We set out _en route_ for the capital on December 13th, 1863. My

little party consisted of Mr. George Cruikshank, a naval

assistant-surgeon detached to accompany me; the Rev. Mr. Bernasco,

Wesleyan missionary and private friend of the king; two negro

interpreters, thirty hammock men, and a troop of baggage porters. This

made up a total of ninety-nine mouths, which were never idle except

when asleep.

Between the seaboard and Kana, the “villegiatura,” or country capital,

of the king, there were fifty-two to fifty-three direct miles. The

country was here a campo, or rolling grassy prairie: there was a dense

and magnificent forest. At every few miles there were settlements, now

villages, once capitals which felt the weight of the Dahomé arm. The

first was Savé, ancient metropolis of the Whydah kingdom, when the

present Whydah, which was properly Gle-hwe, or the Garden House, was

only a squalid port. The territory was only thirty miles by seven, but

it mustered 200,000 fighting men. This, however, was easily explained.

In Africa every male between the ages of seventeen and fifty carried

arms: this would be about one-fifth of the population; consequently

there was one million inhabitants in an area of two hundred square

miles (4,762 souls to each mile).

After Savé came Tevé, also an ex-capital. It was a pretty little

village commanded by a Dahoman “caboceer.” This frequently used word

is a corruption of a Portuguese corruption, “caboceer,” or, rather,

“caboceira,” and means a pillow, a headman, or a chief officer. The

etiquette on arriving at such places is as follows. You alight from

your hammock before the tree under which the grandee and his party are

drawn up to receive you with vociferous shouts, with singing,

drumming, and dancing. After the first greetings you pledge him in

fresh water, which he has tasted before you. Then you drink spirits

and receive an offering of provisions. You make a return of rum and

gin, the people drum, dance, sing, and shout their thanks, and you are

at liberty to proceed.

On the fourth day we crossed the “Agrime Swamp,” which is hardly

practicable in the wet season. The road then entered upon a true

continent: we emerged from the false coast, which at one time was

under water, and which is raised by secular upheaval. At the little

town of Agrime we were delayed till the king, who was in his country

capital, sent an escort and permission to advance.

On Friday, December 18th, we entered Kana, a large and scattered town,

shaded by magnificent trees. It is about two hundred and seventy feet

above sea-level, and the climate is a relief after Whydah. The morrow

was fixed for our reception. It was Ember Day, and the date could

hardly have been better chosen.

It is hardly possible to form an idea of the _peine forte et dure_

attending the presentation in Africa. It is every negro’s object to

keep the white man waiting as long as possible, and the visitor must

be very firm and angry if he would not lose all his time.

We were duly warned to be ready at 10 a.m.; but local knowledge kept

me in the house till 1 p.m. Then we sat under a tree upon the chairs

which we had brought from Whydah, to witness the procession of

“caboceers.” Each grandee, preceded by his flag or flags, his band of

drums and rattles, and his armed retainers dancing and singing, passed

before us, shaded by an enormous umbrella of many colours. Having

marched round, he came up to us and snapped fingers (the local style

of shaking hands); then he drank with us three toasts, beginning with

his master’s health. After the “caboceers” trooped various

companies――musicians, eunuchs, and jesters. The last are buffoons,

reminding one of our feudal days. Their entertainment consists in

“making faces” (_cara feia_), as children say――wrinkling the forehead,

protruding the tongue, and clapping the jaws as apes do. They can

tumble a little and “throw the cart wheel” neatly; they dance in a

caricatured style, draw in the stomach to show that they are hungry,

pretend to be deaf and dumb, smoke a bone by way of a pipe, and

imitate my writing by scratching a sweet potato with a stick.

The review over, we made for the palace in a long procession; my men,

wearing bright red caps and waist-cloths, carried the flag of St.

George. The royal abodes are all on the same pattern: enclosures of

“taipa” wall, four courses high, and pierced with eight or ten gates.

