sufficient grounds, or false accusing any willingly. This is indeed to
be like the Devil, who hath the title, Διαβολος, in the Greek, because
he is the calumniator or false accuser. Hence, when we read of such
accusers in the latter days, they are, in the original, called
Διαβολοι, _calumniatores_ (2 Tim. iii. 3). It is a time of temptation
amongst you, such as never was before: let me entreat you not to be
lavish or severe in reflecting on the malice or envy of your neighbors,
by whom any of you have been accused, lest, whilst you falsely charge
one another,—viz., the relations of the afflicted and relations of the
accused,—the grand accuser (who loves to fish in troubled waters)
should take advantage upon you. Look at sin, the procuring cause; God
in justice, the sovereign efficient; and Satan, the enemy, the
principal instrument, both in afflicting some and accusing others. And,
if innocent persons be suspected, it is to be ascribed to God's
pleasure, supremely permitting, and Satan's malice subordinately
troubling, by representation of such to the afflicting of others, even
of such as have, all the while, we have reason to believe (especially
some of them), no kind of ill-will or disrespect unto those that have
been complained of by them. This giving place to the Devil avoid; for
it will have uncomforta[ii.92]ble and pernicious influence upon the
affairs of this place, by letting out peace, and bringing in confusion
and every evil work, which we heartily pray God, in mercy, to prevent."
This artifice of statement, speciously covered,—while it outrages every
sentiment of natural justice, and breaks every bond of social
responsibility,—is found, upon close inspection, to be a shocking
imputation against the divine administration. It represents the Deity,
under the phrases "sovereign efficient" and "supremely permitting" in a
view which affords equal shelter to every other class of criminals,
even of the deepest dye, as well as those who were ready and eager to
bring upon their neighbors the charge of confederacy with Satan.
The next Sunday—March 27—was the regular communion-day of the village
church; and Mr. Parris prepared duly to improve the occasion to advance
the movement then so strongly under way, and to deepen still more the
impression made by the events of the week, especially by Mr. Lawson's
sermon. He accordingly composed an elaborate and effective discourse of
his own; and a scene was arranged to follow the regular service, which
could not but produce important results. An unexpected occurrence—a
part not in the programme—took place, which created a sensation for the
moment; but it tended, upon the whole, to heighten the public
excitement, and, without much disturbing the order, only precipitated a
little the progress of events.[ii.93]
It may well be supposed, that the congregation assembled that day with
minds awfully solemnized, and altogether in a condition to be deeply
affected by the services. A respectable person always prominently
noticeable for her devout participation in the worship of the
sanctuary, and a member of the church, had, on Monday, after a public
examination, been committed to prison, and was there in irons, waiting
to be tried for her life for the blackest of crimes,—a confederacy with
the enemy of the souls of men, the archtraitor and rebel against the
throne of God. On Thursday, another venerable, and ever before
considered pious, matron of a large and influential family, a
participant in their worship, and a member of the mother-church, had
been consigned to the same fate, to be tried for the same horrible
crime. A little child had been proved to have also joined in the
infernal league. No one could tell to what extent Satan had lengthened
his chain, or who, whether old or young, were in league with him. Every
soul was still alive to the impressions made by Mr. Lawson's great
discourse, and by the throngs of excited people, including magistrates
and ministers, that had been gathered in the village.
The character and spirit of Mr. Parris's sermon are indicated in a
prefatory note in the manuscript, "occasioned by dreadful witchcraft
broke out here a few weeks past; and one member of this church, and
another of Salem, upon public examination by civil authority,
vehemently suspected for she-witches." The running[ii.94] title is,
"Christ knows how many devils there are in his church, and who they
are;" and the text is John vi. 70, 71, "Jesus answered them, Have not I
chosen you twelve, and one of you is a devil? He spake of Judas
Iscariot, the son of Simon; for he it was that should betray him, being
one of the twelve."
Peter Cloyse was born May 27, 1639. He came to Salem from York, in
Maine, and was one of the original members of the village church. He
appears to have been a person of the greatest respectability and
strength of character. He married Sarah, sister of Rebecca Nurse, and
widow of Edmund Bridges. She was admitted to the village church, Jan.
