1760-1824.
British intercourse with Ava—Alves’s mission—Symes’s
mission—Canning—King Nun-Sun—Rise of the Burman war—Its origin
in official aggression—Evacuation of Cachar.
We must now return somewhat upon our steps, to observe the changes which
had taken place in European relations with the native kings. We have
to look back to the time of the decease of Alompra. Doubtless, had the
English force in Burmah been adequate to the execution of such a measure,
ample revenge would have been taken, or rather, ample satisfaction would
have been enforced, for the brutal massacre of the English at Negrais:
but their means were not up to the mark. “Perhaps, also,” as Symes
remarks, “they were not ignorant that a discussion of the causes might
only produce useless explanations: a conjecture that is, in some degree,
corroborated by there being no steps taken at any subsequent period when
the British superiority in Asia had crushed all rivalry, to vindicate
the national honour, and chastise the perpetrators of the cruelty.”[252]
Most probably, however, the English government was sensible that the
part their countrymen had acted had been a treacherous one, and that
it would not do to have it thrown in their faces, as it undoubtedly
would have been. In this case the French would have succeeded in their
darling scheme of shaking the importance of the English in the country,
for the accomplishment of which they have never in any way omitted any
opportunity, supporting their plans also by that form of assertion, which
admits of contradiction, but can never be disproved: and a like system of
falsehood had been pursued by the English.
It was, however, necessary to make some appeal in behalf of the
remaining Europeans, and Captain Alves, who had brought the sad news to
Bengal, was the man selected for the negotiation. He was charged with
letters, which, while they show little desire to uphold the dignity
of England, yet manifest a praiseworthy and heartfelt interest in the
fate of the British. They were signed by Mr. Holwell, the governor of
Bengal, and Mr. Pigot, the governor of Madras. The letter of the latter
gentleman, indeed, was of a more independent character, “and intimated
expectation that the murderers of the English settlers should be brought
to punishment; a requisition that was little attended to, and which
the British government of India never manifested any inclination to
enforce.”[253]
Captain Alves sailed from Madras with these letters on the 10th of May,
1760. He did not steer direct for Negrais, but addressed a letter to
Gregory the Armenian, then Ackawoon of Rangoon, whom it was desirable to
conciliate, and after exaggerating his influence at court, he entreated
his good offices in behalf of the captives. With these letters a present
of some value was sent. On the 5th of June, he arrived at Diamond Island,
near Negrais, when he reconnoitred the disposition of the natives.
However, his fears were removed, and he landed. Upon this, Antony came
down, and was received with hypocritical cordiality by Alves, and the
interpreter tried all he could to prevent his being considered guilty. In
a short time he received a letter from Mungai Narrataw, one of the royal
family, inviting him to Rangoon; he thought it politic to go thither, and
arrived on the 5th of August. There seemed to be little objection to the
release of the prisoners, and Mr. Robertson was permitted to accompany
Captain Alves to Bassein. Meanwhile, Gregory the Armenian returned,
bearing a letter from Anaundopra, or Namdogee-Praw. “In the translation,
which Gregory, as interpreter, delivered to Captain Alves, the crafty
Armenian introduced passages favourable to himself, attributing the
obtainment of any attention to his intercession; these interpolations
were fabricated, as the imperial mandate did not even mention the name
of Gregory.”[254] Accordingly, on the 22nd of August, Alves took his
departure from Bassein, and, though much annoyed by the officials, he
arrived at Chagaing, the then capital, on the 22nd of September, without
any important event occurring in the interim.
On the 23rd, Alves had an audience with the king. His majesty seemed
surprised that the English should desire any satisfaction for the
punishment which had been dealt out against the Company’s servants in
consequence of their own ill behaviour. At the same time he regretted
the accident which had involved Mr. Southby in their fate, yet it was
unavoidable; “for,” said the king, “I suppose you have seen that in
this country, in the wet season, there grows so much useless grass and
weeds in the fields, that in dry weather we are forced to burn them to
clear the ground: it sometimes happens that there are salubrious herbs
amongst these noxious weeds and grass, which, as they cannot easily
be distinguished, are indiscriminately consumed with the others; thus
it happened to be the new governor’s lot.”[255] To the other demands,
regarding restitution of property, a decided refusal was returned, except
as regarded the Company’s goods; but the release of the British prisoners
was acceded to. “Having given an order for the release of all English
subjects that were prisoners in his dominions, he desired that two of
the most prudent should remain to take care of the timbers, and reside
at Persaim,[256] where he consented to give the Company a grant of as
much ground as they might have occasion to occupy, under the stipulation
that their chief settlement should be at Persaim, and not at Negrais.
