While the Marshals had gone to Paris Bonaparte was anxious to ascertain

whether his Commissioners had passed the advanced posts of the foreign

armies, and in case of resistance he determined to march on Paris, for

he could not believe that he had lost every chance. He sent an aide de

camp to desire Marmont to come immediately to Fontainebleau: such was

Napoleon's impatience that instead of waiting for the return of his

aide de camp he sent off a second and then a third officer on the same

errand. This rapid succession of envoys from the Emperor alarmed the

general who commanded the different divisions of Marmont's corps at

Essonne. They feared that the Emperor was aware of the Convention

concluded that morning with Prince Schwartzenberg, and that he had sent

for Marmont with the view of reprimanding him. The fact was, Napoleon

knew nothing of the matter, for Marmont, on departing for Paris with

Macdonald and Ney, had left orders that it should be said that he had

gone to inspect his lines. Souham; Lebrun des Essarts, and Bordessoulle,

who had given their assent to the Convention with Prince Schwartzenberg,

deliberated in the absence of Marmont, and, perhaps being ignorant that

he was released from his promise, and fearing the vengeance of Napoleon,

they determined to march upon Versailles. On arriving there the troops

not finding the Marshal at their head thought themselves betrayed, and

a spirit of insurrection broke out among them. One of Marmont's aides

de camp, whom he had left at Essonne, exerted every endeavour to prevent

the departure of his general's corps, but, finding all his efforts

unavailing, he hastened to Paris to inform the Marshal of what had

happened. 'When Marmont received this news he was breakfasting at Ney's

with Macdonald and Caulaincourt: they were waiting for the answer which

the Emperor Alexander had promised to send them. The march of his corps

on Versailles threw Marmont into despair. He said to the Marshals, "I

must be off to join my corps and quell this mutiny;" and without losing

a moment he ordered his carriage and directed the coachman to drive with

the utmost speed. He sent forward one of his aides de camp to inform the

troops of his approach.

Having arrived within a hundred paces of the place where his troops were

assembled he found the generals who were under his orders advancing

to meet him. They urged him not to go farther, as the men were in open

insurrection. "I will go into the midst of them," said Marmont. "In a

moment they shall either kill me or acknowledge me as their chief:"

He sent off another aide de camp to range the troops in the order of

battle. Then, alighting from the carriage and mounting a horse, he

advanced alone, and thus harangued his troops: "How! Is there treason

here? Is it possible that you disown me? Am I not your comrade? Have I

not been wounded twenty times among you? . . . Have I not shared your

fatigues and privations? And am I not ready to do so again?" Here

Marmont was interrupted by a general shout of "Vive le Marechal! Vive le

Marechal!"

The alarm caused among the members of the Provisional Government by

the mission of the Marshals was increased by the news of the mutiny

of Marmont's troops. During the whole of the day we were in a state of

tormenting anxiety. It was feared that the insurrectionary spirit might

spread among other corps of the army, and the cause of France again be

endangered. But the courage of Marmont saved everything: It would be

impossible to convey any idea of the manner in which he was received by

us at Talleyrand's when he related the particulars of what had occurred

at Versailles.

On the evening of the day on which Marmont had acted so nobly it was

proposed that the army should adopt the white cockade. In reply to

this proposition the Marshal said, "Gentlemen, I have made my troops

understand the necessity of serving France before all things. They have,

consequently, returned to order, and I can now answer for them. But what

I cannot answer for is to induce them to abandon the colours which have

led them to victory for the last twenty years. Therefore do not count

upon me for a thing which I consider to be totally hostile to the

interests of France. I will speak to the Emperor Alexander on the

subject." Such were Marmont's words. Every one appeared to concur in his

opinion, and the discussion terminated. For my own part, I find by

my notes that I declared myself strongly in favour of Marmont's

proposition.

The Marshal's opinion having been adopted, at least provisionally, an

article was prepared for the Moniteur in nearly the following terms:

The white cockade has been, during the last four days, a badge for

the manifestation of public opinion in favour of the overthrow of an

oppressive Government: it has been the only means of distinguishing

the partisans of the restoration of the old dynasty, to which at

length we are to be indebted for repose. But as the late Government

is at an end, all colours differing from our national colours are

useless: let us, therefore, resume those which have so often led us

to victory.

Such was the spirit of the article, though possibly the above copy may

differ in a few words. It met with the unqualified approbation of every

one present. I was therefore extremely surprised, on looking at the

'Moniteur' next day, to find that the article was not inserted. I knew

not what courtly interference prevented the appearance of the article,

but I remember that Marmont was very ill pleased at its omission. He

complained on the subject to the Emperor Alexander, who promised to

write, and in fact did write, to the Provisional Government to get

the article inserted. However, it did not appear, and in a few days we

obtained a solution of the enigma, as we might perhaps have done before

if we had tried. The Emperor Alexander also promised to write to the

Comte d'Artois, and to inform him that the opinion of France was in

favour of the preservation of the three colours, but I do not know

whether the letter was written, or, if it was, what answer it received.

Marshal Jourdan, who was then at Rouen, received a letter, written

without the knowledge of Marmont, informing him that the latter had

mounted the white cockade in his corps. Jourdan thought he could not

do otherwise than follow Marmont's example, and he announced to the

Provisional Government that in consequence of the resolution of the

Duke of Ragusa he had just ordered his corps to wear the white cockade.

