CHAPTER II.

Luther’s Reflections—Example of the Apostles—Celibacy—Gregory

VII.—Luther’s Change of Mind—Luther’s Marriage—Character of Catharine.

All these preliminary steps were not unpremeditated by Luther.

Encouraged by the example of other clergymen who had married, he now

began seriously to reflect on the _propriety of clerical matrimony_.

In these reflections he found no difficulty as regards the secular

clergy, that is, those who officiated as pastors of churches, because he

considered their office as divinely instituted, and he knew from history

that their celibacy was forced by the popes under the most cruel

oppression. For although Paul advised the Christians of Corinth to

remain unmarried during the season of persecution,[1] yet the first

teachers of Christianity, and even Peter and most of the other apostles,

were married men.[2] Besides, celibacy is no where regarded as a

meritorious condition in the New Testament. Christ himself distinctly

commends matrimonial affection and harmony, and Paul teaches that it is

better to lead a married, than an unchaste life.[3] 1 Cor. 7; 2, 9, 28.

Notwithstanding all this, even during the first three centuries, a

peculiar merit began to be attached to celibacy. Many bishops, who were,

it is true, poorly enough supported, abstained from matrimony, or, if

they were married, separated from their wives. A second marriage was

particularly disapproved. But as yet there was no law on the subject,

and the celibacy of the bishops was far from being general. Many of them

were married men. It was only in the fourth century that it became a

general custom for the bishops to lead single lives, and several

councils held during this period, in this respect severely oppressed the

secular clergy. At the council of Nice, held in the year 325, the first

serious attempt was made to introduce celibacy, but the attempt failed

through the influence of Bishop Paphnutius, of Upper Thebes. From this

time, most of the bishops tried their utmost to prevent their secular

clergy from marrying. Some Popes, since the end of the fourth century,

such as Siricius, Innocent I., Gregory II., Nicolas I., and Leo IX. also

made attempts to restrain the priests. The predictions of Paul in 1 Tim.

4; 1, 3, were soon fulfilled. Scarcely had Gregory VII. arrived at the

papal dignity than he exerted all his influence to render the secular

clergy independent of the state, and this he thought could be best

accomplished through celibacy. The orders which he communicated to the

council held at Rome in 1074 in relation to this subject were very

severe; the married clergy were to be separated from their wives or be

deposed, and from that time forth no man was to be ordained to the

clerical office who would not bind himself to remain unmarried all his

life. The opposition to this severe regulation was strong. In Germany

they even committed violence on the papal ambassador, and openly

reproached the Pope as a heretic, who disregarded the plain instructions

of the Scriptures and introduced regulations which militated against

human nature and Divine Providence, and which would lead to the most

scandalous improprieties. When Archbishop Siegfried of Mainz held a

council at Erfurt, and communicated the commands of the Pope to the

secular clergy, the excitement was so great that he was in danger of his

life. The Archbishop of Passau did not fare better. At the council of

Worms, in 1076, Germans and French violently opposed the Pope, and

proclaimed him as a usurper of the papal sovereignty. At a meeting in

Pavia, the Italian bishops even _put this Pope under the ban_.

Notwithstanding all this opposition, Gregory could not be turned from

his purpose. He executed his orders with all possible severity, and even

demanded of the princes to forbid those priests who would not obey him

from administering the sacraments or reading mass. Thus his unnatural

law triumphed in 1080, though not universally, for Urban II. felt

himself compelled in 1089 and 1095 to re-enact it, and it was reserved

for Innocent III. in 1215 more firmly to establish celibacy as a

disciplinary law, although, long before this, marriage had been declared

to be a _sacrament_. In his address in 1520 to his Imperial Majesty and

German nobility, Luther strenuously advocated the marriage of the

_secular_ clergy.

He entertained different views, however, with regard to the _monastic_

order, and he made their celibacy a subject of investigation at Wartburg

castle. Although, thought he, their office is not of divine appointment,

yet they had chosen it, and had consecrated themselves to God; in most

instances they had voluntarily assumed the vow, and hence were bound to

keep it. Melanchthon, who had married a short time before, and

Carlstadt, who followed his example a short time after, to Luther’s

great joy, had both advocated the marriage of the monastic clergy in

their writings, although not altogether with his approbation.[4] “Our

Wittenbergers even wish the monks to have wives!” thus he wrote to

Spalatin, August 6th, 1521, “_but they shall force no wife on me!_ I

wish Carlstadt’s book had more light and distinctness, for it contains

much talent and learning.”[5]

But Luther’s penetrating mind soon discovered the truth. He communicated

his new-formed opinion to his father, and openly came out in favor of

the marriage of the monks. Although he now sturdily maintained this side

of the question, yet he did not at this time feel himself inclined to

matrimony. This was in the autumn of 1522.