He assigned as a reason, that at Negrais they would be exposed to the
depredations of the French, or any other nation with whom the English
might be at war, without a possibility of his _extending that protection
to them that he wished_: but of which they could always have _the full
benefit_ at Persaim.”[257] But at the same time he stipulated for an
equivalent in arms and other goods, which were _conditionally_ promised
him.
Falsehood and treachery rarely go unrewarded. And be it ever so well
disguised, some hook _will_ tear a hole in the garment and show the
nakedness beneath. Suddenly, the interpreter Gregory was discovered in
his plans, and his punishment was quick, just, and severe; indeed, he
nearly lost his life.
The transactions concluded, Captain Alves at length left Chagaing
for Persaim; and leaving Messrs. Robertson and Helass at that place,
he proceeded to Rangoon, whence he returned by the 14th of November.
Having completed his mission, he then sailed for Bengal, which he
reached before the end of the year. From this time down to 1795, under
the administration of Men-ta-ra-gyee, nothing of importance occurred in
the colony. And here I cannot do better than offer a few remarks of Mr.
Macfarlane, the historian of British India, already referred to:—
“Ava and the Burmese empire either held a direct sovereignty or exercised
control over nearly one-half of the vast regions described in maps as
India beyond the Ganges.... By a series of conquests they had overthrown
all the adjacent nations, and had advanced their frontier to the
shores of the Bay of Bengal, and close to the limits of the Company’s
territories. They proved but troublesome and encroaching neighbours.
During Lord Wellesley’s administration, in 1799, when the mass of the
Anglo-Indian army was engaged in the last war against Tippoo Sultaun, the
Burmese made frequent attacks, and were very troublesome on our then weak
eastern frontier.[258] As exclusive and anti-social as the Chinese, and
quite as proud and insolent in their bearing towards foreign envoys, and
foreigners of all classes, it was difficult to establish any intercourse
with them, or to obtain, by pacific representations, any redress of
grievances. Their government, too, was subject to frequent and sanguinary
revolutions, insurrections, and rebellions; one tyrant being murdered,
and succeeded by another.”[259]
In 1795, Symes was deputed to the arrogant Men-ta-ra-gyee, to remonstrate
against the incursions of the Burmese troops. “In 1795,” says Macfarlane,
“a Burmese army of five thousand men pursued three rebellious chiefs,
or, as they termed them (and as they might be), robbers, right into
the English district of Chittagong. A strong detachment was sent from
Calcutta to oppose these Burmese; but the officer in command had orders
to negotiate—not to fight. After some tedious negotiations, which ought
not to have been allowed to occupy a single hour, the violators of our
frontier condescended to agree to retire; and they retired, accordingly,
into their own country. Nor was this all. These three men, who had taken
refuge in our territories, were subsequently given up to the Burmese, and
two out of the three were put to death with atrocious tortures.”[260]
Little, however, came of the colonel’s embassy, “except,” as our
historian goes on to remark,[261] “a very interesting book of travels.”
In the year 1809, a French ship attacked a small island belonging to
the Burmese, and the Golden Foot, not understanding the difference
between French and English,[262] sent a sort of mission to Calcutta
to expostulate against the proceeding, and to demand satisfaction. As
this seemed to open the door of the jealously-guarded court of Ava to
some diplomatic intercourse, Lord Minto despatched Lieutenant Canning
on an embassy. This officer reached Rangoon; and the king of Ava, from
the midst of his white elephants, decreed that the Englishman should be
allowed to proceed to the capital, in all safety and honour; but the
incursions into the Company’s territory at Chittagong of a predatory
tribe of Burmese, called the Mughs, and other untoward events, broke off
an intercourse which never could have promised any very satisfactory
result. Both our embassies to Ava appear to have been capital mistakes,
for they exhibited to a semi-barbarous and vain-glorious people a number
of Englishmen in a very humiliating condition, and in the attitude of
supplicants.