Marmont could now be boldly faced, and when he complained to the

Provisional Government of the non-insertion of the article in the

Moniteur the reply was, "It cannot now appear. You see Marshal Jourdan

has mounted the white cockade: you would not give the army two sets of

colours!"

Marmont could make no answer to so positive a fact. It was not till some

time after that I learned Jourdan had determined to unfurl the white

flag only on the positive assurance that Marmont had already done so.

Thus we lost the colours which had been worn by Louis XVI., which Louis

XVIII., when a Prince, had adopted, and in which the Comte d'Artois

showed himself on his return to the Parisians, for he entered the

capital in the uniform of the National Guard. The fraud played off

by some members of the Provisional Government was attended by fatal

consequences; many evils might have been spared to France had Marmont's

advice been adopted.

At the period of the dissolution of the Empire there might be said to be

three Governments in France, viz. the Provisional Government in Paris,

Napoleon's at Fontainebleau, and the doubtful and ambulatory Regency

of "Maria Louisa." Doubtful and ambulatory the Regency might well be

called, for there was so little decision as to the course to be adopted

by the Empress that it was at first proposed to conduct her to Orleans,

then to Tours, and she went finally to Blois. The uncertainty which

prevailed respecting the destiny of Maria Louisa is proved by a document

which I have in my possession, and of which there cannot be many copies

in existence. It is a circular addressed to the prefects by M. de

Montalivet, the Minister of the Interior, who accompanied the Empress.

In it a blank is left for the seat of the Government, to which the

prefects are desired to send their communications. In the copy I possess

the blank is filled up with the word "Blois" in manuscript.

As soon as Maria Louisa was made acquainted with the events that had

taken place around Paris she sent for the Duc de Cadore, and gave him

a letter addressed to the Emperor of Austria, saying, "Take this to my

father, who must be at Dijon. I rely on you for defending the interests

of France, those of the Emperor, and above all those of my son."

Certainly Maria Louisa's confidence could not be better placed, and

those great interests would have been defended by the Duc de Cadore 'si

defendi possent.'

After the departure of the Duc de Cadore Maria Louisa published the

following proclamation, addressed to the French people:

BY THE EMPRESS REGENT.

A Proclamation

The events of the war have placed the capital in the power of

foreigners. The Emperor has marched to defend it at the head of his

armies, so often victorious. They are face to face with the enemy

before the walls of Paris. From the residence which I have chosen,

and from the Ministers of the Emperor, will emanate the only orders

which you can acknowledge. Every town in the power of foreigners

ceases to be free, and every order which may proceed from them is

the language of the enemy, or that which it suits his hostile views

to propagate. You will be faithful to your oaths. You will listen

to the voice of a Princess who was consigned to your good faith, and

whose highest pride consists in being a Frenchwoman, and in being

united to the destiny of the sovereign whom you have freely chosen.

My son was less sure of your affections in the time of our

prosperity; his rights and his person are under your safeguard.

(By order) MONTALIVET. (Signed) MARIA LOUISA

BLOIS, 3d April 1814.

It is to be inferred that the Regency had within three days adopted the

resolution of not quitting Blois, for the above document presents no

blanks, nor words filled up in writing. The Empress' proclamation,

though a powerful appeal to the feelings of the French people, produced

no effect. Maria Louisa's proclamation was dated the 4th of April, on

the evening of which day Napoleon signed the conditional abdication,

with the fate of which the reader has already been made acquainted.

M. de Montalivet transmitted the Empress' proclamation, accompanied by

another circular, to the prefects, of whom very few received it.

M. de Champagny, having left Blois with the letter he had received from

the Empress, proceeded to the headquarters of the Emperor of Austria,

carefully avoiding those roads which were occupied by Cossack troops.

He arrived, not without considerable difficulty, at Chanseaux, where

Frances II. was expected. When the Emperor arrived the Duc de Cadore was

announced, and immediately introduced to his Majesty. The Duke remained

some hours with Francis II., without being able to obtain from him

anything but fair protestations. The Emperor always took refuge behind

the promise he had given to his Allies to approve whatever measures they

might adopt. The Duke was not to leave the Emperor's headquarters that

evening, and, in the hope that his Majesty might yet reflect on the

critical situation of his daughter, he asked permission to take leave

next morning. He accordingly presented himself to the Emperor's levee,

when he renewed his efforts in support of the claims of Maria Louisa.

"I have a great affection for my daughter, and also for my son-in law,"

said the Emperor. "I bear them both in my heart, and would shed my blood

for them"--"Ah, Sire!" exclaimed M. de Champagny, "such a sacrifice is

not necessary."--"Yes, Duke, I say again I would shed my blood, I would

resign my life for them, but I have given my Allies a promise not to

treat without them, and to approve all that they may do. Besides,"

added the Emperor, "my Minister, M. de Metternich, has gone to their

headquarters, and I will ratify whatever he may sign."

