This comedy preceded by a few days only the actual disaster. On the 22d

of August the news reached Tournay that the churches in Antwerp, Ghent,

and many other places, had been sacked. There was an instantaneous

movement towards imitating the example on the same evening. Pasquier de

la Barre, procureur-general of the city, succeeded by much entreaty in

tranquillizing the people for the night. The "guard of terror" was set,

and hopes were entertained that the storm might blow over. The

expectation, was vain. At daybreak next day, the mob swept upon the

churches and stripped them to the very walls. Pictures, statues; organs,

ornaments, chalices of silver and gold, reliquaries, albs, chasubles,

copes, ciboriea, crosses, chandeliers, lamps; censers, all of richest

material, glittering with pearls, rubies, and other precious stones, were

scattered in heaps of ruin upon the ground.

As the Spoilers burrowed among the ancient tombs, they performed, in one

or two instances, acts of startling posthumous justice. The embalmed

body of Duke Adolphus of Gueldres, last of the Egmonts, who had reigned

in that province, was dragged from its sepulchre and recognized.

Although it had been there for ninety years, it was as uncorrupted,

"Owing to the excellent spices which had preserved it from decay," as

upon the day of burial. Thrown upon the marble floor of the church, it

lay several days exposed to the execrations of the multitude. The Duke

had committed a crime against his father, in consequence of which the

province which had been ruled by native races, had passed under the

dominion of Charles the Bold. Weary of waiting for the old Duke's

inheritance, he had risen against him in open rebellion. Dragging him

from his bed at midnight in the depth of winter, he had compelled the old

man, with no covering but his night gear, to walk with naked feet twenty-

five miles over ice and snow from Grave to Buren, while he himself

performed the same journey in his company on horseback. He had then

thrown him into a dungeon beneath the tower of Buren castle, and kept him

a close prisoner for six months.

[Memoires de Philippe de Comines (Loud. et Paris, 1747), liv. iv.

194-196. In the Royal Gallery at Berlin is a startling picture by

Rembrandt, in which the old Duke is represented looking out of the

bars of his dungeon at his son, who is threatening him with uplifted

hand and savage face. No subject could be imagined better adapted

to the gloomy and sarcastic genius of that painter.]

At last, the Duke of Burgundy summoned the two before his council, and

proposed that Adolphus should allow his father 6000 florins annually,

with the title of Duke till his death. "He told us," said Comines, "that

he would sooner throw the old man head-foremost down a well and jump in

himself afterwards. His father had been Duke forty-four years, and it

was time for him to retire." Adolphus being thus intractable, had been

kept in prison till after the death of Charles the Bold. To the

memorable insurrection of Ghent, in the time of the Lady Mary, he owed

his liberty. The insurgent citizens took him from prison, and caused him

to lead them in their foray against Tournay. Beneath the walls of that

city he was slain, and buried under its cathedral. And now as if his

offence had not been sufficiently atoned for by the loss of his ancestral

honors, his captivity, and his death, the earth, after the lapse of

nearly a century, had cast him forth from her bosom. There, once more

beneath the sunlight, amid a ribald crew of a later generation which had

still preserved the memory of his sin, lay the body of the more than

parricide, whom "excellent spices" had thus preserved from corruption,

only to be the mark of scorn and demoniac laughter.

A large assemblage of rioters, growing in numbers as they advanced, swept

over the province of Tournay, after accomplishing the sack of the city

churches. Armed with halberds, hammers, and pitchforks, they carried on

the war, day after day, against the images. At the convent of

Marchiennes, considered by contemporaries the most beautiful abbey in all

the Netherlands, they halted to sing the ten commandments in Marot's

verse. Hardly had the vast chorus finished the precept against graven

images;

Taiiler ne to feras imaige

De quelque chose que ce soit,

Sy bonneur luy fail on hommaige,

Bon Dieu jalousie en recoit,

when the whole mob seemed seized with sudden madness. Without waiting to

complete the Psalm, they fastened upon the company of marble martyrs, as

if they had possessed sensibility to feel the blows inflicted. In an

hour they had laid the whole in ruins.

