CHAPTER XII

THE REFORMATION

Modern psychology has taught us several useful things about ourselves.

One of them is the fact that we rarely do anything actuated by one single

motive. Whether we give a million dollars for a new university or refuse

a nickel to a hungry tramp; whether we proclaim that the true life of

intellectual freedom can only be lived abroad or vow that we will never

again leave the shores of America; whether we insist upon calling black

white or white black, there are always a number of divergent reasons

which have caused us to make our decision, and way down deep in our

hearts we know this to be true. But as we would cut a sorry figure with

the world in general if we should ever dare to be quite honest with

ourselves or our neighbors, we instinctively choose the most respectable

and deserving among our many motives, brush it up a bit for public

consumption and then expose it for all the world to behold as “the reason

why we did so and so.”

But whereas it has been repeatedly demonstrated that it is quite possible

to fool most of the people most of the time, no one has as yet discovered

a method by which the average individual can fool himself for more than a

few minutes.

We are all of us familiar with this most embarrassing truth and therefore

ever since the beginning of civilization people have tacitly agreed with

each other that this should never under any circumstances be referred to

in public.

What we think in private, that is our own business. As long as we

maintain an outward air of respectability, we are perfectly satisfied

with ourselves and merrily act upon the principle “You believe my fibs

and I will believe yours.”

Nature, which has no manners, is the one great exception to this generous

rule of conduct. As a result, nature is rarely allowed to enter the

sacred portals of civilized society. And as history thus far has been

a pastime of the few, the poor muse known as Clio has led a very dull

life, especially when we compare it to the career of many of her less

respectable sisters who have been allowed to dance and sing and have been

invited to every party ever since the beginning of time. This of course

has been a source of great annoyance to poor Clio and repeatedly in her

own subtle way she has managed to get her revenge.

A perfectly human trait, this, but a very dangerous one and ofttimes very

expensive in the matter of human lives and property.

For whenever the old lady undertakes to show us that systematic lying,

continued during the course of centuries, will eventually play hob with

the peace and happiness of the entire world, our planet is at once

enveloped in the smoke of a thousand batteries. Regiments of cavalry

begin to dash hither and yon and interminable rows of foot soldiers

commence to crawl slowly across the landscape. And ere all these people

have been safely returned to their respective homes or cemeteries, whole

countries have been laid bare and innumerable exchequers have been

drained down to the last kopek.

Very slowly, as I have said before, it is beginning to dawn upon the

members of our guild that history is a science as well as an art and is

therefore subject to certain of the immutable laws of nature which thus

far have only been respected in chemical laboratories and astronomical

observatories. And as a result we are now doing some very useful

scientific house-cleaning which will be of inestimable benefit to all

coming generations.

Which brings me at last to the subject mentioned at the head of this

chapter, to wit: the Reformation.

Until not so very long ago there were only two opinions regarding this

great social and spiritual upheaval. It was either wholly good or wholly

bad.

According to the adherents of the former opinion it had been the result

of a sudden outbreak of religious zeal on the part of a number of noble

theologians who, profoundly shocked by the wickedness and the venality

of the papal super-state, had established a separate church of their own

where the true faith was to be henceforward taught to those who were

seriously trying to be true Christians.

Those who had remained faithful to Rome were less enthusiastic.

The Reformation, according to the scholars from beyond the Alps, was the

result of a damnable and most reprehensible conspiracy on the part of a

number of despicable princes who wanted to get unmarried and who besides

hoped to acquire the possessions which had formerly belonged to their

Holy Mother the Church.

As usual, both sides were right and both sides were wrong.

The Reformation was the work of all sorts of people with all sorts of

motives. And it is only within very recent times that we have begun to

realize how religious discontent played only a minor rôle in this great

upheaval and that it was really an unavoidable social and economic

revolution with a slightly theological background.

Of course it is much easier to teach our children that good Prince

Philip was a very enlightened ruler who took a profound personal interest

in the reformed doctrines, than to explain to them the complicated

machinations of an unscrupulous politician who willingly accepted the

help of the infidel Turks in his warfare upon other Christians. In

consequence whereof we Protestants have for hundreds of years made a

magnanimous hero out of an ambitious young landgrave who hoped to see

the house of Hesse play the rôle thus far played by the rival house of

Hapsburg.

On the other hand it is so much simpler to turn Pope Clement into a

loving shepherd who wasted the last remnants of his declining strength

trying to prevent his flocks from following false leaders, than to

depict him as a typical prince of the house of Medici who regarded

the Reformation as an unseemly brawl of drunken German monks and used

the power of the Church to further the interests of his own Italian

fatherland, that we need feel no surprise if such a fabulous figure

smiles at us from the pages of most Catholic text-books.