When the Duc de Cadore related to me the particulars of his mission, in

which zeal could not work an impossibility, I remarked that he regarded

as a circumstance fatal to Napoleon the absence of M. de Metternich

and the presence of M. Stadion at the headquarters of the Emperor of

Austria. Though in all probability nothing could have arrested the

course of events, yet it is certain that the personal sentiments of the

two Austrian Ministers towards Napoleon were widely different. I am not

going too far when I affirm that, policy apart, M. de Metternich was

much attached to Napoleon. In support of this assertion I may quote a

fact of which I can guarantee the authenticity:

When M. de Metternich was complimented on the occasion of Maria Louisa's

marriage he replied, "To have contributed to a measure which has

received the approbation of 80,000,000 men is indeed a just subject of

congratulation." Such a remark openly made by the intelligent Minister

of the Cabinet of Vienna was well calculated to gratify the ears of

Napoleon, from whom, however, M. de Metternich in his personal relations

did not conceal the truth. I recollect a reply which was made by M. de

Metternich at Dresden after a little hesitation. "As to you," said the

Emperor, "you will not go to war with me. It is impossible that you can

declare yourself against me. That can never be."--"Sire, we are not now

quite allies, and some time hence we may become enemies." This hint was

the last which Napoleon received from Metternich, and Napoleon must

have been blind indeed not to have profited by it. As to M. Stadion, he

entertained a profound dislike of the Emperor. That Minister knew and

could not forget that his preceding exclusion from the Cabinet of Vienna

had been due to the all-powerful influence of Napoleon.

Whether or not the absence of Metternich influenced the resolution of

Francis II., it is certain that that monarch yielded nothing to the

urgent solicitations of a Minister who conscientiously fulfilled the

delicate mission consigned to him. M. de Champagny rejoined the Empress

at Orleans, whither she had repaired on leaving Blois. He found Maria

Louisa almost deserted, all the Grand Dignitaries of the Empire having

successively returned to Paris after sending in their submissions to the

Provisional Government.

I had scarcely entered upon the exercise of my functions as

Postmaster-General when, on the morning of the 2d of April, I was

surprised to see a Prussian general officer enter my cabinet. I

immediately recognised him as General Blücher. He had commanded the

Prussian army in the battle which took place at the gates of Paris.

"Sir," said he, "I consider it one of my first duties on entering Paris

to thank you for the attention I received from you in Hamburg. I am

sorry that I was not sooner aware of your being in Paris. I assure you

that had I been sooner informed of this circumstance the capitulation

should have been made without a blow being struck. How much blood might

then have been spared!"--"General," said I, "on what do you ground this

assurance?"--"If I had known that you were in Paris I would have

given you a letter to the King of Prussia. That monarch, who knows

the resources and intentions of the Allies, would, I am sure, have

authorised you to decide a suspension of arms before the neighbourhood

of Paris became the theatre of the war."--"But," resumed I, "in spite of

the good intentions of the Allies, it would have been very difficult to

prevent resistance. French pride, irritated as it was by reverses, would

have opposed insurmountable obstacles to such a measure."--"But, good

heavens! you would have seen that resistance could be of no avail

against such immense masses."--"You are right, General; but French

honour would have been defended to the last."--"I am fully aware

of that; but surely you have earned glory enough!"--"Yet our French

susceptibility would have made us look upon that glory as tarnished

if Paris had been occupied without defence ... But under present

circumstances I am well pleased that you were satisfied with my conduct

in Hamburg, for it induces me to hope that you will observe the same

moderation in Paris that I exercised there. The days are past when it

could be said, Woe to the conquered."--"You are right; yet," added

he, smiling, "you know we are called the northern barbarians."--"Then,

General," returned I, "you have a fair opportunity of showing that that

designation is a libel."

Some days after Blücher's visit I had the honour of being admitted to a

private audience of the King of Prussia. Clarke and Berthier were also

received in this audience, which took place at the hotel of Prince

Eugène, where the King of Prussia resided in Paris. We waited for

some minutes in the salon, and when Frederick William entered from

his cabinet I remarked on his countenance an air of embarrassment and

austerity which convinced me that he had been studying his part, as

great personages are in the habit of doing on similar occasions. The

King on entering the salon first noticed Berthier, whom he addressed

with much kindness, bestowing praises on the French troops, and

complimenting the Marshal on his conduct during the war in Germany.

Berthier returned thanks for these well-merited praises, for though he

was not remarkable for strength of understanding or energy of mind, yet

he was not a bad man, and I have known many proofs of his good conduct

in conquered countries.

After saluting Berthier the King of Prussia turned towards Clarke, and

his countenance immediately assumed an expression of dissatisfaction. He

had evidently not forgotten Clarke's conduct in Berlin. He reminded him

that he had rendered the Continental system more odious than it was

in itself, and that he had shown no moderation in the execution of his

orders. "In short," said his Majesty, "if I have any advice to give you,

it is that you never again return to Prussia." The King pronounced

these words in so loud and decided a tone that Clarke was perfectly

confounded. He uttered some unintelligible observations, which, however,

Frederick William did not notice, for suddenly turning towards me he

said, with an air of affability, "Ah! M. de Bourrienne, I am glad to see

you, and I take this opportunity of repeating what I wrote to you from

Gonigsberg. You always extended protection to the Germans, and did

all you could to alleviate their condition. I learned with great

satisfaction what you did for the Prussians whom the fate of war drove

into Hamburg; and I feel pleasure in telling you, in the presence of

these two gentlemen, that if all the French agents had acted as you did

we should not, probably, be here." I expressed, by a profound bow, how

much I was gratified by this complimentary address, and the king, after

saluting us, retired.