Having accomplished this deed, they swept on towards Anchin. Here,

however, they were confronted by the Seigneur de la Tour, who, at the

head of a small company of peasants, attacked the marauders and gained

a complete victory. Five or six hundred of them were slain, others were

drowned in the river and adjacent swamps, the rest were dispersed.

It was thus proved that a little more spirit upon the part of the orderly

portion of the inhabitants, might have brought about a different result

than the universal image-breaking.

In Valenciennes, "the tragedy," as an eye-witness calls it, was performed

upon Saint Bartholomew's day. It was, however, only a tragedy of

statues. Hardly as many senseless stones were victims as there were to

be living Huguenots sacrificed in a single city upon a Bartholomew which

was fast approaching. In the Valenciennes massacre, not a human being

was injured.

Such in general outline and in certain individual details, was the

celebrated iconomachy of the Netherlands. The movement was a sudden

explosion of popular revenge against the symbols of that Church from

which the Reformers had been enduring such terrible persecution. It was

also an expression of the general sympathy for the doctrines which had

taken possession of the national heart. It was the depravation of that

instinct which had in the beginning of the summer drawn Calvinists and

Lutherans forth in armed bodies, twenty thousand strong, to worship God

in the open fields. The difference between the two phenomena was, that

the field-preaching was a crime committed by the whole mass of the

Reformers; men, women, and children confronting the penalties of death,

by a general determination, while the imagebreaking was the act of a

small portion of the populace. A hundred persons belonging to the lowest

order of society sufficed for the desecration of the Antwerp churches.

It was, said Orange, "a mere handful of rabble" who did the deed. Sir

Richard Clough saw ten or twelve persons entirely sack church after

church, while ten thousand spectators looked on, indifferent or horror-

struck. The bands of iconoclasts were of the lowest character, and few

in number. Perhaps the largest assemblage was that which ravaged the

province of Tournay, but this was so weak as to be entirely routed by a

small and determined force. The duty of repression devolved upon both

Catholics and Protestants. Neither party stirred. All seemed overcome

with special wonder as the tempest swept over the land.

The ministers of the Reformed religion, and the chiefs of the liberal

party, all denounced the image-breaking. Francis Junius bitterly

regretted such excesses. Ambrose Wille, pure of all participation in the

crime, stood up before ten thousand Reformers at Tournay--even while the

storm was raging in the neighboring cities, and, when many voices around

him were hoarsely commanding similar depravities to rebuke the outrages

by which a sacred cause was disgraced. The Prince of Orange, in his

private letters, deplored the riots, and stigmatized the perpetrators.

Even Brederode, while, as Suzerain of his city of Viane, he ordered the

images there to be quietly taken from the churches, characterized this

popular insurrection as insensate and flagitious. Many of the leading

confederates not only were offended with the proceedings, but, in their

eagerness to chastise the iconoclasts and to escape from a league of

which they were weary, began to take severe measures against the

Ministers and Reformers, of whom they had constituted themselves

in April the especial protectors.

The next remarkable characteristic of these tumults was the almost entire

abstinence of the rioters from personal outrage and from pillage. The

testimony of a very bitter, but honest Catholic at Valenciennes, is

remarkable upon this point. "Certain chroniclers," said he, "have

greatly mistaken the character of this image-breaking. It has been said

that the Calvinists killed a hundred priests in this city, cutting some

of them into pieces, and burning others over a slow fire. I remember

very well every thing which happened upon that abominable day, and I can

affirm that not a single priest was injured. The Huguenots took good

care not to injure in any way the living images." This was the case

every where. Catholic and Protestant writers agree that no deeds of

violence were committed against man or woman.

It would be also very easy to accumulate a vast weight of testimony as to

their forbearance from robbery. They destroyed for destruction's sake,

not for purposes of plunder.

Although belonging to the lowest classes of society, they left heaps of

jewellery, of gold and silver plate, of costly embroidery, lying unheeded

upon the ground. They felt instinctively that a great passion would be

contaminated by admixture with paltry motives. In Flanders a company of

rioters hanged one of their own number for stealing articles to the value

of five Shillings. In Valenciennes the iconoclasts were offered large

sums if they would refrain from desecrating the churches of that city,

but they rejected the proposal with disdain. The honest Catholic burgher

who recorded the fact, observed that he did so because of the many

misrepresentations on the subject, not because he wished to flatter

heresy and rebellion.

