PHILADELPHIA AND VALLEY FORGE IN WINTER, 1778.
Mr. Charles Stedman, who served on the staffs of Generals Howe, Clinton
and Cornwallis, during the Revolutionary War, in an interesting
historical narrative states that “the British army enlivened the dull
times of their winter residence in Philadelphia, with the dance-house,
the theatre, and the game of faro.” But it is equally true that this
large license which relieved the monotony of garrison life, gradually
aroused disgust and positive hatred on the part of the citizens of that
city. No diversions in force against the American position, or their
chief outposts, were possible, since the garrison must be alert for any
sudden attack upon the city. The large number of wealthy royalist
families had much to dread from the possible capture of their
dwelling-place. Scouting parties from Washington’s army pressed so
closely to the city limits, at times, that occasional efforts of small
detachments to secure wood for fuel and cooking purposes, were
admonished, that the limit of their picket-lines was their boundary of
possession and safe enjoyment. Carriage drives and daily saddle
exercise, which were favorite recreations, had to be abandoned. They
were unsafe; as Washington’s cavalry, scouts and artillery needed all
the horses that were not needed by the farmers for farm use.
The American army drilled daily, under the patient instruction of Baron
Steuben, so far as they had clothing and shoes for that purpose; while
their comrades sat down or laid themselves down by log fires and burning
stumps, to avoid freezing to death.
[Illustration: Encampment at Valley Forge.]
After the camp was fully established, and Washington had asserted his
purpose to command, and allow no interference by civilians of whatever
pretension, or by military men of whatever rank, the antagonism of the
previous months gradually retired from public exhibition. It never drew
breath from popular sympathy, and the soldiers regarded his censors as
their enemies. And so it was, that in spite of sickness, wretchedness,
inevitable desertions and frequent deaths, the soldiers were kept to
duty, and acquired toughness and knowledge for future endeavor. A calm
reliance upon the future, and a straightforward way of dealing with men
and measures, were still vindicating the fitness of Washington for the
supreme command.
To the demand of the British Government for the reasons of the
inactivity of the British army, General Howe replied that, he “did not
attack the intrenched position at Valley Forge, a strong point, during
the severe season, although everything was prepared with that intention,
judging it imprudent until the season should afford a prospect of
reaping the advantages that ought to have resulted from success in that
measure; but having good information in the spring that the enemy had
strengthened the camp by additional works, and being certain of moving
him from thence when the campaign should open, he dropped thought of
attack.”
During the winter, a proposition for the invasion of Canada was again
under consideration; and General Lafayette, with other officers, visited
Albany and the northern army to see what arrangements were both
available and desirable for that purpose. It was soon dropped; and was
never fully favored by Washington.[7]
Footnote 7:
“Battles of the American Revolution,” p. 461.
During January, Congress sent a committee to visit Valley Forge. As the
result, Washington’s whole policy was indorsed and their support was
pledged. Baron Steuben, recommended by the Commander-in-Chief, was
confirmed as Major-General without a dissenting vote. Conway started for
France early in April. The historical “Conway cabal” had lost its most
unprincipled abettor. On the fourth of April, Congress authorized
Washington to call upon Pennsylvania, Maryland and New Jersey, for five
thousand additional militia. On the ninth, General Howe received his
recall to England. On the tenth, Lafayette returned to camp. On the
thirteenth, General McDougall accompanied Count Kosciusko to West Point,
to perfect the fortifications at that post. On the fifteenth, Gates was
placed in command at Peekskill.
When the spring opened at Valley Forge, the propositions of the many
generals, respecting the approaching campaign, were as diverse and
varied as the leafage of the forest. As the mind recalls the relations
of these officers to earlier campaigns, it will be seen how essential to
any real success was the presence of a strong-willed Commander-in-Chief.
It is especially to be noticed, that men whose judgment had been
accredited as uniformly conservative and yet energetic radically
differed as to the immediate objective of army action. It settles beyond
question the principle that the entire war, and the entire country, had
to be made of paramount consideration, in the decision of any important
movement.