12, 1690, being then about forty-eight years of age. It may well be
supposed that she and her family were overwhelmed with affliction and
horror by the proceedings against her sister. But, as she and her
husband were both communicants, and it was sacrament-day, it was
thought best for them to summon resolution to attend the service. After
much persuasion, she was induced to go. She was a very sensitive
person, and it must have required a great effort of fortitude. Her mind
was undoubtedly much harrowed by the allusions made to the events of
the week; and, when Mr. Parris announced his text, and opened his
discourse in the spirit his language indicates, she could bear it no
longer, but rose, and left the meeting. A fresh wind blowing at the
time caused the door to slam after her. The congregation was probably
startled; but Parris was not long embarrassed by the interruption,
and[ii.95] she was attended to in due season. At the close of the
service, the following scene occurred. I give it as Parris describes it
in his church-record book:—
"After the common auditory was dismissed, and before the church's
communion at the Lord's Table, the following testimony against the
error of our Sister Mary Sibley, who had given direction to my Indian
man in an unwarrantable way to find out witches, was read by the
pastor:—
"It is altogether undeniable that our great and blessed God, for wise
and holy ends, hath suffered many persons, in several families, of this
little village, to be grievously vexed and tortured in body, and to be
deeply tempted, to the endangering of the destruction of their souls;
and all these amazing feats (well known to many of us) to be done by
witchcraft and diabolical operations. It is also well known, that, when
these calamities first began, which was in my own family, the
affliction was several weeks before such hellish operations as
witchcraft were suspected. Nay, it was not brought forth to any
considerable light, until diabolical means were used by the making of a
cake by my Indian man, who had his direction from this our sister, Mary
Sibley; since which, apparitions have been plenty, and exceeding much
mischief hath followed. But, by these means (it seems), the Devil hath
been raised amongst us, and his rage is vehement and terrible; and,
when he shall be silenced, the Lord only knows. But now that this our
sister should be instrumental to such distress is a great grief to
myself, and our godly honored and reverend neighbors, who have had the
knowledge of it. Nevertheless, I do truly hope and believe, that this
our sister doth truly[ii.96] fear the Lord; and I am well satisfied
from her, that, what she did, she did it ignorantly, from what she had
heard of this nature from other ignorant or worse persons. Yet we are
in duty bound to protest against such actions, as being indeed a going
to the Devil for help against the Devil: we having no such directions
from nature, or God's word, it must therefore be, and is, accounted, by
godly Protestants who write or speak of such matters, as diabolical;
and therefore calls this our sister to deep humiliation for what she
has done, and all of us to be watchful against Satan's wiles and
devices.
"Therefore, as we, in duty as a church of Christ, are deeply bound to
protest against it, as most directly contrary to the gospel, yet,
inasmuch as this our sister did it in ignorance as she professeth and
we believe, we can continue her in our holy fellowship, upon her
serious promise of future better advisedness and caution, and
acknowledging that she is indeed sorrowful for her rashness herein.
"Brethren, if this be your mind, that this iniquity should be thus
borne witness against, manifest it by your usual sign of lifting up
your hands.—The brethren voted generally, or universally: none made any
exceptions.
"Sister Sibley, if you are convinced that you herein did sinfully, and
are sorry for it, let us hear it from your own mouth.—She did manifest
to satisfaction her error and grief for it.
"Brethren, if herein you have received satisfaction, testify it by
lifting up your hands.—A general vote passed; no exception made.
"Note.—25th March, 1692. I discoursed said sister in my study about her
grand error aforesaid, and also then read to her what I had written as
above to be read to the[ii.97] church; and said Sister Sibley assented
to the same with tears and sorrowful confession."
This proceeding was of more importance than appears, perhaps, at first
view. It was one of Mr. Parris's most skilful moves. The course,
pursued by the "afflicted" persons had, thus far, in reference to those
engaged in the prosecutions, been in the right direction. But it was
manifest, after the exhibitions they had given, that they wielded a
fearful power, too fearful to be left without control. They could cry
out upon whomsoever they pleased; and against their accusations, armed
as they were with the power to fix the charge of guilt upon any one by
giving ocular demonstration that he or she was the author of their
sufferings, there could be no defence. They might turn, at any moment,
and cry out upon Parris or Lawson, or either or both of the deacons.