“Lieutenant Canning returned to Calcutta, and disputes continued to occur
on the frontiers of Chittagong and Tippera. As they were not met by
bayonets, the Burmese grew more and more audacious; and at the time when
Lord Minto gave up his authority in India to the earl of Moira, the King
of the World and the Lord of the White Elephants was threatening to march
with forty thousand soldier-pilgrims, from Ava to Benares.”
We will now return to the history of the Burmese monarchy. At the death
of Men-ta-ra-gyee, his grandson, Nun-Sun, “The Enjoyer of the Palace,”
ascended the throne. His father, the heir-apparent, was the idol of the
people, but an early death had deprived him of the crown to which he was
so justly entitled. Out of policy, Men-ta-ra-gyee, some of whose acts
had contributed to render unpopular, adopted Nun-Sun, his son, to the
exclusion of the rest of the family. The history of this prince is thus
given by Malcom:[263]—
“He was married in early life to a daughter of his uncle, the Mekaru
prince; but one of his inferior wives, daughter of a comparatively humble
officer, early acquired great ascendancy over his mind, and on his coming
to the throne, was publicly crowned by his side. On the same day the
proper queen was sent out of the palace, and now lives in obscurity.
His plan for securing the succession shows that he was aware that even
the late king’s will would not secure him from powerful opposition. The
king’s death was kept secret for some days, and the interval employed
to station a multitude of adherents in different parts of the city,
to prevent any gatherings. On announcing the demise, the ceremony of
burning was forthwith performed in the palace-yard, at which he appeared
as king, with the queen by his side, under the white umbrella, and at
once took upon himself all the functions of royalty. Several suspected
princes were soon after executed, and many others deprived of all their
estates.... Two years after his accession, the king resolved to restore
the seat of government to Ava. To this he was induced, partly from the
great superiority of the latter location; partly from the devastation of
a fire which burnt a great part of Umerapoora, with the principal public
buildings; partly from a desire to create a more splendid palace; and
partly (perhaps, not least) from the ill omen of a vulture lighting on
the royal spire.[264] The greater part of his time, for two years, was
spent at Ava, in temporary buildings, and superintending in person the
erection of a palace, twice the size of the old one, and other important
buildings. During this period, many citizens, especially those who had
been burnt out, and numbers of the court, settled in the new city, and
the place became populous. On completing the palace (February, 1824), the
king returned to Umerapoora, and, after brilliant parting festivities,
came from thence with great pomp and ceremony, attended by the various
governors, Chobwant, and highest officers. The procession, in which the
white elephant, decorated with gold and gems, was conspicuous, displayed
the glories of the kingdom, and great rejoicings pervaded all ranks.”
It was at this time that the portentous omens that had menaced the Burman
monarchy found a corroboration in truth; the glow of enmity, never to be
extinguished even in the hearts of civilised men, fanned by the breath of
presumption, had burnt into a flame that scorched and scared the weaker
party. We must stay awhile to consider the causes, and which led to the
appeal to arms in 1824.
It may be imagined that an outbreak of some kind was far from being
unexpected on the part of the Anglo-Indian government. There were two
interests striving against each other and the world—or rather the
Indian world—within the territories of Burmah. The first of these,
creating more apparent commotion and less real damage, was the struggle
between the dog-like royal family for the bone-like tiara; the second,
more dangerous and more concealed, was the envious and avaricious
passions of the nobles, or more properly, the officials employed by the
Burmese government to defeat its wishes and objects; a task which the
officials of every administration seldom fail to perform to the complete
dissatisfaction of all parties. This has been the true cause of many
disturbances in Burmah; and I am compelled to dissent in some degree
from that feeling which causes Professor Wilson to say, that, “animated
by the reaction, which suddenly elevated the Burmans from a subjugated
and humiliated people, into conquerors and sovereigns, the era of their
ambition may be dated from the recovery of their political independence;
and their liberation from the temporary yoke of the Peguers was the
prelude to their conquest of all the surrounding realms.”[265] This might
be very true of the immediate successors of the great Alompra; but the
power of the dignitaries had, by the time or which we now speak, risen to
a very great pitch, which insensibly overawed and restrained the holder
of the diadem, whoever he might be; and though, indeed, the “vigorous
despotism” of Men-ta-ra-gyee might temporarily set at defiance this
incomprehensible power, yet under the government of Nun-sun, the distant
viceroys first, and gradually the less remote officers, resumed their
former powerful position. And though they acted in subordination to the
crown, and showed a species of heroism in defending its interests, yet
they had raised the storm; and it was for them, they knew, to battle with
it, and uphold that single bond, the destruction of which would have been
totally ruinous to them.