The irregular square or oblong may be half a mile in circumference. At

the principal entrances are thatched sheds like verandahs, one hundred

feet long by fourteen to fifteen feet deep. The roof ledge rises sixty

to seventy feet high, enough for two stories, whilst the eaves of

thick and solidly packed straw rested upon posts barely four feet

tall. The inner buildings, as far as they could be seen, corresponded

with the external, and the king held his levées in one of these

barn-like sheds. The royal sleeping-places, which were often changed,

were described to me as neat rooms, divided from the courtyard by a

wall with a _chevaux de frise_ of human jawbones. The floors were

paved with the skulls of conquered chiefs, forming a _descente de lit_

upon which Gelele had the daily pleasure of trampling.

The complicated reception was typical of the Dahoman military empire.

We found, ranged in a line outside the gate, twenty-four umbrellas or

brigades belonging to the highest male dignitaries. The army, or, what

was here synonymous, the Court, was divided into two portions, male

and female, or, rather, female and male, as the women troops took

precedence. They occupied the inside of the palace, and they were the

king’s bodyguard in peace or war. Each line had a right and a left

wing, so called from their position relative to the throne. The

former, which is the senior, was commanded by the “min-gau” who

cumulated the offices of premier and head executioner. His lieutenant

was the adanejan. Dahoman officials, for better espionage, were always

in pairs. The general of the left wing was the “meu,” who collected

revenue and tribute, declared war, and had charge of all strangers.

His _alter ego_ was styled the ben-wan-ton. Under these great men were

smaller great men, and all were _de facto_ as well as _de jure_ slaves

to the king.

[Illustration: BURTON VISITS THE KING OF DAHOMÉ. [_See Page 213._]

Presently we were summoned to enter the palace. We closed our

umbrellas by order, walked hurriedly across a large yard, and halted

at a circle of white sand spread upon the clayey ground. Here we bowed

to a figure sitting under the shady thatch; and he returned, we were

told, the compliment. The chief ministers who accompanied us fell flat

upon the sand, kissed it, rolled in it, and threw it by handfuls over

their heads and robes of satin and velvet. The ceremony is repeated at

every possible opportunity; and when the king drinks, all the subjects

turn their backs upon him and shout.

Then we advanced to the clay bench upon which King Gelele sat. After

the usual quadruple bows and hand-wavings, he stood up, tucked in his

toga, descended to the ground, and, aided by nimble feminine fingers,

donned his sandals. He then greeted me with sundry vigorous wrings _à

la John Bull_, and inquired after Queen Victoria, the Ministry, and

the people of England, which country is supposed to be like Dahomé,

but a little larger and richer.

Our chairs were then placed before the seat, to which he returned, and

we drank the normal three toasts to his health. On these occasions it

is not necessary to empty the glass, which may be handed to an

attendant. Salutes having been fired, we retired a hundred feet from

the presence and sat under giant umbrellas.

Gelele was then about forty-five years old, upwards of six feet high,

olive complexioned, athletic and well made, with clear signs of

African blood. His dress was simple to excess: a loose shirt of plain

white stuff edged with green silk, a small smoking-cap, a few iron

rings on his arms, and a human tooth strung round his neck. The only

splendour was in his gold and scarlet sandals, here distinctive of

royalty. They were studded with crosses, also royal emblems. He called

himself a Christian, and he was a Moslem as well: like all barbarians,

he would rather believe too much than too little, and he would give

himself every chance in both worlds.

Under the thatch behind the king were his wives, known by their

handsome dresses, silver hair studs, and the absence of weapons. They

atoned for want of beauty by excessive devotion to their lord, who

apparently did everything by proxy except smoke his long-stemmed clay

pipe.

The inner court of the palace reflected the outer, and the women sat

in the sun along the external wall of the royal shed with their

musket-barrels bristling upwards. The right wing was commanded by a

“premieress,” who executed all women; the left was also under the she

“meu.” A semicircle of bamboos lying on the ground separated the sexes

at levées. The instrument of communication was a woman-messenger, who,

walking up to the bamboos, delivered her message on all fours to the

“meu.” The latter proclaimed it to the many.

I must here say a few words about the Amazons, or fighting women. The

corps was a favourite with the late king, who thus checked the

turbulence and treachery of his male subjects. The number was

estimated at 10,000 to 12,000; I do not believe it exceeded 2,500.

They were divided into blunderbuss-women, elephant-hunters, beheaders,

who carry razors four feet long, and the line armed with muskets and

short swords.