Two years after this (1524), when he heard of a report in circulation

that he was to be married, he thus wrote to Spalatin: “From the opinion

which I have hitherto had, and now have, it is probable I shall never

marry; not that I do not feel myself to be flesh and blood, for I am

neither wood nor stone, but I feel no inclination in that way.” Still,

he highly honored the married relation as an institution of God. Long

after this he wrote thus to his friend Stiefel: “I did not marry as

though I expected to live long, but to establish my doctrine by my

example, and to leave behind me a consolation for weak consciences.” “I

married also for the purpose of opposing the doctrine of Satan, and

putting to shame the scandalous immorality practised in the papacy, and

if I had no wife I would now marry even in my old age, just to honor the

divine institution and to pour contempt on the ungodly lives of so many

popish priests.”

Luther’s mind gradually underwent a change. He now secretly resolved to

marry Catharine, who had already, as we shall see below, expressed a

tender feeling towards him. An intimation of his purpose we have in a

letter to his relative, Dr. John Ruhl, of May 4, 1525: “If I can manage

to spite the devil, I will marry Catharine before I die if I hear that

my enemies continue their reproaches.” From this it is evident that he

would not have married, at least at this time, if the clamor of his

enemies, the fear and weakness of his friends, and various other

circumstances, had not determined him to take the step. The generous and

public declaration of John the Constant[6] in favor of the Reformation,

as well as his own opposition to the celibacy of the clergy, and the

desire of gratifying the long-expressed wish of his father, hastened the

consummation of his design. “Thus,” says he, “I could no longer deny

this last act of obedience to my dear father, who earnestly entreated me

to marry.” Besides this, he wished to set an example to others around

him, for many whom he advised to marry had reproached him for writing

against monastic celibacy and yet not practising his own doctrine.

In the meantime, he wrote frequently to his friends on this subject, and

what gratified him much in the prospect of his marriage was the chagrin

it would occasion the Romish party, and subsequent experience proved

that he was not disappointed in his hopes.

Anxious as he was to consummate the event, yet his choice of Catharine

was not precipitate. It was only after he was assured of the superlative

excellence of her character that he offered her his hand. She conducted

herself in her lowly circumstances with such a reserved and womanly

dignity that he thought her to be somewhat prudish and proud, and it was

only after a more intimate acquaintance that he perceived her numerous

good qualities. “If I had felt a disposition to marry thirteen years

ago,” says he, “I would have preferred Eva Schönfield, who is now the

wife of Dr. Basilius. I did not love my Catharine at that time, for I

suspected her of being proud. But it has pleased God otherwise, and,

blessed be His name, all things have turned out well, for I have a

pious, faithful wife, as Solomon says, Prov. 31; 11, my heart doth

safely trust in her, and she contributes so much to my content and

manages my affairs so prudently, _that I have no need of spoil_, that

is, I have no temptation to envy the wealth of others or to prey upon my

neighbors.”

Nor was she, on her part, in a hurry about giving her consent, but she

deliberated long. Though she was poor, yet she followed the inclination

of her heart.

Before he thought of marrying her himself he recommended her to Jerome

S. Baumgartner, a Nurnberg Patrician, and a student of theology, who had

a very tender regard for Catharine, and to whom she was not altogether

indifferent. Luther wrote to him (Oct. 12, 1524,): “If you have made up

your mind to marry Catharine, you had better be in a hurry before

another takes her who is near at hand. She has not ceased to love you,

and I should be much gratified to see you marry her.” But his

recommendation was of no avail, probably because Baumgartner, after his

return home, was captivated by some other lady. The other suitor to whom

Luther alludes was Dr. Caspar Glacius, vicar of the Archdeaconate of the

Castle Church at Wittenberg. Luther favored his pretensions to her hand,

and this led her to complain to Amsdorff, Luther’s friend. She requested

him to induce Luther to cease his importunity in behalf of Glacius, for

whom she had no inclination whatever. She, however, honestly

acknowledged to Amsdorff she would not refuse an offer either from

himself or Luther. She was not mistaken in her estimate of Glacius, for

he was an ill-tempered man, who never was at peace with his

congregation, and was dismissed from his office in 1537.

The marriage of a nun was, until that time, unheard of, and hence we

need not wonder that Luther’s enemies took every opportunity to

calumniate him as well as his intended wife. As Erasmus says, “It was at

that time an almost universal sentiment that the Antichrist would be the

son of a monk and a nun;” and he remarks in relation to this old saying,

“If this were true, the world has had thousands of Antichrists!” His

enemies knew too well how to make the most of this popular belief, but

they went still further, and charged him with all the misfortunes that

befel the country; the demolition of the convents in the Peasants’ War,

and other similar calamities, for they said that he inflamed the hatred

of the peasants against monastic life and the possessions of the clergy,

“And all this he did,” they affirmed, “that he might marry.”

