'It being admitted, that the power which formed the Government was

legitimate, we obtain one of the purest compacts for the organization of

human society that probably ever existed. The ancient allegiance, under

which the colonies had grown up to importance, had been extinguished by

solemn treaty, and the States met in Convention sustained by all the law

they had, and backed in every instance by institutions that were more or

less popular. The history of the world cannot, probably, furnish another

instance of the settlement of the fundamental contract of a great nation

under circumstances of so much obvious justice. This gives unusual

solemnity and authority to the Constitution of 1787, and invests it with

additional claims to our admiration and respect.

'The authority which formed the Constitution admitted, we come next to

the examination of its acts. It is apparent from the debates and

proceedings of the Convention, that two opinions existed in that body;

the one leaning strongly toward the concentration of power in the hands

of the Federal Government, and the other desirous of leaving as much as

possible with the respective States. The principle that the powers which

are not directly conceded to the Union should remain in first hands,

would seem never to have been denied; and some years after the

organization of the Government, it was solemnly recognized in an

amendment. We are not disposed, however, to look for arguments in the

debates and discussions of the Convention, in our view often a deceptive

and dangerous method of construing a law, since the vote is very

frequently given on even conflicting reasons. Different minds arrive at

the same results by different processes; and it is no unusual thing for

men to deny each other's premises, while they accept their conclusions.

We shall look, therefore, solely to the compact itself, as the most

certain mode of ascertaining what was done.

'No one will deny that all the great powers of sovereignty are directly

conceded to the Union. The right to make war and peace, to coin money,

maintain armies and navies, etc., etc., in themselves overshadow most of

the sovereignty of the States. The amendatory clause would seem to

annihilate it. By the provisions of that clause three fourths of the

States can take away all the powers and rights now resting in the hands

of the respective States, with a single exception. This exception gives

breadth and emphasis to the efficiency of the clause. It will be

remembered that all this can be done within the present Constitution.

It is a part of the original bargain. Thus, New York can legally be

deprived of the authority to punish for theft, to lay out highways, to

incorporate banks, and all the ordinary interests over which she at

present exercises control, every human being within her limits

dissenting. Now as sovereignty means power in the last resort, this

amendatory clause most clearly deprives the State of all sovereign power

thus put at the disposition of Conventions of the several States; in

fact, the votes of these Conventions, or that of the respective

Legislatures acting in the same capacity, is nothing but the highest

species of legislation known to the country; and no other mode of

altering the institutions would be legal. It follows unavoidably, we

repeat, that the sovereignty which remains in the several States must be

looked for solely in the exception. What, then, is this exception?

'It is a provision which says, that no State may be deprived of its

equal representation in the Senate, without its own consent. It might

well be questioned whether this provision of the Constitution renders a

Senate indispensable to the Government. But we are willing to concede

this point and admit that it does. Can the vote of a single State, which

is one of a body of thirty, and which is bound to submit to the decision

of a legal majority, be deemed a sovereign vote? Assuming that the whole

power of the Government of the United States were in the Senate, would

any one State be sovereign in such a condition of things? We think not.

But the Senate does not constitute by any means the whole or the half of

the authority of this Government; its legislative power is divided with

a popular body, without the concurrence of which it can do nothing; this

dilutes the sovereignty to a degree that renders it very imperceptible,

if not very absurd. Nor is this all. After a law is passed by the

concurrence of the two houses of Congress, it is sent to a perfectly

independent tribunal to decide whether it is in conformity with the

principles of the great national compact; thus demonstrating, as we

assume, that the sovereignty of this whole country rests, not in its

people, not in its States, but in the Government of the Union.

'Sovereignty, and that of the most absolute character, is indispensable

to the right of secession: nay, sovereignty, in the ordinary acceptation

of the meaning of the term, might exist in a State without this right of

secession. We doubt if it would be held sound doctrine to maintain that

any single State had a right to secede from the German Confederation,

for instance; and many alliances, or mere treaties, are held to be

sacred and indissoluble; they are only broken by an appeal to violence.