The organized forays into our territory of Chittagong hardly assumed
any definite form until the end of 1823. “The Burmans,” says Professor
Wilson, “claimed the right of levying a toll upon all boats entering the
mouth of the river, although upon the British side; and on one occasion,
in January, 1823, a boat laden with rice, having entered the river on the
west or British side of the channel, was challenged by an armed Burman
boat, which demanded duty. As the demand was unprecedented, the Mugs, who
were British subjects, demurred payment; on which the Burmans fired upon
them, killed the manjhee, or steersman, and then retired. This outrage
was followed by reports of the assemblage of armed men on the Burman side
of the river, for the purpose of destroying the villages on the British
territory; and in order to provide against such a contingency, as well as
to prevent the repetition of any aggression upon the boats trafficking
on the Company’s side of the river, the military guard at Tek-naf, or
the mouth of the Naf, was strengthened from twenty to fifty men, of whom
a few were posted on the adjoining island of Shapurí; a small islet
or sandbank at the mouth of the river on the British side, and only
separated from the mainland by a narrow channel, which was fordable at
low water.”[266]
This act attracted the attention of the Arakhan viceroy, who thereupon
demanded its unconditional surrender, claiming it as the property of
the Burmese government. This was certainly untrue; and the existence of
many documents and facts, favourable to the British claims, caused the
resident to propose a friendly discussion of the matter. The fruitless
negotiation met an almost decisive blow on the 24th of September, when
one thousand Burmans landed and overpowered the British force, “killing
three and wounding four of the sipahees stationed there.”
“In order, however,” observes Wilson, “to avoid till the last possible
moment the necessity of hostilities, the government of Bengal, although
determined to assert their just pretensions, resolved to afford to
the court of Ava an opportunity of avoiding any collision. With this
intent, they resolved to consider the forcible occupation of Shapurí
as the act of the local authorities alone [as, in the first case, it
probably was], and addressed a declaration to the Burman government,
recapitulating the past occurrences, and calling upon the court of Ava
to disavow its officers in Arakan. The declaration was forwarded by ship
to Rangoon, with a letter addressed to the viceroy of Pegu. The tone
of this despatch was that of firmness, though of moderation; but when
rendered into the Burmese language, it may, probably, have failed to
convey the resolved and conciliatory spirit by which it was dictated,
as subsequent information, of the most authentic character, established
the fact of its having been misunderstood as a pusillanimous attempt
to deprecate the resentment of the Burmese; and it was triumphantly
appealed to at the court of Ava as a proof that the British government of
India was reluctant to enter upon the contest, because it was conscious
of possessing neither courage nor resources to engage in it with any
prospect of success; it had no other effect, therefore, than that of
confirming the court of Ava in their confident expectation of reannexing
the eastern provinces of Bengal to the empire, if not of expelling the
English from India altogether.”[267] However, the British reoccupied
Shapurí, and stockaded themselves in that post, while, in retaliation,
the Burmese seized upon the master and officers of the Company’s vessel
_Sophia_, and sent them up the country.