Wayne, Patterson and Maxwell recommended an immediate attack upon
Philadelphia. Knox, Poor, Varnum and Muhlenburg advised an attack upon
New York, with four thousand regulars and Eastern militia, Washington in
command; leaving Lee to command in Pennsylvania, while the main army
should remain at Valley Forge. Stirling recommended operations against
both Philadelphia and New York. Lafayette, Steuben and Du Portail
expressed doubts as to making _any_ aggressive movement whatever, until
the army should be strengthened or the British unfold their plans. This
wise suggestion was also the opinion of Washington.
On the seventh of May, the British ascended the Delaware and destroyed
public stores at Bordentown. Maxwell and Dickenson had been sent across
the river for the protection of these stores; but heavy rains delayed
their march, and forty-four vessels, including several frigates on the
stocks, were burned.
But the seventh day of May, 1778, was not a day of gloom at Valley
Forge. Spring had fairly opened, and the forest began to don its new
attire for a fresh summer campaign. At nine o’clock in the morning, the
entire army was on parade, with drums beating, colors flying and salutes
echoing among the hills. The brigades were steady in their ranks. No
brilliant uniforms were conspicuous anywhere, and many had neither coats
nor shoes. The pomp and circumstance of war were missing. There was no
display of gold lace, or finery of any kind. Strongly marked faces and
tough muscles showed the fixedness of purpose of these troops. But it
was an occasion of rare interest. This American army was in line, for
the reception of a visitor from over the sea. The visitor was a herald
sent by Louis XVI., King of France, to announce to Washington and the
American people that an armed alliance between France and the United
States of America had been consummated. The French frigate _Le Sensible_
had landed at Falmouth (Portland), Me., with this messenger, and the
American army was drawn up in battle array to receive his message. The
chaplain of each brigade proclaimed the treaty and read its terms. It
was one of those occasions, not infrequent during the war, and habitual
to Washington throughout his mature life, when he had no way through
which to express his deepest anxieties or profoundest sense of
gratitude, other than that of communion with God. And now, the listening
army was called upon to unite in one “grand thanksgiving to Almighty God
that He had given to America this friend.” The scene that followed can
never be described. It can only be imagined and felt. Huzzas for the
King of France mingled with shouts for Washington, whose face, as
described by one, “shone as did that of Moses, when he descended from
the Mount.” Caps were tossed high in air. Hand-shaking, leaping,
clapping of hands, and every homely sign of joy and confident
expectation, followed. Washington had dismounted. He stood with folded
arms—calm, serene, majestic, silent. For several moments the whole army
stood, awaiting his action. He remounted his horse, and a single word to
his assembled staff quickly ran through the lines—that the
Commander-in-Chief proposed that all should speak together, by the
soldier’s method, through powder. No matter if powder were scarce. Every
cannon, wherever mounted about the long circuit of intrenchments,
roared; and the hills carried the echoes to British headquarters.
Throughout the lines of division and brigade, to the remotest picket
post, a running fire at will closed with one grand volley; and then the
camp of Valley Forge resumed the “business” of preparing for battle.
With the opening of the spring of 1778, General Howe also was moved to
action. His winter supplies, as well as those procurable from the fleet
and the city, had been expended. “The storehouses were empty.”
Detachments, large and small, were sent to scour the country. To cut off
and restrict these detachments, General Lafayette was intrusted with a
special command of twenty-four hundred men, and advanced to Barren Hill,
about half the distance to Philadelphia. It also formed a corps of
observation, and was the first independent command of that officer under
his commission as Major-General. He was especially instructed to note
signs of the evacuation of Philadelphia, which Washington regarded as a
military necessity on the part of General Howe. The American
Commander-in-Chief, although reticent of his own opinions, rarely failed
to read other men accurately, and rightly read Lafayette. With singular
enthusiasm, great purity of character, unswerving fidelity to
obligation, and a thorough contempt for everything mean or dishonorable,
this young French gentleman combined a keen sagacity, sound judgment,
prompt execution, and an intense love for liberty.