But while that sort of history may be necessary in Europe, we fortunate

settlers in a new world are under no obligation to persist in the errors

of our continental ancestors and are at liberty to draw a few conclusions

of our own.

Just because Philip of Hesse, the great friend and supporter of Luther,

was a man dominated by an enormous political ambition, it does not

necessarily follow that he was insincere in his religious convictions.

By no means.

When he put his name to the famous “Protest” of the year 1529, he knew

as well as his fellow signers that they were about to “expose themselves

to the violence of a terrible storm,” and might end their lives on the

scaffold. If he had not been a man of extraordinary courage, he would

never have undertaken to play the rôle he actually played.

But the point I am trying to make is this: that it is exceedingly

difficult, yes, almost impossible, to judge an historical character (or

for that matter, any of our immediate neighbors) without a profound

knowledge of all the many motives which have inspired him to do what he

has done or forced him to omit doing what he has omitted to do.

The French have a proverb that “to know everything is to forgive

everything.” That seems too easy a solution. I would like to offer an

amendment and change it as follows: “To know everything is to understand

everything.” We can leave the business of pardoning to the good Lord who

ages ago reserved that right to himself.

Meanwhile we ourselves can humbly try to “understand” and that is more

than enough for our limited human ability.

And now let me return to the Reformation, which started me upon this

slight detour.

As far as I “understand” that movement, it was primarily a manifestation

of a new spirit which had been born as a result of the economic and

political development of the last three centuries and which came to be

known as “nationalism” and which therefore was the sworn enemy of that

foreign super-state into which all European countries had been forced

during the course of the last five centuries.

Without the common denominator of some such grievance, it would never

have been possible to unite Germans and Finns and Danes and Swedes and

Frenchmen and Englishmen and Norsemen into a single cohesive party,

strong enough to batter down the walls of the prison in which they had

been held for such a long time.

If all these heterogeneous and mutually envious elements had not been

temporarily bound together by one great ideal, far surpassing their

own private grudges and aspirations, the Reformation could never have

succeeded.

It would have degenerated into a series of small local uprisings, easily

suppressed by a regiment of mercenaries and half a dozen energetic

inquisitors.

The leaders would have suffered the fate of Huss. Their followers would

have been killed as the little groups of Waldenses and Albigenses had

been slaughtered before them. And the Papal Monarchy would have scored

another easy triumph, followed by an era of Schrecklichkeit among those

guilty of a “breach of discipline.”

Even so, the great movement for reform only succeeded by the smallest of

all possible margins. And as soon as the victory had been won and the

menace which had threatened the existence of all the rebels had been

removed, the Protestant camp was dissolved into an infinitesimal number

of small hostile groups who tried on a greatly diminished scale to repeat

all the errors of which their enemies had been guilty in the heyday of

their power.

A French abbé (whose name I have unfortunately forgotten, but a very wise

fellow) once said that we must learn to love humanity in spite of itself.

To look back from the safe distance of almost four centuries upon this

era of great hope and even greater disappointment, to think of the

sublime courage of so many men and women who wasted their lives on the

scaffold and on the field of battle for an ideal that was never to be

realized, to contemplate the sacrifice made by millions of obscure

citizens for the things they held to be holy and then to remember the

utter failure of the Protestant rebellion as a movement towards a more

liberal and more intelligent world, is to put one’s charity to a most

severe test.

For Protestantism, if the truth must be told, took away from this world

many things that were good and noble and beautiful and it added a great

many others that were narrow and hateful and graceless. And instead of

making the history of the human race simpler and more harmonious, it made

it more complicated and less orderly. All that, however, was not so much

the fault of the Reformation as of certain inherent weaknesses in the

mental habits of most people.

They refuse to be hurried.

They cannot possibly keep up with the pace set by their leaders.

They are not lacking in good will. Eventually they will all cross the

bridge that leads into the newly discovered territory. But they will do

so in their own good time and bringing with them as much of the ancestral

furniture as they can possibly carry.

As a result the Great Reform, which was to establish an entirely new

relationship between the individual Christian and his God, which was

to do away with all the prejudices and all the corruptions of a bygone

era, became so thoroughly cluttered up with the medieval baggage of its

trusted followers that it could move neither forward nor backward and

soon looked for all the world like a replica of that papal establishment

which it held in such great abhorrence.

For that is the great tragedy of the Protestant rebellion. It could

not rise above the mean average of intelligence of the majority of its

adherents.