At Tournay, the greatest scrupulousness was observed upon this point.

The floor of the cathedral was strewn with "pearls and precious stones,

with chalices and reliquaries of silver and gold;" but the ministers of

the reformed religion, in company with the magistrates, came to the spot,

and found no difficulty, although utterly without power to prevent the

storm, in taking quiet possession of the wreck. "We had every thing of

value," says Procureur-General De la Barre, "carefully inventoried,

weighed, locked in chests, and placed under a strict guard in the prison

of the Halle, to which one set of keys were given to the ministers, and

another to the magistrates." Who will dare to censure in very severe

language this havoc among stocks and stones in a land where so many

living men and women, of more value than many statues, had been

slaughtered by the inquisition, and where Alva's "Blood Tribunal" was so

soon to eclipse even that terrible institution in the number of its

victims and the amount of its confiscations?

Yet the effect of the riots was destined to be most disastrous for a time

to the reforming party. It furnished plausible excuses for many lukewarm

friends of their cause to withdraw from all connection with it. Egmont

denounced the proceedings as highly flagitious, and busied himself with

punishing the criminals in Flanders. The Regent was beside herself with

indignation and terror. Philip, when he heard the news, fell into a

paroxysm of frenzy. "It shall cost them dear!" he cried, as he tore

his beard for rage; "it shall cost them dear! I swear it by the soul

of my father!" The Reformation in the Netherlands, by the fury of these

fanatics, was thus made apparently to abandon the high ground upon which

it had stood in the early summer. The sublime spectacle of the

multitudinous field-preaching was sullied by the excesses of the image-

breaking. The religious war, before imminent, became inevitable.

Nevertheless, the first effect of the tumults was a temporary advantage

to the Reformers. A great concession was extorted from the fears of the

Duchess Regent, who was certainly placed in a terrible position. Her

conduct was not heroic, although she might be forgiven for trepidation.

Her treachery, however, under these trying circumstances was less venial.

At three o'clock in the morning of the 22nd of August, Orange, Egmont,

Horn, Hoogatraaten, Mansfeld, and others were summoned to the palace.

They found her already equipped for flight, surrounded by her waiting-

women, chamberlains and lackeys, while the mules and hackneys stood

harnessed in the court-yard, and her body-guard were prepared to mount at

a moment's notice. She announced her intention of retreating at once to

Mons, in which city, owing to Aerschot's care, she hoped to find refuge

against the fury of the rebellion then sweeping the country. Her alarm

was almost beyond control. She was certain that the storm was ready to

burst upon Brussels, and that every Catholic was about to be massacred

before her eyes. Aremberg, Berlaymont, and Noircarmes were with the

Duchess when the other seigniors arrived.