About the middle of April Bernadotte arrived in Paris. His situation had

become equivocal, since circumstances had banished the hopes he might

have conceived in his interview with the Emperor Alexander at Åbo.

Besides, he had been represented in some official pamphlets as a traitor

to France, and among certain worshippers of our injured glory there

prevailed a feeling of irritation, and which was unjustly directed

towards Bernadotte.

I even remember that Napoleon, before he had fallen from his power, had

a sort of national protest made by the police against the Prince Royal

of Sweden. This Prince had reserved an hotel in the Rue d'Anjou, and

the words, "Down with the traitor! down with the perjurer," were shouted

there; but this had no result, as it was only considered an outrage

caused by a spirit of petty vengeance.

While Bernadotte was in Paris I saw him every day. He but faintly

disguised from me the hope he had entertained of ruling France; and in

the numerous conversations to which our respective occupations led I

ascertained, though Bernadotte did not formally tell me so, that he once

had strong expectations of succeeding Napoleon.

Pressed at last into his final intrenchments he broke through all

reserve and confirmed all I knew of the interview of Åbo.

I asked Bernadotte what he thought of the projects which were attributed

to Moreau; whether it was true that he had in him a competitor, and

whether Moreau had aspired to the dangerous honour of governing France:

"Those reports," replied the Prince Royal of Sweden, "are devoid of

foundation: at least I can assure you that in the conversations I have

had with the Emperor Alexander, that sovereign never said anything which

could warrant such a supposition. I know that the Emperor of Russia

wished to avail himself of the military talents of Moreau in the great

struggle that had commenced, and to enable the exiled general to return

to his country, in the hope that, should the war prove fortunate, he

would enjoy the honours and privileges due to his past services."

Bernadotte expressed to me astonishment at the recall of the Bourbons,

and assured me that he had not expected the French people would so

readily have consented to the Restoration. I confess I was surprised

that Bernadotte, with the intelligence I knew him to possess, should

imagine that the will of subjects has any influence in changes of

government!

During his stay in Paris Bernadotte evinced for me the same sentiments

of friendship which he had shown me at Hamburg. One day I received from

him a letter, dated Paris, with which he transmitted to me one of the

crosses of the Polar Star, which the King of Sweden had left at his

disposal. Bernadotte was not very well satisfied with his residence in

Paris, in spite of the friendship which the Emperor Alexander constantly

manifested towards him. After a few days he set out for Sweden, having

first taken leave of the Comte d'Artois. I did not see him after his

farewell visit to the Count, so that I know not what was the nature of

the conversation which passed between the two Princes.

VOLUME IV. -- 1814-1821

CHAPTER I.

1814.

Unalterable determination of the Allies with respect to Napoleon--

Fontainebleau included in the limits to be occupied by the Allies--

Alexander's departure from Paris--Napoleon informed of the necessity

of his unconditional abdication--Macdonald and Ney again sent to

Paris--Alleged attempt of Napoleon to poison himself--Farewell

interview between Macdonald and Napoleon--The sabre of Murad Bey--

Signature of the act of unconditional abdication--Tranquillity of

Paris during the change of Government--Ukase of the Emperor of

Russia relative to the Post-office--Religious ceremony on the Place

Louis XV.--Arrival of the Comte d'Artois--His entrance into Paris--

Arrival of the Emperor of Austria--Singular assemblage of sovereigns

in France--Visit of the Emperor of Austria to Maria Louisa--Her

interview with the Emperor Alexander--Her departure for Vienna.

When Marmont left Paris on the receipt of the intelligence from Essonne,

Marshals Macdonald and Ney and the Duke of Vicenza waited upon the

Emperor Alexander to learn his resolution before he could have been

informed of the movement of Marmont's troops. I myself went during the

morning to the hotel of M. de Talleyrand, and it was there I learnt

how what we had hoped for had become fact: the matter was completely

decided. The Emperor Alexander had walked out at six in the morning

to the residence of the King of Prussia in the Rue de Bourbon. The two

sovereigns afterwards proceeded together to M. de Talleyrand's, where

they were when Napoleon's Commissioners arrived. The Commissioners being

introduced to the two sovereigns, the Emperor Alexander, in answer

to their proposition, replied that the Regency was impossible, as

submissions to the Provisional Government were pouring in from all

parts, and that if the army had formed contrary wishes those should

have been sooner made known. "Sire," observed Macdonald,

"that--was--impossible, as none of the Marshals were in Paris, and

besides, who could foresee the turn which affairs have taken? Could

we imagine that an unfounded alarm would have removed from Essonne the

corps of the Duke of Ragusa, who has this moment left us to bring

his troops back to order?" These words produced no change in the

determination of the sovereigns, who would hear of nothing but the

unconditional abdication of Napoleon. Before the Marshals took leave of

the Emperor Alexander they solicited an armistice of forty-eight

hours, which time they said was indispensable to negotiate the act of

abdication with Napoleon. This request was granted without hesitation,

and the Emperor Alexander, showing Macdonald a map of the environs of

Paris, courteously presented him with a pencil, saying, "Here, Marshal,

mark yourself the limits to be observed by the two armies."--"No, Sire,"

replied Macdonald, "we are the conquered party, and it is for you to

mark the line of demarcation." Alexander determined that the right bank

of the Seine should be occupied by the Allied troops, and the left

bank by the French; but it was observed that this arrangement would be

attended with inconvenience, as it would cut Paris in two, and it was

agreed that the line should turn Paris. I have been informed that on a

map sent to the Austrian staff to acquaint Prince Schwartzenberg

with the limits definitively agreed on, Fontainebleau, the Emperor's

headquarters, was by some artful means included within the line. The

Austrians acted so implicitly on this direction that Marshal Macdonald

was obliged to complain on the subject to Alexander, who removed all

obstacles.