Having taken position at Barren Hill, Lafayette at once introduced a
system of communication with parties in the city of Philadelphia. He had
with him fifty Indian scouts, and Captain McLean’s Light troops. A
company of dragoons had also been ordered to join him. General Howe had
been relieved from duty on the eleventh, by General Clinton; who
signalized his accession to command by a series of brilliant _fêtes_ in
honor of his predecessor, on the eve of his departure for England. A
regatta on the Delaware; a tournament on land; triumphal arches;
decorated pavilions; mounted ladies, with their escorts in Turkish
costume; slaves in fancy habits; knights, esquires, heralds, and every
brilliant device, made the day memorable from earliest dawn until dark.
And after dark, balls, illuminations both upon water and land,
fireworks, wax-lights, flowers and fantastic drapery, cheered the night
hours, “exhibiting,” as described by André himself, master of
ceremonies, “a _coup d’œil_, beyond description magnificent.” The
procession of knights and maidens was led by Major André and Miss
Shippen, the beautiful daughter of one of the wealthiest royalists in
Philadelphia. She long retained the title of the “belle of the Michianza
_fêtes_.” She subsequently became the wife of General Arnold; and the
incidents thus grouped show how felicitous was Clinton’s subsequent
choice of André to negotiate with Arnold the exchange of West Point, for
“gold and a brigadier-general’s commission in the British army.”
During the evening of this luxurious entertainment, and while at supper,
General Clinton announced to his officers his intention to march at
daybreak to Barren Hill, and bring back for their next evening’s guest,
the distinguished French officer, Marquis de Lafayette. At four o’clock
on the morning of the nineteenth, when the twenty hours of hilarity,
adulation and extravagance closed, General Clinton, accompanied by
Generals Grant, Gray, and Erskine, and five thousand picked troops,
marched to capture Lafayette. General Gray crossed the Schuylkill with
two thousand men to cut off Lafayette’s retreat, in case Clinton
successfully attacked in front. Washington advanced sufficiently to
observe the movement of General Gray, and signalled with cannon to
Lafayette of his danger; but Lafayette, by occupying a stone church and
other buildings, and showing false fronts of columns as if about to take
the offensive, caused the advance column of Grant to halt for
reënforcements; and then retired safely with the loss of but nine men.
Lafayette gives an amusing account of portions of the skirmish: “When my
Indian scouts suddenly confronted an equal number of British dragoons,
the mutual surprise was such that both fled with equal haste.” The
officers and men of Lafayette’s command were greatly elated by his
conduct of the affair, especially as he was at one time threatened by a
force more than twice that of his entire division; and the confidence
thus acquired followed his service through the entire war. The
congratulations of Washington were as cordial upon his return, as those
of the officers of the Philadelphia garrison were chilling upon the
return of Clinton, without Lafayette as prisoner.
On the same day, General Mifflin rejoined the army. In writing to
Gouverneur Morris of New York, the American Commander-in-Chief, noticing
the event, expresses his surprise “to find a certain gentleman who some
time ago, when a heavy cloud hung over us and our affairs looked gloomy,
was desirous of resigning, to be now stepping forward in the line of the
army”; adding: “If he can reconcile such conduct to his own feelings as
an officer, and a man of honor, and Congress have no objection to his
leaving his seat in another department, I have nothing personally to
oppose to it. Yet, I must think that gentleman’s stepping in, and out,
as the sun happens to beam out, or become obscure, isn’t quite the
thing, nor quite just, with respect to those officers who take the
bitter with the sweet.”
By this time, the movements of shipping, and within the city, clearly
indicated the design of the British to abandon Philadelphia without
battle. A Council of War was convened on the twentieth, to hear reports
upon the condition of the various American armies; and Generals Gates,
Greene, Stirling, Mifflin, Lafayette, Armstrong, Steuben and de Kalb
were present. The opinion was unanimous that the army should remain on
the defensive, and await the action of the British commander. On the
twentieth, also, General Lee rejoined the army. He had been exchanged on
the twenty-first of April for Major-General Prescott, who had been
captured five miles above Newport, R.I., on the night of July 20, 1777.