All the Amazons were _ex-officio_ royal wives, and the first person

who made the king a father was one of his soldieresses. It was high

treason to touch them even accidentally; they lodged in the palace,

and when they went abroad all men, even strangers, had to clear off

the road. Gelele often made his visitors honorary commandants of his

guard of Amazons (I was made one); but this did not entitle them to

inspect companies.

Such a _régime_ makes the Amazons, as might be expected, intolerably

fierce. Their sole object in life is blood-spilling and head-snatching.

They pride themselves upon not being men, and with reason. The

soldiers blink and shrink when they fire their guns; the soldieresses

do not. The men run away; the women fight to the bitter end. In the

last attack on the city of Abokuta (March 15th, 1864) several of the

Amazons of my own regiment scaled the walls; their brethren-in-arms

hardly attempted the feat.

Dahomé thus presented the anomaly of an African kingdom in which women

took precedence of men. Hence every employé of Government had to

choose a “mother”――that is to say, some elderly Amazon officer who

would look after his interests at headquarters. Often he had two, an

“old mother,” dating from the days of the late king, and a “young

mother,” belonging to the actual reign. He had to pay them well, or

his affairs were inevitably bad. Thus there was also a Brazilian, an

English, and a French “mother”; and visitors of those nations were

expected to propitiate their fond and unpleasant parents with presents

of cloth, jewelry, perfumes, and so forth.

The levée ended with a kind of parade. A few simple manœuvres and many

furious decapitation dances were performed by a select company of the

young Amazons. They were decently dressed in long sleeveless

waistcoats, petticoats of various coloured cottons, secured at the

waist by a sash and extending to the ankles, whilst narrow fillets of

ribbon secured their hair and denoted their corps. Their arms were

muskets and short swords, and all had belts, bullet bags, and

cartridge boxes.

When the sun set a bottle of rum was sent to us. At this hint we rose

and prepared to retire. Gelele again descended from his seat and

accompanied us to the gate, preceded by a buzzing swarm of courtiers,

who smoothed every inch of ground for the royal foot. He finally shook

hands with us, and promised to meet us in a few days at Agbomé, the

capital.

We lost no time in setting out for Agbomé, and were surprised to find

an excellent carriage road, broad and smooth, between the two cities.

Agbomé had no hotels, but we managed lodgings at the house of the

bukono, a high officer who was doctor and wizard to the Court and

curator of strangers, whom he fleeced pitilessly.

I will now touch briefly on the ill-famed “customs” of Dahomé. The

word is taken from the Portuguese _costume_, and here means the royal

sacrifices. Many travellers have witnessed them, but no one has

attempted to inquire into their origin. I attribute these murderous

customs not to love of bloodshed, but simply to filial piety.

The Dahoman, like the ancient Egyptian, holds this world to be his

temporary lodging. His own home is Ku-to-men, or Deadman’s Land. It is

not a place of rewards and punishments, but a Hades for ghosts, a

region of shades, where the king will rule for ever and where the

slave will always serve. The idea is ever present to the popular mind.

When, for instance, sunshine accompanies rain the Dahoman says the

spirits are marketing. In Brazil the fox is marrying; in England the

devil is beating his wife.

A deceased king cannot, therefore, be sent to Ku-to-men as a common

negro. At his interment a small court must be slain――leopard-wives

(that is to say, young and handsome wives), old wives, ministers,

friends, soldiers, musicians, men and women. These are the grand

customs, which may average one thousand to two thousand deaths. The

annual customs, which we were now to witness, reinforce the ghostly

court, and number from eighty to one hundred head.

But destruction of life does not end here. All novelties, such as the

arrival of an officer in uniform, must be reported to the dead by the

living king. A captive or a criminal is summoned, and the message is

given to him. He is made to swallow a bottle of rum, whose object is

to keep him in a good humour, and his head is then and there struck

off. Only on one occasion did the patient object to the journey,

saying that he did not know the road to Ku-to-men. “You shall soon

find it out!” cried the king, who at once decapitated the wretch

without rum. If any portion of the message be forgotten, another

victim must be despatched with it. A hard-hearted traveller calls this

the postscript.