To continue the story in the words of Macfarlane, who has here ably
epitomized the history of Wilson:—“More and more confirmed in their
idea that we were afraid, from four thousand to five thousand Burmese
and Asamese advanced from Asam into the province of Cachar, and began
to stockade themselves at a post within five miles of the town of
Sylhet, and only two hundred and twenty-six miles from Calcutta. Major
Newton, the officer commanding on the Sylhet frontier, concentrated his
detachment and marched against the invaders. It was at daybreak on the
17th of January, 1824, that he came in sight of their stockade and of
a village adjoining, of which they had taken possession. The Burmese
in the village presently gave way, but those in the stockades made a
resolute resistance, and were not driven out until they had lost about
one hundred men, and had killed six of our sepoys. They then fled to the
hills. Shortly after this action, Mr. Scott, our commissioner, arrived
at Sylhet, and from that point he advanced to Bhadrapoor, in order to
maintain a more ready communication with the Burmese authorities. On the
31st of January, Mr. Scott received a message from the Burmese general,
who justified his advance into Cachar, and declared that he had orders to
follow and apprehend certain persons wherever they might take refuge. In
reply, this Burmese general, who held the chief command in Asam, was told
that he must not disturb the frontiers of the Company, nor interfere in
the affairs of its allies; and that the Burmese invaders must evacuate
Cachar, or the forces of the British government would be compelled to
advance both into Cachar and Asam. To this communication no answer was
received.
“It was clearly the object of the Burmese to procrastinate the
negotiations until they had strengthened themselves in the advanced
positions they had occupied. The rajah of Synteea, who had been
imperiously summoned to the Burmese camp, and commanded to prostrate
himself before the shadow of the Golden Foot, threw himself upon the
British government for protection; and various native chiefs, whose
territories lay between the frontiers of the Burmese empire and the
frontiers of the British dominions, called loudly for English aid. Thus,
the south-east frontier of Bengal had in fact been kept in constant dread
and danger of invasion for more than a year, while the adjoining and
friendly territories had been exposed to the destructive inroads and the
overbearing insolence of the Burmese and Asamese, for many years.
“Major Newton did not follow the Burmese he had routed, but, after
driving them from their stockade, he returned to Sylhet, and withdrew
the whole of his force from Cachar. Almost as soon as the major was
within his own frontier, the Burmese advanced again into the country from
which he had driven them, and stockaded some stronger positions. They
were joined by another considerable force, while another detachment,
2,000 strong, collected in their rear, as a reserve, or column of
support. Still advancing, and stockading as they advanced, the main
body of the Burmese pushed their stockades on the north bank of the
river Surma, to within 1,000 yards of the British post at Bhadrapoor.
Captain Johnstone, who commanded at that post, had but a very small
force with him, yet he succeeded in dislodging the invaders from their
unfinished works at the point of the bayonet, and in driving them
beyond the Surma. This was on the 13th of February. On the following
day, Lieutenant-Colonel Bowen joined, and took the command over Captain
Johnstone, and instantly marched in pursuit of the retreating enemy. They
were found stockading themselves in a strong position on the opposite
bank of the Jelingha. As soon as our troops were over, and had fixed
their bayonets, the Burmese cleared out of their stockade, and fled to
the hills. But there was another division of the army of the Lord of
the White Elephant, which had stockaded a much stronger position at
Doodpatlee, where their front was covered by the Surma river, and their
rear rested on steep hills. The exposed face of this intrenchment was
defended by a deep ditch, about fourteen feet wide; a strong fence of
bamboo spikes ran along the outer edge of the ditch, and the approach
on the land side was through jungle and high grass. Lieutenant-Colonel
Bowen, however, marched against this formidable stockade, and attacked
it. The Burmese remained passive till our troops advanced to the bamboo
spikes, when they poured upon them a destructive and well-maintained
fire, which completely checked their advance, although they kept their
ground. When Lieutenant Armstrong had been killed, and four other
officers wounded, and about 150 of our sepoys killed or wounded, Bowen
called off the attacking party, and retired to Jatrapoor, at a short
distance. On the 27th of February, Colonel Innes joined the force at
Jatrapoor, with four guns and a battalion of fresh troops, and assumed
the command. But, in the mean while, the Burmese had retreated from
their formidable position, and retired into their own country, evacuating
the whole of Cachar.”[268]
Such was the origin and early progress of a war fated to be most
disastrous to all parties concerned in it. We must not introduce so great
a man as the Maha Bundoola at the close of a chapter; so we end it here.