Lee had been placed on his parole as early as the twenty-fifth of March,
and he actually visited York, where Congress was in session, on the
ninth of April.
The relations of Charles Lee to the war were as marked as were those of
Arnold, except that Arnold rendered valuable service until he turned
traitor. During the month of February, 1777, Lee secured permission from
General Howe to write letters to Congress, urging that body to “send
commissioners to confer confidentially concerning the national cause.”
On the twenty-first of February, Congress declined to send such
commissioners, as “altogether improper”; and they could “not perceive
how compliance with his wish would tend to his advantage, or the
interests of the public.” Letters were also written in March; and in one
addressed to Washington on the fifth of April, 1777, Lee had written: “I
think it a most unfortunate circumstance for myself, and I think no less
so for the public, that the Congress have not thought proper to comply
with my request. It could not possibly have been attended with any ill
consequences, and might have been with good ones. At least, it was an
indulgence which I thought my situation entitled me to. But I am
unfortunate in everything, and this stroke is the severest I have ever
experienced. God send you a different fate.” The answer of Washington
was as follows: “I have received your letter of this date, and thank
you, as I shall any officer, over whom I have the honor to be placed,
for their opinions and advice in matters of importance; especially when
they proceed from the fountain of candor, and not from a captious
spirit, or an itch for criticism; ... and here, let me again assure you,
that I shall always be happy to be in a free communication of your
sentiments upon any important subject relative to the service, and only
beg that they may come directly to myself. The custom which many
officers have, of speaking freely of things, and reprobating measures
which upon investigation may be found to be unavoidable, is never
productive of good; but often, of very mischievous consequences.”
During the year 1872 George H. Moore, of the New York Historical
Society, brought to light a certain paper indorsed, “Mr. Lee’s Plan,
29th March, 1777,” which was found among the papers of the brothers
Howe, British Commissioners at New York. Lee was at that date a prisoner
of war, but at the same time a British officer who had been taken in
rebellion to the British crown. This letter is noticed, in order to make
more intelligible the subsequent relations of Lee to the American
Commander-in-Chief. The following is an extract: “It appears to me, that
by the continuance of the war, America has no chance of obtaining its
ends. As I am not only persuaded, from the high opinion I have of the
humanity and good sense of Lord and Admiral Howe, that the terms of
accommodation will be as moderate as their powers will admit; but that
their powers are more ample than their successor would be tasked with, I
think myself not only justifiable, but bound in conscience, in
furnishing ’em all the light I can, to enable ’em to bring matters to a
conclusion in the most commodious manner. 1 know the most generous use
will be made of it in all respects. Their humanity will incline ’em to
have consideration for individuals who have acted from principle.” Then
follow hypothetical data as to troops required on the part of Britain,
and these passages: “If the Province of Maryland, or the greater part of
it, is reduced, or submits, and the people of Virginia are prevented, or
intimidated, from marching aid to the Pennsylvania army, the whole
machine is divided, and a period put to the war; and if the plan is
adopted in full, I am so confident of success, that I would stake my
life on the same. Apprehensions from Carleton’s army will, I am
confident, keep the New Englanders at home, or at least, confine ’em to
that side of the river. I would advise that four thousand men be
immediately embarked in transports, one-half of which should proceed up
the Potomac and take post at Alexandria, the other half up Chesapeake
Bay and possess themselves of Annapolis.” The relations of various posts
to the suggested movement, and the character of the German population of
Pennsylvania who would be apprehensive of injury to their fine farms,
were urged in favor of his “plan” for terminating the war on terms of
“moderate accommodation.”
The reply of Washington to General Lee’s letter is a very distinct
notice that he was advised of the letters written by him to Gates and
others, derogatory of the action of his superior officer, the
Commander-in-Chief.
The return of Lee to duty found the American army in readiness to bid
its last farewell to the camp at Valley Forge; but the ordeals through
which so many brave men passed, for their country’s sake, were hardly
more severe than were those through which their beloved
Commander-in-Chief passed into a clearer future, and the well-earned
appreciation of mankind.