'Every human contract may be said to possess its distinctive character.

Thus, marriage is to be distinguished from a partnership in trade,

without recurrence to any particular form of words. Marriage, contracted

by any ceremony whatever, is held to be a contract for life. The same is

true of Governments: in their nature they are intended to be

indissoluble. We doubt if there be an instance on record of a Government

that ever existed, under conditions, expressed or implied, that the

parts of its territory might separate at will. There are so many

controlling and obvious reasons why such a privilege should not remain

in the hands of sections or districts, that it is unnecessary to advert

to them. But after a country has rounded its territory, constructed its

lines of defence, established its system of custom houses, and made all

the other provisions for security, convenience, and concentration, that

are necessary to the affairs of a great nation, it would seem to be very

presumptuous to impute to any particular district the right to destroy

or mutilate a system regulated with so much care.

'The only manner in which the right of secession could exist in one of

the American States, would be by an express reservation to that effect

in the Constitution, There is no such clause; did it exist it would

change the whole character of the Government, rendering it a mere

alliance, instead of being that which it now is--a lasting Union. But,

whatever may be the legal principles connected with this serious

subject, there always exists, in large bodies of men, a power to change

their institutions by means of the strong hand. This is termed the right

of revolution, and it has often been appealed to to redress grievances

that could be removed by no other agency. It is undeniable that the

institution of domestic slavery, as it now exists in what are termed the

Southern and Southwestern States of this country, creates an interest of

the most delicate and sensitive character. Nearly one half of the entire

property of the slaveholding States consists in this right to the

services of human beings of a race so different from our own as to

render any amalgamation to the last degree improbable, if not

impossible. Any one may easily estimate the deep interest that the

masters feel in the preservation of their property. The spirit of the

age is decidedly against them, and of this they must be sensible; it

doubly augments their anxiety for the future. The natural increase,

moreover, of these human chattels renders an outlet indispensable, or

they will soon cease to be profitable by the excess of their numbers. To

these facts we owe the figments which have rendered the Southern school

of logicians a little presuming, perhaps, and certainly very

sophistical. Among other theories we find the bold one, that the

Territories of the United States are the property, not of the several

States, but of their individual people; in other words, that the native

of New York or Rhode Island, regardless of the laws of the country, has

a right to remove to any one of these Territories, carry with him just

such property as he may see fit, and make such use of it as he may find

convenient. This is a novel copartnership in jurisdiction, to say the

least, and really does not seem worthy of a serious reply.'

'SLAVERY.

'The American Union has much more adhesiveness than is commonly

imagined. The diversity and complexity of its interests form a network

that will be found, like the web of the spider, to possess a power of

resistance far exceeding its gossamer appearance--one strong enough to

hold all that it was ever intended to enclose. The slave interest is now

making its final effort for supremacy, and men are deceived by the

throes of a departing power. The institution of domestic slavery cannot

last. It is opposed to the spirit of the age; and the figments of Mr.

Calhoun, in affirming that the Territories belong to the States, instead

of the Government of the United States; and the celebrated doctrine of

the equilibrium, for which we look in vain into the Constitution for a

single sound argument to sustain it, are merely the expiring efforts of

a reasoning that cannot resist the common sense of the nation. As it is

healthful to exhaust all such questions, let us turn aside a moment, to

give a passing glance at this very material subject.

'At the time when the Constitution was adopted, three classes of persons

were 'held to service' in the country--apprentices, redemptioners, and

slaves. The two first classes were by no means insignificant in 1789,

and the redemptioners were rapidly increasing in numbers. In that day it

looked as if this speculative importation of laborers from Europe was to

form a material part of the domestic policy of the Northern States. Now

the negro is a human being, as well as an apprentice or a redemptioner,

though the Constitution does not consider him as the equal of either.