A Dahoman king neglecting these funeral rites would have been looked

upon as the most impious of men, and a powerful priesthood would soon

have sent him to Ku-to-men on his own account. It may now be

understood how hopeless was my mission. It may be compared, without

disrespect, to memorialising the Vatican against masses for the dead.

The king’s sole and necessary answer was _non possumus_.

The “customs” began on December 28th, 1863, and ended on January 25th,

1864. They were of two kinds. The first was performed by Gelele, king

of the city; the second are in the name of Addo-Kpon, ruler of the

“bush,” or country――also Gelele. The ruler of Dahomé was thus double,

two persons in one, and each had his separate palace and property,

mothers and ministers, Amazons, officers, and soldiers. I have

conjectured that the reason of this strange organisation is that the

“bush-king” may buy and sell, which the “city-king” holds to be below

his dignity.

The description of a single “custom” will suffice. About midday of

December 28th, when summoned to the palace, we passed through the

market-place, and we found the victim-shed finished and furnished.

This building was a long, wall-less barn one hundred feet long, the

roof was a thatch covered with a striped cloth on a blood-red ground

and supported by tree trunks. On the west was a two-storied tower,

sixty feet high, with four posts in front of each floor. There were on

this occasion twenty victims sitting on stools, each before his post,

with his arms around it and his wrists lashed together outside it. The

confinement was not cruel; each had a slave to flap away the flies,

all were fed four times a day, and they were released at night. The

dress was a long white nightcap and a calico shirt with blue and

crimson patches and bindings. A white man would have tried to escape;

these negroes are led like black sheep to the slaughter. They marked

time as the bands played, and they chatted together, apparently

quizzing us. I may here remark that at my request the king released

half of these men, and that not one of them took the trouble to thank

me or to beg alms from me.

Hardly were we seated when Gelele, protected by a gorgeous canopy

umbrella, came forth from the palace with Amazons and courtiers in a

dense, dark stream. Having visited his fetish gods, he greeted us and

retired to his seat under the normal shed. As at Kana, his wives

crowded together behind and the soldieresses ranged themselves in

front. The ceremonies consisted of dancing, drumming, and distributing

decorations――necklaces of red and yellow beads. There was fearful

boasting about feats of past valour and bravery to come. About sunset

the king suddenly approached us, and I thanked him for the spectacle.

He then withdrew, and we lost no time in following his example.

Nothing could be poorer than this display: any petty Indian rajah can

command more wealth and splendour. All was barren barbarism, and the

only “sensation” was produced by a score of human beings condemned to

death and enjoying the death show.

On the morrow I sent a message to the palace, officially objecting to

be present at any human sacrifice, and declaring that if any murder

took place before me I should retire to the coast. The reply was that

few were to be executed, that the victims would only be malignant war

captives and the worst of criminals, and that all should be killed at

night. With this crumb of comfort I was compelled to rest satisfied.

Hitherto gangs of victims cruelly gagged had been paraded before

visitors, in whose hearing and often before whose sight the murders

were committed. Something is gained by diminishing the demoralising

prominence of these death scenes. It is not so long ago since it was

determined that the “customs” of England should be performed within

the prisons, and not further debase the mob of spectators.

The catastrophe took place on what is called the “zan nya nyana,” or

the evil night. At intervals we heard the boom of the death-drum

announcing some horrible slaughter. It was reported that the king had

with his own hand assisted the premier-executioner.

On the next morning we were summoned to the palace, whose approach was

a horror. Four corpses, habited in the criminal shirts and nightcaps,

sat as though in life upon the usual dwarf stools. The seats were

supported upon a two-storied scaffold made of four rough beams, two

upright and two horizontal, and about forty feet high. On a similar

but smaller erection hard by were two victims, one above the other.

Between these substantial erections was a tall gallows of thin posts,

from which a single victim dangled by his heels. Lastly, another

framework of the same kind was planted close to our path, and attached

to the cross-bar, with fine cords round the ankles and above the

knees, hung two corpses side by side and head downwards. The bodies,

though stiff, showed no signs of violence: the wretches had probably

been stifled.

At the south-eastern gate of the palace we found freshly severed heads

in two batches of six each, surrounded by a raised rim of ashes. The

clean-cut necks were turned upwards, and the features were not

visible. Within the entrance were two more heads; all the bodies had

been removed, so as not to offend the king.