When, in discussing the question of the abdication conformably with

the instructions he had received, Macdonald observed to the Emperor

Alexander that Napoleon wished for nothing for himself, "Assure him,"

replied Alexander, "that a provision shall be made for him worthy of the

rank he has occupied. Tell him that if he wishes to reside in my States

he shall be well received, though he brought desolation there. I shall

always remember the friendship which united us. He shall have the

island of Elba, or something else." After taking leave of the Emperor

Alexander, on the 5th of April, Napoleon's Commissioners returned to

Fontainebleau to render an account of their mission. I saw Alexander

that same day, and it appeared to me that his mind was relieved of a

great weight by the question of the Regency being brought to an end. I

was informed that he intended to quit Paris in a few days, and that

he had given full powers to M. Pozzo-di-Borgo, whom he appointed his

Commissioner to the Provisional Government.

On the same day, the 5th of April, Napoleon inspected his troops in

the Palace yard of Fontainebleau. He observed some coolness among his

officers, and even among the private soldiers, who had evinced such

enthusiasm when he inspected them on the 2d of April. He was so much

affected by this change of conduct that he remained but a short time on

the parade, and afterwards retired to his apartments.

About one o'clock on the morning of the 6th of April Ney, Macdonald, and

Caulaincourt arrived at Fontainebleau to acquaint the Emperor with the

issue of their mission, and the sentiments expressed by Alexander

when they took leave of him. Marshal Ney was the first to announce

to Napoleon that the Allies required his complete and unconditional

abdication, unaccompanied by any stipulation, except that of his

personal safety, which should be guaranteed. Marshal Macdonald and the

Duke of Vicenza then spoke to the same effect, but in more gentle terms

than those employed by Ney, who was but little versed in the courtesies

of speech. When Marshal Macdonald had finished speaking Napoleon said

with some emotion, "Marshal, I am sensible of all that you have done for

me, and of the warmth with which you have pleaded the cause of my son.

They wish for my complete and unconditional abdication. . . . Very well.

I again empower you to act on my behalf. You shall go and defend my

interests and those of my family." Then, after a moment's pause,

he added, still addressing Macdonald, "Marshal, where shall I go?"

Macdonald then informed the Emperor what Alexander had mentioned in the

hypothesis of his wishing to reside in Russia. "Sire," added he, "the

Emperor of Russia told me that he destined for you the island of Elba,

or something else."--"Or something else!" repeated Napoleon hastily,

"and what is that something else?"--"Sire, I know not."--"Ah! it is

doubtless the island of Corsica, and he refrained from mentioning it to

avoid embarrassment! Marshal, I leave all to you."

The Marshals returned to Paris as soon as Napoleon furnished them with

new powers; Caulaincourt remained at Fontainebleau. On arriving in Paris

Marshal Ney sent in his adhesion to the Provisional Government, so

that when Macdonald returned to Fontainebleau to convey to Napoleon

the definitive treaty of the Allies, Ney did not accompany him, and the

Emperor expressed surprise and dissatisfaction at his absence. Ney,

as all his friends concur in admitting, expended his whole energy in

battle, and often wanted resolution when out of the field, consequently

I was not surprised to find that he joined us before some other of his

comrades. As to Macdonald, he was one of those generous spirits who may

be most confidently relied on by those who have wronged them.

Napoleon experienced the truth of this. Macdonald returned alone to

Fontainebleau, and when he entered the Emperor's chamber he found him

seated in a small armchair before the fireplace. He was dressed in

a morning-gown of white dimity, and he wore his slippers without

stockings. His elbows rested on his knees and his head was supported

by his hands. He was motionless, and seemed absorbed in profound

reflection. Only two persons were in the apartment, the Duke of Bassano;

who was at a little distance from the Emperor, and Caulaincourt, who was

near the fireplace. So profound was Napoleon's reverie that he did not

hear Macdonald enter, and the Duke of Vicenza was obliged to inform

him of the Marshal's presence. "Sire," said Caulaincourt, "the Duke

of Tarantum has brought for your signature the treaty which is to be

ratified to-morrow." The Emperor then, as if roused from a lethargic

slumber, turned to Macdonald, and merely said, "Ah, Marshal! so you are

here!" Napoleon's countenance was so altered that the Marshal, struck

with the change, said, as if it were involuntarily, "Is your Majesty

indisposed?"--"Yes," answered Napoleon, "I have passed a very bad

night."