It is a great mistake to suppose that the Constitution of the United

States, as it now exists, recognizes slavery in any manner whatever,

unless it be to mark it as an interest that has less than the common

claim to the ordinary rights of humanity. In the apportionment, or

representation clause, the redemptioner and the apprentice counts each

as a man, whereas five slaves are enumerated as only three free men. The

free black is counted as a man, in all particulars, and is represented

as such, but his fellow in slavery has only three fifths of his

political value.'

'THE LOVE OF UNION.

'The attachment to the Union is very strong and general throughout the

whole of this vast country, and it is only necessary to sound the tocsin

to bring to its maintenance a phalanx equal to uphold its standard

against the assaults of any enemies. The impossibility of the

Northwestern States consenting that the mouth of the Mississippi should

be held by a foreign power, is in itself a guarantee of the long

existence of the present political ties. Then, the increasing and

overshadowing power of the nation is of a character so vast, so

exciting, so attractive, so well adapted to carry with it popular

impulses, that men become proud of the name of American, and feel

unwilling to throw away the distinction for any of the minor

considerations of local policy. Every man sees and feels that a state is

rapidly advancing to maturity which must reduce the pretensions of even

ancient Rome to supremacy, to a secondary place in the estimation of

mankind. A century will unquestionably place the United States of

America prominently at the head of civilized nations, unless their

people throw away their advantages by their own mistakes--the only real

danger they have to apprehend: and the mind clings to this hope with a

buoyancy and fondness that are becoming profoundly national. We have a

thousand weaknesses, and make many blunders, beyond a doubt, as a

people; but where shall we turn to find a parallel to our progress, our

energy, and increasing power? That which it has required centuries, in

other regions, to effect, is here accomplished in a single life; and the

student in history finds the results of all his studies crowded, as it

might be, into the incidents of the day.'

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 7: The stereotype plates of _The Spirit of the Fair_, in which

the Cooper articles originally appeared, are owned by Mr. Trow. Bound

volumes of these interesting papers, containing a record of days so full

of patriotism, charity, and incident, may be obtained on application to

him. We give this piece of information to our readers, not doubting that

many of them will be glad to avail themselves of the opportunity to

possess them--an opportunity which may soon pass away in the rapid

development of present events.--EDITOR CONTINENTAL.]

APHORISMS.--NO. VIII.

'We shall never know much while we have so many books.'

Such was my thought, many years ago; and such does all my observation

and experience still confirm. Knowledges we may have, even if we do read

much: but not much knowledge.

But, some will ask, if one has true ideas, though derived from

others--is not that knowledge? Yes, if he has ideas: but propositions

expressing them are not enough: one may have many of these, and know but

little. For example, let us suppose Locke right about the mind's coming

into existence as a sheet of white paper--a man may receive this, and

yet not know it. See how easily this may be tested. White paper will

receive any impression you please: can the human mind receive the

impression that two and two are five, or that a part is equal to the

whole? Locke could have answered this, and seemed to save his theory.

The borrower from Locke cannot.

THE RESURRECTION FLOWER.

If a traveller in Egypt were to bow before the Sphynx, and receive a nod

in return, he could scarcely be more surprised than I was to-day, upon

seeing a little, dried-up thing--the remains of what had once bloomed

and faded ''mid beleaguering sands'--spring into life and beauty before

my very eyes. All the Abbott Collection contains nothing more rare or

curious. Old, perhaps, as Cheops, and apparently as sound asleep, it is

startled at the touch of water, and, stretching forth its tiny petals,

wakes into life as brightly as a new-born flower.

No one could believe, upon looking at this little ball, hanging on its

fragile stem, and resembling both in color and shape a shrunken

poppy-head, or some of the acorn tribe, what magical results could arise

from merely wetting its surface--yet so it is.