Thus on Gelele’s “evil night” twenty-three human beings had lost their

lives. And this is but one act in the fatal drama called the

“customs.” It is said that an equal number of women were slaughtered

within the walls of the royal abode, and I had every reason to believe

the report.

I was kept waiting more than a month in this den of abominations

before the king could enter upon public affairs. He was discontented

with the presents sent from England, and he was preparing to attack a

huge Nago city――Abeokuta――where, by-the-bye, he was signally defeated.

When my last visit to him took place he stubbornly ignored, even in

the least important matters, the wishes of H.M.’s Government. Filled

with an exaggerated idea of his own importance, and flattered almost

to madness by his courtiers, he proceeded to dictate his own terms.

His next thought was an ignoble greed for presents. He bade me a

friendly adieu, and asked me to visit him next year with an English

carriage and horses, a large silk pavilion, and other such little

gifts. I refused to promise, and I resolved not to put my head for the

third time into the hyæna’s mouth. For although Gelele has never shed

the blood of a white man, he might, at the bidding of his fetishers,

send a new kind of messenger to Ku-to-men by means of a cup of coffee

or a dish of meat. I was glad when I found myself safely back in the

pestilential climate of Fernando Po.

_A TRIP UP THE CONGO_

1863

_A TRIP UP THE CONGO_[7]

1863

Before starting on an exploration into any part of Africa (especially

the West Coast), it is essential that the traveller should be properly

equipped with the necessary kit both for the inward and outward man.

Clothing, blankets, and waterproofs of every description; tea, coffee,

and sugar if they be desirable; a few bottles of real genuine cognac

if come-at-able, or some ten years’ old Jamaica rum if attainable.

On the occasion of our starting from Fernando Po in August 1863, for

the purpose of ascending the river Congo, our kit consisted of one

bullock-trunk, one small portable canteen, one dressing-bag, two

uniform-cases, one hat-box, one gun-case, one tin box, one deal case

of bread, one package of tins of milk, one canteen of cooking

utensils, one tin of green tea, one ditto coffee, one small box of

medical comforts, etc., two striped bags, a white canvas bag

containing newspapers, three guns, two walking sticks, one camp bed

and mats, two revolvers, one simpiesometer, a pocket azimuth, an

instrument case, one powder horn, one shot-bag and hunting ditto. At

St. Paul de Loanda we added two cases of gin, and at Point Banana

twelve pieces of siamois, or fancy cloths, twenty pieces riscados, or

blue and white stripe, and ten pieces satin stripe, besides six

thousand five hundred beads, china, and imitation corals. To all this

we afterwards received at Embomma fifteen kegs of gunpowder and ten

demijohns of rum.

H.M.S. _Torch_ took us down to Loango Bay, and there Captain Smith

transferred us on board the sloop-of-war _Zebra_, Captain Hoskins, who

in his turn took us to St. Paul’s and put us in the hands of Captain

Perry, of H.M.S. _Griffon_, and this latter vessel took us into the

Congo; and forthwith we commenced a start up the river on August 31st,

1863.

The usual mode of ascending the river up as far as Embomma is by means

of small fore and aft schooners, generally from twenty to forty tons

measurement, which are heavily sparred and well supplied with canvas.

Our gear was taken by the _Griffon’s_ boats and put on board the

French schooner _Esperance_. We had a fine breeze that afternoon, and

the _Esperance_ sailed up the river most gallantly. The party on board

consisted of myself, Captain Perry, Mr. Bigley, and Monsieur Pisseaux,

a Frenchman; besides William Dean, boatswain, my servant, four French

native soldiers, and the schooner’s crew.

_Wednesday, September 2nd._――We breakfasted at a Portuguese factory,

and soon after breakfast we weighed anchor and sailed up the river,

arriving betimes at Porto da Lentra. In the afternoon we left Porto da

Lentra, and proceeded. Passed several villages on the port hand. Boat

got ashore several times after dark. About nine o’clock the

Missolongis hailed and asked who we were. When I answered, they said

they would pay us a visit during the night. We prepared to give them a

warm reception. During the night we rounded Point Devil, a most

dangerous place for navigation. Anchored at 10.30 p.m.

Wanderings in Three Continents · 第 12 / 17 段