But many of his friends also disapproved of such an alliance. “Our wise

men are fiercely excited on the subject,” wrote Luther, after his

marriage, to Stiefel. “They must confess it is the work of God, but my

professional character, as well as that of the lady, blinds them and

makes them think and speak unkindly. But the Lord lives, who is greater

in us than he who is in the world, and there are more on my side than on

theirs.”

It was perfectly in character with Luther not to delay the execution of

a purpose he had once formed. He was particularly opposed to

long-standing matrimonial engagements, and hence says, “I advise a

speedy marriage after a positive engagement; it is dangerous to postpone

the consummation, for Satan is ready to oppose many obstacles, by means

of slanderers, and sometimes the friends of both parties interfere.

Hence do not postpone the affair. If I had not married secretly, and

with the knowledge of but few friends, my marriage would have been

prevented, for my best friends exclaimed, ‘Do not take this one, but

another.’” Hence we are not surprised to learn that his final engagement

to Catharine and his marriage occurred on the same day.

His friends did not maintain that he should not marry at all, but they

did not esteem it wise that one who had been a monk should marry a lady

who had been a nun. They feared that the step would retard the

Reformation among the common people, who did not look with indifference

on the violation of the vow of chastity.[7] But Luther thought

otherwise, and believed that by marrying a nun he would inflict a

terrible blow on the whole system of monasticism.

The most minute attention was at that time paid to Luther’s doctrine and

conduct, and the most unimportant circumstances in his eventful life

were reported with the greatest care. We should hence suppose that the

precise date of his marriage would also be noted, and yet the reports

are very different. Melanchthon’s statement is the most reliable, for he

lived at that time in Wittenberg; he had daily intercourse with Luther,

and hence may be supposed to be intimately acquainted with his domestic

circumstances. In a letter to Camerarius (July 21, 1525,) he gives the

true date of Luther’s marriage: “As it may happen,” he writes, “that no

one will give you a correct account of Luther’s marriage, I have thought

it proper to inform you of the facts. On the 13th of June, 1525, he,

quite unexpectedly, married Catharine De Bora.” There is no good reason

to doubt Melanchthon’s report of the date, which is established by many

other witnesses, and hence it is unnecessary to refute those who give

other dates.

Agreeably to these accounts, compared with others, it appears that

Luther on the Tuesday after Trinity, June 13, 1525, in order to avoid

all excitement, took with him John Bugenhagen (Pomeranius) pastor of the

City Church, Dr. John Apel, Professor of Canonical Law, and Louis

Cranach, Court Painter, Councillor, and Chamberlain, without the

knowledge of his other friends, and proceeded to the house of the

town-clerk, Reichenbach, with whom Catharine lived, and there, in the

presence of these three friends, he asked her consent in marriage.

Unexpected as this declaration was, yet she yielded to the solicitation

of her former deliverer and benefactor. Soon after, the Provost, Dr.

Justus Jonas, and the wife of Cranach, entered, and Luther was there

married in the presence of these four witnesses, Bugenhagen performing

the ceremony. Luther was forty-two years of age, and Catharine

twenty-seven. He did not even ask the consent of the Elector; but, as we

shall subsequently see, he sent him an humble request for some game to

supply his wedding dinner-table.

Before the wedding, Luther offered the following prayer: “Heavenly

Father, inasmuch as thou hast honored me with the office of the

ministry, and wilt also that I should be honored as a husband and the

head of a family, grant me grace to govern my household in a godly and

Christian manner. Grant me wisdom and strength to direct and train all

the members of my family in the right way. Give them willing hearts and

pious dispositions to be obedient, and to follow in all things the

instructions of thy word. Amen.”

The golden wedding-rings of Luther and his wife were probably not

exchanged on this evening, but afterwards. The celebrated artist, Albert

Dürer, of Nurnberg, made them at the order and expense of the Patrician

and Councillor von Pirckenheim. They are minutely described by some

writers, and exact representations of them are given in various curious

works. One of these rings has exchanged hands many times by gift, sale,

and inheritance. Numerous imitations of them have been made, and sold to

collectors of such articles.

When, on the following day, the marriage of Luther became generally

known, the town council of Wittenberg sent him various articles, such as

are usually considered essential to wedding festivals of every age and

country.

Catharine de Bora: Social and Domestic Scenes in the Home of Luther · 第 2 / 8 章