Nothing could withstand the evidence of their fits, convulsions, and
tortures. It was necessary to have and keep them under safe control,
and, to this end, to prevent any outsiders, or any injudicious or
intermeddling people, from holding intimacy with them. Parris saw this,
and, with his characteristic boldness of action and fertility of
resources, at once put a stop to all trouble, and closed the door
against danger, from this quarter.
Samuel Sibley was a member of the church, and a near neighbor of Mr.
Parris. He was about thirty-six years of age. His wife Mary was
thirty-two years of age, and also a member of the church. They[ii.98]
were persons of respectable standing and good repute. Nothing is known
to her disadvantage, but her foolish connection with the mystical
operations going on in Mr. Parris's family; and of this she was
heartily ashamed. Her penitent sensibility is quite touchingly
described by Mr. Parris. It is true that what she had done was a trifle
in comparison with what was going on every day in the families of Mr.
Parris and Thomas Putnam: but she had acted "rashly," without
"advisedness" from the right quarter, under the lead of "ignorant
persons;" and therefore it was necessary to make a great ado about it,
and hold her up as a warning to prevent other persons from meddling in
such matters. Her husband was an uncle of Mary Walcot, one of the
afflicted children; and it was particularly important to keep their
relatives, and members of their immediate families, from taking any
part or action in connection with them, except under due "advisedness,"
and the direction of persons learned in such deep matters. The family
connections of the Sibleys were extensive, and a blow struck at that
point would be felt everywhere. The procedure was undoubtedly
effectual. After Mary Sibley had been thus awfully rebuked and
distressingly exposed for dealing with "John Indian," it is not likely
that any one else ever ventured to intermeddle with the "afflicted," or
have any connection, except as outside spectators, with the marvellous
phenomena of "diabolical operations." It will be noticed, that, while
Mr. Parris thus waved the sword of disciplinary[ii.99] vengeance
against any who should dare to intrude upon the forbidden ground, he
occupied it himself without disguise, and maintained his hold upon it.
He asserts the reality of the "amazing feats" practised by diabolical
power in their midst, and enforces in the strongest language the then
prevalent views and pending proceedings.
The operations of the week, including the solemn censure of Mary
Sibley, had all worked favorably for the prosecutors and managers of
the business. The magistrates, ministers, and whole body of the people,
had become committed; the accusing girls had proved themselves apt and
competent to their work; the public reason was prostrated, and natural
sensibility stunned. All resisting forces were powerless, and all
collateral dangers avoided and provided against. The movement was fully
in hand. The next step was maturely considered, and, as we shall see,
skilfully taken.
It is to be observed, that there was, at this time, a break in the
regular government of Massachusetts. In the spring of 1689, the people
had risen, seized the royal governor, Sir Edmund Andros, and put him in
prison. They summoned their old charter governor, Simon Bradstreet,
then living in Salem, eighty-seven years of age, to the chair of state;
called the assistants of 1686 back to their seats, who provided for an
election of representatives by the people of the towns; and the
government thus created conducted affairs until the arrival of Sir
William Phipps, in May, 1692, when Massachusetts ceased to be a[ii.100]
colony, and was thenceforth, until 1774, a royal province. During these
three years, from May, 1689, to May, 1692, the government was based
upon an uprising of the people. It was a period of pure and absolute
independence of the crown or parliament of England. Although
Bradstreet's faculties were unimpaired and his spirit true and firm,
his age prevented his doing much more than to give his loved and
venerated name to the daring movement, and to the official service, of
the people. The executive functions were, for the most part, exercised
by the deputy-governor, Thomas Danforth, who was a person of great
ability and public spirit. Unfortunately, at this time he was zealously
in favor of the witchcraft prosecutions. Bradstreet was throughout
opposed to them. Had time held off its hand, and his physical energies
not been impaired, he would undoubtedly have resisted and prevented
them. Danforth, it is said by Brattle, came to disapprove of them
finally: but he began them by arrests in other towns, months before any
thing of the kind was thought of in Salem Village; and he contributed,
prominently, to give destructive and wide-spread power, in an early
stage of its development, to the witchcraft delusion here.