A part of the Duke of Aerschot's company had been ordered out to escort

the projected flight to Mons. Orange, Horn, Egmont, and Hoogstraaten

implored her to desist from her fatal resolution. They represented that

such a retreat before a mob would be the very means of ruining the

country. They denounced all persons who had counselled the scheme,

as enemies of his Majesty and herself. They protested their readiness

to die at her feet in her defence, but besought her not to abandon the

post of duty in the hour of peril. While they were thus anxiously

debating, Viglius entered the chamber. With tears streaming down her

cheeks, Margaret turned to the aged President, uttering fierce reproaches

and desponding lamentations. Viglius brought the news that the citizens

had taken possession of the gates, and were resolved not to permit her

departure from the city. He reminded her, according to the indispensable

practice of all wise counsellors, that he had been constantly predicting

this result. He, however, failed in administering much consolation,

or in suggesting any remedy. He was, in truth, in as great a panic as

herself, and it was, according to the statement of the Duchess, mainly in

order to save the President from threatened danger, that she eventually

resolved to make concessions. "Viglius," wrote Margaret to Philip,

"is so much afraid of being cut to pieces, that his timidity has become

incredible." Upon the warm assurance of Count Horn, that he would enable

her to escape from the city, should it become necessary, or would perish

in the attempt, a promise in which he was seconded by the rest of the

seigniors, she consented to remain for the day in her palace.--Mansfeld

was appointed captain-general of the city; Egmont, Horn, Orange, and the

others agreed to serve under his orders, and all went down together to

the townhouse. The magistrates were summoned, a general meeting of

the citizens was convened, and the announcement made of Mansfeld's

appointment, together with an earnest appeal to all honest men to

support the Government. The appeal was answered by a shout of unanimous

approbation, an enthusiastic promise to live or die with the Regent, and

the expression of a resolution to permit neither reformed preaching nor

image-breaking within the city.

Nevertheless, at seven o'clock in the evening, the Duchess again sent for

the seigniors. She informed them that she had received fresh and certain

information, that the churches were to be sacked that very night; that

Viglius, Berlaymont, and Aremberg were to be killed, and that herself and

Egmont were to be taken prisoners. She repeated many times that she had

been ill-advised, expressed bitter regret at having deferred her flight

from the city, and called upon those who had obstructed her plan, now to

fulfil their promises. Turning fiercely upon Count Horn, she uttered a

volley of reproaches upon his share in the transaction. "You are the

cause," said she, "that I am now in this position. Why do you not redeem

your pledge and enable me to leave the place at once." Horn replied that

he was ready to do so if she were resolved to stay no longer. He would

at the instant cut his way through the guard at the Caudenberg gate, and

bring her out in safety, or die in the effort. At the same time he

assured her that he gave no faith to the idle reports flying about the

city, reminded her that nobles, magistrates, and citizens were united in

her defence, and in brief used the, same arguments which had before been

used to pacify her alarm. The nobles were again successful in enforcing

their counsels, the Duchess was spared the ignominy and the disaster of a

retreat before an insurrection which was only directed against statues,

and the ecclesiastical treasures of Brussels were saved from sacrilege.

On the 25th August came the crowning act of what the Reformers considered

their most complete triumph, and the Regent her deepest degradation. It

was found necessary under the alarming aspect of affairs, that liberty of

worship, in places where it had been already established, should be

accorded to the new religion. Articles of agreement to this effect were

accordingly drawn up and exchanged between the Government and Lewis of

Nassau, attended by fifteen others of the confederacy. A corresponding

pledge was signed by them, that so long as the Regent was true to her

engagement, they would consider their previously existing league

annulled, and would assist cordially in every endeavor to maintain

tranquillity and support the authority of his Majesty. The important

Accord was then duly signed by the Duchess. It declared that the

inquisition was abolished, that his Majesty would soon issue a new

general edict, expressly and unequivocally protecting the nobles against

all evil consequences from past transactions, that they were to be

employed in the royal service, and that public preaching according to

the forms of the new religion was to be practised in places where it had

already taken place. Letters general were immediately despatched to the

senates of all the cities, proclaiming these articles of agreement and

ordering their execution. Thus for a fleeting moment there was a thrill

of joy throughout the Netherlands. The inquisition was thought forever

abolished, the era of religious reformation arrived.

ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:

All denounced the image-breaking

Anxiety to do nothing wrong, the senators did nothing at all

Before morning they had sacked thirty churches

Bigotry which was the prevailing characteristic of the age

Enriched generation after generation by wealthy penitence

Fifty thousand persons in the provinces (put to death)

Furious fanaticism

Lutheran princes of Germany, detested the doctrines of Geneva

Monasteries, burned their invaluable libraries

No qualities whatever but birth and audacity to recommend him

Notre Dame at Antwerp

Persons who discussed religious matters were to be put to death

Premature zeal was prejudicial to the cause

Purchased absolution for crime and smoothed a pathway to heaven

Rearing gorgeous temples where paupers are to kneel

Schism which existed in the general Reformed Church

Storm by which all these treasures were destroyed (in 7 days)

The noblest and richest temple of the Netherlands was a wreck

Tyrannical spirit of Calvinism

Would not help to burn fifty or sixty thousand Netherlanders

The Rise of the Dutch Republic — Volume 10: 1566, part I · 第 6 / 6 段