The Emperor continued seated for a moment, then rising, he took the

treaty, read it without making any observation, signed it, and returned

it to the Marshal, saying; "I am not now rich enough to reward these

last services."--"Sire, interest never guided my conduct."--"I know

that, and I now see how I have been deceived respecting you. I also

see the designs of those who prejudiced me against you."--"Sire, I have

already told you, since 1809 I am devoted to you in life and death."--"I

know it. But since I cannot reward you as I would wish, let a token of

remembrance, inconsiderable though it be, assure you that I shall

ever bear in mind the services you have rendered me." Then turning to

Caulaincourt Napoleon said, "Vicenza, ask for the sabre which was

given me by Murad Bey in Egypt, and which I wore at the battle of Mount

Thabor." Constant having brought the sabre, the Emperor took it from the

hands of Caulaincourt and presented it to the Marshal "Here, my faithful

friend," said he, "is a reward which I believe will gratify you."

Macdonald on receiving the sabre said, "If ever I have a son, Sire, this

will be his most precious inheritance. I will never part with it as long

as I live."--"Give me your hand," said the Emperor, "and embrace me."

At these words Napoleon and Macdonald affectionately rushed into each

other's arms, and parted with tears in their eyes. Such was the last

interview between Macdonald and Napoleon. I had the above particulars

from the Marshal himself in 1814., a few days after he returned to Paris

with the treaty ratified by Napoleon.

After the clauses of the treaty had been guaranteed Napoleon signed, on

the 11th of April, at Fontainebleau, his act of abdication, which was in

the following terms:--

"The Allied powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon is the

only obstacle to the re-establishment of peace in Europe, the

Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he renounces

for himself and his heirs the thrones of France and Italy, and that

there is no personal sacrifice, even that of life, which he is not

ready to make for the interests of France."

It was not until after Bonaparte had written and signed the above

act that Marshal Macdonald sent to the Provisional Government his

recognition, expressed in the following dignified and simple manner:--

"Being released from my allegiance by the abdication of the Emperor

Napoleon, I declare that I conform to the acts of the Senate and the

Provisional Government."

It is worthy of remark that Napoleon's act of abdication was published

in the 'Moniteur' on the 12th of April, the very day on which the Comte

d'Artois made his entry into Paris with the title of Lieutenant-General

of the Kingdom conferred on him by Louis XVIII. The 12th of April was

also the day on which the Imperial army fought its last battle before

Toulouse, when the French troops, commanded by Soult, made Wellington

purchase so dearly his entrance into the south of France.--[The battle

of Toulouse was fought on the 10th not 12th April D.W.]

Political revolutions are generally stormy, yet, during the great change

of 1814 Paris was perfectly tranquil, thanks to the excellent discipline

maintained by the commanders of the Allied armies, and thanks also to

the services of the National Guard of Paris, who every night patrolled

the streets. My duties as Director-General of the Post-office had of

course obliged me to resign my captain's epaulette.

When I first obtained my appointment I had been somewhat alarmed to

hear that all the roads were covered with foreign troops, especially

Cossacks, who even in time of peace are very ready to capture any horses

that may fall in their way. On my application to the Emperor Alexander

his Majesty immediately issued a ukase, severely prohibiting the seizure

of horses or anything belonging to the Post-office department. The ukase

was printed by order of the Czar, and filed up at all the post-offices,

and it will be seen that after the 20th of March, when I was placed

in an embarrassing situation, one of the postmasters on the Lille road

expressed to me his gratitude for my conduct while I was in the service.

On the 10th of April a ceremony took place in Paris which has been much

spoken of; and which must have had a very imposing effect on those who

allow themselves to be dazzled by mere spectacle. Early in the morning

some regiments of the Allied troops occupied the north side of the

Boulevard, from the site of the old Bastille to the Place Louis XV.,

in the middle of which an altar of square form was erected. Thither the

Allied sovereigns came to witness the celebration of mass according to

the rites of the Greek Church. I went to a window of the hotel of the

Minister of the Marine to see the ceremony. After I had waited from

eight in the morning till near twelve the pageant commenced by the

arrival of half a dozen Greek priests, with long beards, and as richly

dressed as the high priests who figure in the processions of the opera.

About three-quarters of an hour after this first scene the infantry,

followed by the cavalry, entered the place, which, in a few moments

was entirely covered with military. The Allied sovereigns at length

appeared, attended by brilliant staffs. They alighted from their horses

and advanced to the altar. What appeared to me most remarkable was the

profound silence of the vast multitude during the performance of the

mass. The whole spectacle had the effect of a finely-painted panorama.

For my own part, I must confess I was heartily tired of the ceremony,

and was very glad when it was over. I could not admire the foreign

uniforms, which were very inferior to ours. Many of them appeared

fanciful, and even grotesque, and nothing can be more unsoldier-like

than to see a man laced in stays till his figure resembles a wasp. The

ceremony which took place two days after, though less pompous, was much

more French. In the retinue which, on the 12th of April, momentarily

increased round the Comte d'Artos, there were at least recollections for

the old, and hopes for every one.

When, on the departure of the Commissioners whom Napoleon had sent to

Alexander to treat for the Regency, it was finally determined that the

Allied sovereigns would listen to no proposition from Napoleon and

his family, the Provisional Government thought it time to request that

Monsieur would, by his presence, give a new impulse to the partisans

of the Bourbons. The Abby de Montesquieu wrote to the Prince a letter,

which was carried to him by Viscount Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld, one

of the individuals who, in these difficult circumstances, most zealously

served the cause of the Bourbons. On the afternoon of the 11th Monsieur

arrived at a country-house belonging to Madame Charles de Dames, where

he passed the night. The news of his arrival spread through Paris

with the rapidity of lightning, and every one wished to solemnise his

entrance into the capital. The National Guard formed a double line from

the barrier of Bondy to Notre Dame, whither the Prince was first to

proceed, in observance of an old custom, which, however, had become very

rare in France during the last twenty years.