After the lapse of a week, preparations were completed to renew
operations, and a higher and more commanding character given to them.
On Monday, April 4, Captain Jonathan Walcot and Lieutenant Nathaniel
Ingersoll went to the town, and, "for themselves and several of their
neighbors," exhibited to the assistants[ii.101] residing there, John
Hathorne and Jonathan Corwin, complaints against "Sarah Cloyse, the
wife of Peter Cloyse of Salem Village, and Elizabeth Procter of Salem
Farms, for high suspicion of sundry acts of witchcraft." There the plan
of proceedings in reference to the above-said parties was agreed upon.
It was the result of consultation; communications probably passing with
the deputy-governor in Boston, or at his residence in Cambridge. On the
8th of April, warrants were duly issued, ordering the marshal to bring
in the prisoners "on Monday morning next, being the eleventh day of
this instant April, about eleven of the clock, in the public
meeting-house in the town." It had been arranged, that the examination
should not be, as before, in the ordinary way, before the two local
magistrates, but, in an extraordinary way, before the highest tribunal
in the colony, or a representation of it. For a preliminary hearing,
with a view merely to commitment for trial, this surely may justly be
characterized as an extraordinary, wholly irregular, and, in all points
of view, reprehensible procedure. When the day came, the meeting-house,
which was much more capacious than that at the village, was crowded;
and the old town filled with excited throngs. Upon opening proceedings,
lo and behold, instead of the two magistrates, the government of the
colony was present, in the highest character it then had as "a
council"! The record says,—
"Salem, April 11, 1692.—At a Council held at Salem, and present Thomas
Danforth, Esq., deputy-governor;[ii.102] James Russell, John Hathorne,
Isaac Addington, Major Samuel Appleton, Captain Samuel Sewall, Jonathan
Corwin, Esquires."
Russell was of Charlestown, Addington and Sewall of Boston, and
Appleton of Ipswich. Mr. Parris, "being desired and appointed to write
the examination, did take the same, and also read it before the council
in public." This document has not come down to us; but Hutchinson had
access to it, and the substance of it is preserved in his "History of
Massachusetts."
The marshal (Herrick) brought in Sarah Cloyse and Elizabeth Procter,
and delivered them "before the honorable council:" and the examination
was begun.
The deputy-governor first called to the stand John Indian, and plied
him, as was the course pursued on all these occasions, with leading
questions:—
"John, who hurt you?—Goody Procter first, and then Goody Cloyse.
"What did she do to you?—She brought the book to me.
"John, tell the truth: who hurts you? Have you been hurt?—The first was
a gentlewoman I saw.
"Who next?—Goody Cloyse.
"But who hurt you next?—Goody Procter.
"What did she do to you?—She choked me, and brought the book.
"How oft did she come to torment you?—A good many times, she and Goody
Cloyse.[ii.103]
"Do they come to you in the night, as well as the day?—They come most
in the day.
"Who?—Goody Cloyse and Goody Procter.
"Where did she take hold of you?—Upon my throat, to stop my breath.
"Do you know Goody Cloyse and Goody Procter?—Yes: here is Goody
Cloyse."
We may well suppose that these two respectable women must have been
filled with indignation, shocked, and amazed at the statements made by
the Indian, following the leading interrogatories of the Court. Sarah
Cloyse broke out, "When did I hurt thee?" He answered, "A great many
times." She exclaimed, "Oh, you are a grievous liar!" The Court
proceeded with their questions:—
"What did this Goody Cloyse do to you?—She pinched and bit me till the
blood came.
"How long since this woman came and hurt you?—Yesterday, at meeting.
"At any time before?—Yes: a great many times."
Having drawn out John Indian, the Court turned to the other afflicted
ones:—
"Mary Walcot, who hurts you?—Goody Cloyse.
"What did she do to you?—She hurt me.
"Did she bring the book?—Yes.
"What was you to do with it?—To touch it, and be well.
"(Then she fell into a fit.)"