Sleeping, but not dead, the flower is aroused by being for an instant

immersed in water, and then supported in an upright position. Soon the

upper fibres begin to stir. Slowly, yet visibly, they unfold, until,

with petals thrown back in equidistant order, it assumes the appearance

of a beautifully radiated, starry flower, not unlike some of the Asters

in form. Resting a moment, it suddenly, as though inspired by some new

impulse, throws its very heart to the daylight, curving back its petals

farther still, and disclosing beauties undreamed of even in the

loveliness of its first awakening.

To say that, in general effect, its appearance resembles the

passion-flower is to give but a poor description, and yet one searches

in vain for a more fitting comparison. Lacking entirely the strong

contrasts in color of the latter, it yet wears a halo of its own, unlike

any other in the whole range of floral effects.

When viewed through a powerful lens, the heart of the flower, which, to

the naked eye, lies flooded in a warm, colorless light, assumes the most

exquisite iridescent hues, far more beautiful than the defined tints of

the passion-flower. Melting to the eye in its juiciness and delicacy,

yet firm in its pure outline and rounded finish, it bears the same

relation to that chosen type of the great Suffering, that peace bears to

passion, or that promise bears to prayer.

Soon the aspect of the flower changes. As though over the well-spring of

its eternal life hangs some ruthless power forcing it back into

darkness, before an hour has passed, we can see that its newly-found

vigor is fading away. The pulsing light at its heart grows fainter and

fainter--slowly the petals raise themselves, to drop wearily side by

side upon its bosom--and finally, its beauty vanished, its strength

exhausted, it hangs heavy and brown upon its stem, waiting for the touch

that alone can waken it again.

This rare botanical wonder, blooming one moment before admiring eyes,

and next lying dried and shrivelled in a tomb-like box, is not without

its legendary interest, though the odor of its oriental history has, by

this time, been nearly blown away by that sharp simoom of investigation,

which has already whirled so many pretty fables and theories into

oblivion.

The story of the flower, as given in 1856, by the late Dr. Deck, the

naturalist, is as follows:

While travelling on a professional tour in Upper Egypt, eight years

before, engaged in exploring for some lost emerald and copper mines, he

chanced to render medical service to an Arab attached to his party. In

gratitude, the child of the desert formally presented to him this

now-called 'Resurrection Flower,' at the same time enjoining upon him

never to part with it. Like the fabled gift of the Egyptian, it was

supposed to have 'magic in the web of it.' The doctor was solemnly

assured by the Arab, and others of his race, that it had been taken ten

years before from the breast of an Egyptian mummy, a high priestess, and

was deemed a great rarity; that it would never decay if properly cared

for; that its possession through life would tend to revive hope in

adversity, and, if buried with its owner, would ensure for him hereafter

all the enjoyments of the Seventh Heaven of Mahomet. When presented,

this flower was one of two hanging upon the same stem. Dr. Deck

carefully preserved one; the twin specimen he presented to Baron

Humboldt, who acknowledged it to be the greatest floral wonder he had

yet seen, and the only one of its kind he had met with in the course of

his extensive travels.

For years the doctor carried his treasure with him everywhere, prizing

it for its intrinsic qualities, and invariably awakening the deepest

interest whenever he chanced to display its wondrous powers. During the

remainder of his life he caused the flower to open more than one

thousand times, without producing any diminution of its extraordinary

property, or any injury to it whatever. It is proper to state that,

though closely examined by some of the most eminent naturalists, both at

home and abroad, no positive position in the botanical kingdom was ever

assigned to it--indeed to this day it remains a waif in the floral

world, none having determined under what classification it belongs.

I need not say that the doctor, while gratefully accepting the gift of

his Arab friend, quietly rejected the accompanying superstitions.

Subsequent trials and proofs positive confirmed his doubts of its

hope-inspiring power, while his inclination and good old prejudices

tempted him to forego the delights of the Seventh Heaven by bequeathing

his treasure to his friend and pupil, Dr. C. J. Eames, of New York, than

whom none could regard it with a truer appreciation, or recognize its

exquisite perfection with a feeling nearer akin to veneration.