M. de Talleyrand, accompanied by the members of the Provisional

Government, several Marshals and general officers, and the municipal

body, headed by the prefect of the Seine, went in procession beyond

the barrier to receive Monsieur. M. de Talleyrand, in the name of the

Provisional Government, addressed the Prince, who in reply made that

observation which has been so often repeated, "Nothing is changed in

France: there is only one Frenchman more."

--[These words were never really uttered by the Comte d'Artois, and

we can in this case follow the manufacture of the phrase. The reply

actually made to Talleyrand was, "Sir, and gentlemen, I thank you; I

am too happy. Let us get on; I am too happy." When the day's work

was done, "Let us see," said Talleyrand; "what did Monsieur say? I

did not hear much: he seemed much moved, and desirous of hastening

on, but if what he did say will not suit you (Beugnot), make an

answer for him . . . and I can answer that Monsieur will accept it,

and that so thoroughly that by the end of a couple of days he will

believe he made it, and he will have made it: you will count for

nothing." After repeated attempts, rejected by Talleyrand, Beugnot

at last produced, "No more divisions. Peace and France! At last I

see her once more, and nothing in her is changed, except that here

is one more Frenchman." At last the great critic (Talleyrand) said,

"This time I yield; that is really Monsieur's speech, and I will

answer for you that he is the man who made it." Monsieur did not

disdain to refer to it in his replies, and the prophecy of M. de

Talleyrand was completely realised (Beugnot, vol. ii, p. 119)]--

This remark promised much. The Comte Artois next proceeded on horseback

to the barrier St. Martin. I mingled in the crowd to see the procession

and to observe the sentiments of the spectators. Near me stood an old

knight of St. Louis, who had resumed the insignia of the order, and who

wept for joy at again seeing one of the Bourbons. The procession soon

arrived, preceded by a band playing the air, "Vive Henri Quatre!" I

had never before seen Monsieur, and his appearance had a most pleasing

effect upon me. His open countenance bore the expression of that

confidence which his presence inspired in all who saw him. His staff was

very brilliant, considering it was got together without preparation. The

Prince wore the uniform of the National Guard, with the insignia of the

Order of the Holy Ghost.

I must candidly state that where I saw Monsieur pass, enthusiasm was

chiefly confined to his own retinue, and to persons who appeared to

belong to a superior class of society. The lower order of people seemed

to be animated by curiosity and astonishment rather than any other

feeling. I must add that it was not without painful surprise I saw

a squadron of Cossacks close the procession; and my surprise was the

greater when I learned from General Sacken that the Emperor Alexander

had wished that on that day the one Frenchman more should be surrounded

only by Frenchmen, and that to prove that the presence of the Bourbons

was the signal of reconciliation his Majesty had ordered 20,000 of the

Allied troops to quit Paris. I know not to what the presence of the

Cossacks is to be attributed, but it was an awkward circumstance at the

time, and one which malevolence did not fail to seize upon.

Two days only intervened between Monsieur's entrance into Paris and the

arrival of the Emperor of Austria. That monarch was not popular among

the Parisians. The line of conduct he had adopted was almost generally

condemned, for, even among those who had most ardently wished for the

dethronement of his daughter, through their aversion to the Bonaparte

family, there were many who blamed the Emperor of Austria's behaviour

to Maria Louisa: they would have wished that, for the honour of Francis

II., he had unsuccessfully opposed the downfall of the dynasty, whose

alliance he considered as a safeguard in 1809. This was the opinion

which the mass of the people instinctively formed, for they judged

of the Emperor of Austria in his character of a father and not in his

character of a monarch; and as the rights of misfortune are always

sacred in France, more interest was felt for Maria Louisa when she was

known to be forsaken than when she was in the height of her splendour.

Francis II. had not seen his daughter since the day when she left Vienna

to unite her destiny with that of the master of half of Europe, and I

have already stated how he received the mission with which Maria Louisa

entrusted the Duc de Cadore.

I was then too intent on what was passing in Paris and at Fontainebleau

to observe with equal interest all the circumstances connected with

the fate of Maria Louisa, but I will present to the reader all the

information I was able to collect respecting that Princess during the

period immediately preceding her departure from France. She constantly

assured the persons about her that she could rely on her father. The

following words, which were faithfully reported to me, were addressed

by her to an officer who was at Blois during the mission of M. de

Champagny. "Even though it should be the intention of the Allied

sovereigns to dethrone the Emperor Napoleon, my father will not suffer

it. When he placed me on the throne of France he repeated to me twenty

times his determination to uphold me on it; and my father is an honest

man." I also know that the Empress, both at Blois and at Orleans,

expressed her regret at not having followed the advice of the members of

the Regency, who wished her to stay in Paris.