This put a stop to the examination for a time; but it was generally
quite easy to bring witnesses out of a[ii.104] fit, and restore entire
calmness of mind. All that was necessary was to lift them up, and carry
them to the accused person, the touch of any part of whose body would,
in an instant, relieve the sufferer. This having been done, the
examination proceeded:—
"Doth she come alone?—Sometimes alone, and sometimes in company with
Goody Nurse and Goody Corey, and a great many I do not know.
"(Then she fell into a fit again.)"
She was, probably, restored in the same way as before; but, her part
being finished for that stage of the proceeding, another of the
afflicted children took the stand:—
"Abigail Williams, did you see a company at Mr. Parris's house eat and
drink?—Yes, sir: that was in the sacrament."
I would call attention to the form of the foregoing questions.
Hutchinson says that "Mr. Parris was over-officious: most of the
examinations, although in the presence of one or more magistrates, were
taken by him." He put the questions. They show, on this occasion, a
minute knowledge beforehand of what the witnesses are to say, which it
cannot be supposed Danforth, Russell, Addington, Appleton, and Sewall,
strangers, as they were, to the place and the details of the affair,
could have had. The examination proceeded:—
"How many were there?—About forty, and Goody Cloyse and Goody Good were
their deacons.[ii.105]
"What was it?—They said it was our blood, and they had it twice that
day."
The interrogator again turned to Mary Walcot, and inquired,—
"Have you seen a white man?—Yes, sir: a great many times.
"What sort of a man was he?—A fine grave man; and, when he came, he
made all the witches to tremble.
"(Abigail Williams confirmed the same, and that they had such a sight
at Deacon Ingersoll's.)
"Who was at Deacon Ingersoll's then?—Goody Cloyse, Goody Nurse, Goody
Corey, and Goody Good.
"(Then Sarah Cloyse asked for water, and sat down, as one seized with a
dying, fainting fit; and several of the afflicted fell into fits, and
some of them cried out, 'Oh! her spirit has gone to prison to her
sister Nurse.')"
The audacious lying of the witnesses; the horrid monstrousness of their
charges against Sarah Cloyse, of having bitten the flesh of the Indian
brute, and drank herself and distributed to others, as deacon, at an
infernal sacrament, the blood of the wicked creatures making these foul
and devilish declarations, known by her to be utterly and wickedly
false; and the fact that they were believed by the deputy, the council,
and the assembly,—were more than she could bear. Her soul sickened at
such unimaginable depravity and wrong; her nervous system gave way; she
fainted, and sunk to the floor. The manner in which the girls turned
the incident against her shows how they were hardened to all human
feeling, and the[ii.106] cunning art which, on all occasions,
characterized their proceedings. That such an insolent interruption and
disturbance, on their part, was permitted, without rebuke from the
Court, is a perpetual dishonor to every member of it. The scene
exhibited at this moment, in the meeting-house, is worthy of an attempt
to imagine. The most terrible sensation was naturally produced, by the
swooning of the prisoner, the loudly uttered and savage mockery of the
girls, and their going simultaneously into fits, screaming at the top
of their voices, twisting into all possible attitudes, stiffened as in
death, or gasping with convulsive spasms of agony, and crying out, at
intervals, "There is the black man whispering in Cloyse's ear," "There
is a yellow-bird flying round her head." John Indian, on such
occasions, used to confine his achievements to tumbling, and rolling
his ugly body about the floor. The deepest commiseration was felt by
all for the "afflicted," and men and women rushed to hold and soothe
them. There was, no doubt, much loud screeching, and some miscellaneous
faintings, through the whole crowd. At length, by bringing the
sufferers into contact with Goody Cloyse, the diabolical fluid passed
back into her, they were all relieved, and the examination was resumed.
Elizabeth Procter was now brought forward.
In the account given, in the First Part, of the population of Salem
Village and the contiguous farms, her husband, John Procter, was
introduced to our acquaintance. From what we then saw of him, we are
well assured that he would not shrink from the protec[ii.107]tion and
defence of his wife. He accompanied her from her arrest to her
arraignment, and stood by her side, a strong, brave, and resolute
guardian, trying to support her under the terrible trials of her
situation, and ready to comfort and aid her to the extent of his power,
disregardful of all consequences to himself. The examination
proceeded:—