And as a result the people of western and northern Europe did not

progress as much as might have been expected.

Instead of a man who was supposed to be infallible, the Reformation gave

the world a book which was held to be infallible.

Instead of one potentate who ruled supreme, there arose a thousand and

one little potentates, each one of whom in his own way tried to rule

supreme.

Instead of dividing all Christendom into two well defined halves, the

ins and the outs, the faithful and the heretics, it created endless

little groups of dissenters who had nothing in common but a most intense

hatred for all those who failed to share their own opinions. Instead of

establishing a reign of tolerance, it followed the example of the early

Church and as soon as it had attained power and was firmly entrenched

behind numberless catechisms, creeds and confessions, it declared bitter

warfare upon those who dared to disagree with the officially established

doctrines of the community in which they happened to live.

All this was, no doubt, most regrettable.

But it was unavoidable in view of the mental development of the sixteenth

and seventeenth centuries.

To describe the courage of leaders like Luther and Calvin, there exists

only one word, and rather a terrible word, “colossal.”

A simple Dominican monk, a professor in a little tidewater college

somewhere in the backwoods of the German hinterland, who boldly burns

a Papal Bull and hammers his own rebellious opinions to the door of a

church; a sickly French scholar who turns a small Swiss town into a

fortress which successfully defies the whole power of the papacy; such

men present us with examples of fortitude so unique that the modern world

can offer no adequate comparison.

That these bold rebels soon found friends and supporters, friends with a

purpose of their own and supporters who hoped to fish successfully in

troubled waters, all this is neither here nor there.

When these men began to gamble with their lives for the sake of their

conscience, they could not foresee that this would happen and that most

of the nations of the north would eventually enlist under their banners.

But once they had been thrown into this maelstrom of their own making,

they were obliged to go whither the current carried them.

Soon the mere question of keeping themselves above water took all of

their strength. In far away Rome the Pope had at last learned that this

contemptible disturbance was something more serious than a personal

quarrel between a few Dominican and Augustinian friars, and an intrigue

on the part of a former French chaplain. To the great joy of his many

creditors, he temporarily ceased building his pet cathedral and called

together a council of war. The papal bulls and excommunications flew fast

and furiously. Imperial armies began to move. And the leaders of the

rebellion, with their backs against the wall, were forced to stand and

fight.

It was not the first time in history that great men in the midst of a

desperate conflict lost their sense of proportion. The same Luther who at

one time proclaims that it is “against the Holy Spirit to burn heretics,”

a few years later goes into such a tantrum of hate when he thinks of the

wickedness of those Germans and Dutchmen who have a leaning towards the

ideas of the Anabaptists, that he seems to have lost his reason.

The intrepid reformer who begins his career by insisting that we must

not force our own system of logic upon God, ends his days by burning an

opponent whose power of reasoning was undoubtedly superior to his own.

The heretic of today becomes the arch-enemy of all dissenters of tomorrow.

And with all their talk of a new era in which the dawn has at last

followed upon the dark, both Calvin and Luther remained faithful sons of

the Middle Ages as long as they lived.

Tolerance did not and could not possibly show itself to them in the light

of a virtue. As long as they themselves were outcasts, they were willing

to invoke the divine right of freedom of conscience that they might use

it as an argument against their enemies. Once the battle was won, this

trusted weapon was carefully deposited in a corner of the Protestant

junk-room, already cluttered with so many other good intentions that had

been discarded as unpractical. There it lay, forgotten and neglected,

until a great many years later, when it was discovered behind a trunk

full of old sermons. But the people who picked it up, scraped off the

rust and once more carried it into battle were of a different nature from

those who had fought the good fight in the early days of the sixteenth

century.

And yet, the Protestant revolution contributed greatly to the cause of

tolerance. Not through what it accomplished directly. In that field the

gain was small indeed. But indirectly the results of the Reformation were

all on the side of progress.

In the first place, it made people familiar with the Bible. The Church

had never positively forbidden people to read the Bible, but neither had

it encouraged the study of the sacred book by ordinary laymen. Now at

last every honest baker and candlestick maker could own a copy of the

holy work; could peruse it in the privacy of his workshop and could draw

his own conclusions without running the risk of being burned at the stake.

Familiarity is apt to kill those sentiments of awe and fear which we

feel before the mysteries of the unknown. During the first two hundred

years which followed immediately upon the Reformation, pious Protestants

believed everything they read in the Old Testament from Balaam’s ass

to Jonah’s whale. And those who dared to question a single comma (the

“inspired” vowel-points of learned Abraham Colovius!) knew better than

to let their sceptical tittering be heard by the community at large. Not

because they were afraid any longer of the Inquisition, but Protestant

pastors could upon occasion make a man’s life exceedingly unpleasant and

the economic consequences of a public ministerial censure were often very

serious, not to say disastrous.

