. I am for sending
you all that can be spared, and I hope others can follow Porter very soon,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., SEPTEMBER 12, 1862
MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN, Clarksburg, Maryland:
How does it look now?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON D.C., SEPTEMBER 12, 1862 10.35 AM
HON. ANDREW G. CURTIN, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania:
Your despatch asking for 80,000 disciplined troops to be sent to
Pennsylvania is received. Please consider we have not to exceed 80,000
disciplined troops, properly so called, this side of the mountains; and
most of them, with many of the new regiments, are now close in the rear
of the enemy supposed to be invading Pennsylvania. Start half of them to
Harrisburg, and the enemy will turn upon and beat the remaining half, and
then reach Harrisburg before the part going there, and beat it too when
it comes. The best possible security for Pennsylvania is putting the
strongest force possible in rear of the enemy.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. G. WRIGHT.
MILITARY TELEGRAPH, WASHINGTON, September 12, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL WRIGHT, Cincinnati, Ohio:
I am being appealed to from Louisville against your withdrawing troops
from that place. While I cannot pretend to judge of the propriety of what
you are doing, you would much oblige me by furnishing me a rational answer
to make to the governor and others at Louisville.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. T. BOYLE.
WASHINGTON, September 12, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL BOYLE, Louisville, Kentucky:
Your despatch of last evening received. Where is the enemy which you dread
in Louisville? How near to you? What is General Gilbert's opinion? With
all possible respect for you, I must think General Wright's military
opinion is the better. He is as much responsible for Louisville as
for Cincinnati. General Halleck telegraphed him on this very subject
yesterday, and I telegraph him now; but for us here to control him
there on the ground would be a babel of confusion which would be utterly
ruinous. Where do you understand Buell to be, and what is he doing?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO A. HENRY.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C, September 12, 1862.
HON. ALEXANDER HENRY, Philadelphia:
Yours of to-day received. General Halleck has made the best provision he
can for generals in Pennsylvania. Please do not be offended when I assure
you that in my confident belief Philadelphia is in no danger. Governor
Curtin has just telegraphed me: "I have advices that Jackson is crossing
the Potomac at Williamsport, and probably the whole rebel army will be
drawn from Maryland." At all events, Philadelphia is more than 150 miles
from Hagerstown, and could not be reached by the rebel army in ten days,
if no hindrance was interposed.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., September 12, 1862. 5.45 PM
MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:
Governor Curtin telegraphs me:
"I have advices that Jackson is crossing the Potomac at Williamsport, and
probably the whole rebel army will be down from Maryland."
Receiving nothing from Harper's Ferry or Martinsburg to-day, and positive
information from Wheeling that the line is cut, corroborates the idea that
the enemy is crossing the Potomac. Please do not let him get off without
being hurt.
A. LINCOLN.
[But he did! D.W.]
REPLY TO REQUEST THE PRESIDENT ISSUE A PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION.
A COMMITTEE FROM THE RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS OF CHICAGO,
September 13,1862.