It has now been in the possession of Dr. Eames for several years, and

has, in the mean time, been unfolded many hundred times, still without

any deterioration of its mysterious power. It opens as fairly and

freshly to-day, as when, under Egyptian skies, more than sixteen years

ago, its delicate fibres, heavy with the dust of ages, quivered into a

new life before the astonished eyes of Dr. Deck.

Well-named as, in some respects, it seems to be, this marvel of the

botanical world has already given rise to not a few discussions among

the scientific and curious, some earnestly proclaiming its right to the

title of 'Resurrection Flower,' and others denying that it is a flower

at all. Indeed, in its unfolded state, its resemblance to a flattened

poppy-head, and other seed vessels, offers strong argument in favor of

the latter opinion. In alluding to it, one uses the term 'flower' with

decided 'mental reservation'--beautiful flower, as it seems to be when

opened--and speaks of its 'petals' with a deprecating glance at

imaginary hosts of irate botanists. Some, it is true, still insist that

it is a _bona fide_ flower; but Dr. Deck himself inclined to the belief

that it was the pericarp or seed vessel of some desert shrub, rare

indeed, as few or none like it have appeared in centuries, yet not

without its analogies in the vegetable world.

The famous Rose of Jericho (not that mentioned in the Apocrypha, or the

very common kind peculiar to the far East, but that long-lost variety

prized by the Crusaders as a holy emblem of their zeal and pilgrimage)

was, in all probability, a member of the same genus to which the

'Resurrection Flower' belongs. This opinion is supported by the fact

that resemblances of the 'flower,' both open and closed, are sculptured

upon some of the tombs of the Crusaders--two, in the Temple Church of

London, and several in the Cathedrals of Bayeux and Rouen in Normandy,

where lie some of the most renowned followers of Peter the Hermit.

A brother of Dr. Deck, engaged in antiquarian research in the island of

Malta, discovered the same device graven upon the knights' tombs, and

invariably on that portion of the shield, the 'dexter chief,' which was

considered the place of highest honor. This gentleman has also furnished

the following quotation from an old monkish manuscript, describing 'a

wonder obtained from Jerusalem by the holy men, and called by them the

'Star of Bethlehem,' as, if exposed to the moon on the eve of the

Epiphany, it would become wondrous fair to view, and like unto the star

of the Saviour; and with the first glory of the sun, it would return to

its lowliness.'

Doubtless the old chroniclers, had they lived in these days of evidence

and 'solid fact,' would have given some credit to the heavy dews

peculiar to moonlight nights, an exposure to which would assuredly have

produced all the effect of immersion upon the flower.

The fact of so close a representation of the 'Resurrection Flower' being

upon the tombs of the Crusaders, added to the circumstance that in his

Egyptian researches he had never met with any allusion to it, induced

Dr. Deck to discard the story of its Egyptian origin as untenable. 'I

have unwrapped many mummies myself,' he wrote, 'and have had

opportunities of being present at unrolling of others of all classes,

and have never discovered another Resurrection Flower, nor heard of any

one who had; and in the examination of hieroglyphics of every age and

variety, I never discovered anything bearing the remotest resemblance to

it. Those who are conversant with the wonderful features of the Egyptian

religion and priestcraft, will observe how eagerly they seized upon and

deified anything symbolical of their mysterious tenets, and transmitted

them to posterity, figured as hieroglyphics; and it is but natural to

presume that this homely-looking flower, with its halo, so typical of

glory and resurrection, would have ranked high in their mythology, if

it, and its properties, had been known to them. Moreover, an examination

of the elaborate works of Josephus, Herodotus, King, and Diodorus, so

full in their description of Egyptian mythology, has failed to elicit

any description or notice of it whatever.'

Continental Monthly , Vol. 6, No. 1, July, 1864 Devoted to Literature and National Policy. · 第 12 / 18 段