Gradually however this eternally repeated study of a book which was

really the national history of a small nation of shepherds and traders

was to bear results which Luther and Calvin and the other reformers had

never foreseen.

If they had, I am certain they would have shared the Church’s dislike

of Hebrew and Greek and would have kept the scriptures carefully out of

the hands of the uninitiated. For in the end, an increasing number of

serious students began to appreciate the Old Testament as a singularly

interesting book, but containing such dreadful and blood-curdling tales

of cruelty, greed and murder that it could not possibly have been

inspired and must, by the very nature of its contents, be the product of

a people who had still lived in a state of semi-barbarism.

After that, of course, it was impossible for many people to regard the

Bible as the only font of all true wisdom. And once this obstacle to free

speculation had been removed, the current of scientific investigation,

dammed up for almost a thousand years, began to flow in its natural

channel and the interrupted labors of the old Greek and Roman

philosophers were picked up where they had been left off twenty centuries

before.

And in the second place, and this is even more important from the point

of view of tolerance, the Reformation delivered northern and western

Europe from the dictatorship of a power which under the guise of a

religious organization had been in reality nothing but a spiritual and

highly despotic continuation of the Roman Empire.

With these statements, our Catholic readers will hardly agree. But

they too have reason to be grateful to a movement which was not only

unavoidable, but which was to render a most salutary service to their

own faith. For, thrown upon her own resources, the Church made an heroic

effort to rid herself of those abuses which had made her once sacred name

a byword for rapacity and tyranny.

And she succeeded most brilliantly.

After the middle of the sixteenth century, no more Borgias were tolerated

in the Vatican. The Popes as ever before continued to be Italians. A

deflection from this rule was practically impossible, as the Roman

proletariat would have turned the city upside down if the cardinals

entrusted with the election of a new pontiff had chosen a German or a

Frenchman or any other foreigner.

The new pontiffs, however, were selected with great care and only

candidates of the highest character could hope to be considered. And

these new masters, faithfully aided by their devoted Jesuit auxiliaries,

began a thorough house-cleaning.

The sale of indulgences came to an end.

Monastic orders were enjoined to study (and henceforth to obey) the rules

laid down by their founders.

Mendicant friars disappeared from the streets of civilized cities.

And the general spiritual indifference of the Renaissance was replaced by

an eager zeal for holy and useful lives spent in good deeds and in humble

service towards those unfortunate people who were not strong enough to

carry the burden of existence by themselves.

Even so, the greater part of the territory which had been lost was never

regained. Speaking with a certain geographical freedom, the northern half

of Europe remained Protestant, while the southern half stayed Catholic.

But when we translate the result of the Reformation into the language

of pictures, the actual changes which took place in Europe become more

clearly revealed.

During the Middle Ages there had been one universal spiritual and

intellectual prison-house.

The Protestant rebellion had ruined the old building and out of part of

the available material it had constructed a jail of its own.

After the year 1517 there are therefore two dungeons, one reserved

exclusively for the Catholics, the other for the Protestants.

At least that had been the original plan.

But the Protestants, who did not have the advantage of centuries of

training along the lines of persecution and repression, failed to make

their lockup dissenter-proof.

Through windows and chimneys and cellar-doors a large number of the

unruly inmates escaped.

Ere long the entire building was a wreck.

At night the miscreants came and took away whole cartloads of stones and

beams and iron bars which they used the next morning to build a little

fortress of their own. But although this had the outward appearance of

that original jail, constructed a thousand years before by Gregory the

Great and Innocent III, it lacked the necessary inner strength.

No sooner was it ready for occupancy, no sooner had a new set of

rules and regulations been posted upon the gates, than a wholesale

walk-out occurred among the disgruntled trustees. As their keepers, now

called ministers, had been deprived of the old methods of discipline

(excommunication, torture, execution, confiscation and exile) they were

absolutely helpless before this determined mob and were forced to stand

by and look on while the rebels put up such a stockade as pleased their

own theological preferences and proclaimed such new doctrines as happened

to suit their temporary convictions.

This process was repeated so often that finally there developed a sort of

spiritual no-man’s-land between the different lockups where curious souls

could roam at random and where honest people could think whatever they

pleased without hindrance or molestation.

And this is the great service which Protestantism rendered to the cause

of tolerance.

It reëstablished the dignity of the individual man.

Tolerance · 第 12 / 30 章