On leaving Orleans Maria Louisa proceeded to Rambouillet; and it was not

one of the least extraordinary circumstances of that eventful period to

see the sovereigns of Europe, the dethroned sovereigns of France, and

those who had come to resume the sceptre, all crowded together within a

circle of fifteen leagues round the capital. There was a Bourbon at the

Tuileries, Bonaparte at Fontainebleau, his wife and son at Rambouillet,

the repudiated Empress at Malmaison three leagues distant, and the

Emperors of Russia and Austria and the King of Prussia in Paris.

When all her hopes had vanished Maria Louisa left Rambouillet to return

to Austria with her son. She did not obtain permission to see Napoleon

before her departure, though she had frequently expressed a wish to that

effect. Napoleon himself was aware of the embarrassment which might have

attended such a farewell, or otherwise he would no doubt have made a

parting interview with Maria Louisa one of the clauses of the treaty of

Paris and Fontainebleau, and of his definitive act of abdication. I was

informed at the time that the reason which prevented Maria Louisa's wish

from being acceded to was the fear that, by one of those sudden

impulses common to women, she might have determined to unite herself to

Napoleon's fallen fortune, and accompany him to Elba; and the Emperor of

Austria wished to have his daughter back again.

Things had arrived at this point, and there was no possibility of

retracting from any of the decisions which had been formed when the

Emperor of Austria went to see his daughter at Rambouillet. I recollect

it was thought extraordinary at the time that the Emperor Alexander

should accompany him on this visit; and, indeed, the sight of the

sovereign, who was regarded as the head and arbiter of the coalition,

could not be agreeable to the dethroned Empress.

--[Meneval (tome ii. p. 112), then with Maria Louisa as Secretary,

who gives some details of her interview with the Emperor Francis on

the 16th of April, says nothing about the Czar having been there; a

fact he would have been sure to have remarked upon. It was only on

the 19th of April that Alexander visited her, the King of Prussia

coming in his turn on the 22d; but Bourrienne is right in saying

that Maria Louisa complained bitterly of having to receive

Alexander, and considered that she was forced by her father to do

so. The poor little King of Rome, then only three years old, had

also to be seen by the monarchs. He was not taken with his

grandfather, remarking that he was not handsome. Maria Louisa

seems, according to Meneval, to have been at this time really

anxious to join Napoleon (Meneval, tome ii. p. 94). She left

Rambouillet on the 28d of April stopped one day at Grossbois,

receiving there her father and Berthier, and taking farewell of

several persons who came from Paris for that purpose. On the 25th

of April she started for Vienna, and later for Parma, which state

she received under the treaty of 1814 and 1815. She yielded to the

influence brought to bear on her, became estranged from Napoleon,

and eventually married her chamberlain, the Comte de Neipperg, an

Austrian general.]--

The two Emperors set off from Paris shortly after each other. The

Emperor of Austria arrived first at Rambouillet, where he was received

with respect and affection by his daughter. Maria Louisa was happy to

see him, but the many tears she shed were not all tears of joy. After

the first effusion of filial affection she complained of the situation

to which she was reduced. Her father sympathised with her, but could

offer her no consolation, since her misfortunes were irreparable.

Alexander was expected to arrive immediately, and the Emperor of Austria

therefore informed his daughter that the Russian monarch wished to see

her. At first Maria Louisa decidedly refused to receive him, and she

persisted for some time in this resolution. She said to her father,

"Would he too make me a prisoner before your eyes? If he enters here by

force I will retire to my chamber. There, I presume, he will not dare to

follow me while you are here." But there was no time to be lost; Francis

II. heard the equipage of the Emperor of Russia rolling through the

courtyard of Rambouillet, and his entreaties to his daughter became more

and more urgent. At length she yielded, and the Emperor of Austria went

himself to meet his ally and conduct him to the salon where Maria Louisa

remained, in deference to her father. She did not, however, carry her

deference so far as to give a favourable reception to him whom she

regarded as the author of all her misfortunes. She listened with

considerable coldness to the offers and protestations of Alexander, and

merely replied that all she wished for was the liberty of returning to

her family. A few days after this painful interview Maria Louisa and her

son set off for Vienna.

--[A few days after this visit Alexander paid his respects to

Bonaparte's other wife, Josephine. In this great breaking up of

empires and kingdoms the unfortunate Josephine, who had been

suffering agonies on account of the husband who had abandoned her,

was not forgotten. One of the first things the Emperor of Russia

did on arriving at Paris was to despatch a guard for the protection

of her beautiful little palace at Malmaison. The Allied sovereigns

treated her with delicacy and consideration.

"As soon as the Emperor Alexander knew that the Empress Josephine

had arrived at Malmaison he hastened to pay her a visit. It is not

possible to be more amiable than he was to her. When in the course

of conversation he spoke of the occupation of Paris by the Allies,

and of the position of the Emperor Napoleon, it was always in

perfectly measured language: he never forgot for a single instant

that he was speaking before one who had been the wife of his

vanquished enemy. On her side the ex-Empress did not conceal the

tender sentiments, the lively affection she still entertained for

Napoleon. . . . Alexander had certainly something elevated and

magnanimous in his character, which would not permit him to say a

single word capable of insulting misfortune; the Empress had only

one prayer to make to him, and that was for her children."]--

This visit was soon followed by those of the other Allied Princes.

"The King of Prussia and the Princes, his sons, came rather

frequently to pay their court to Josephine; they even dined with her

several times at Malmaison; but the Emperor Alexander come much more

frequently. The Queen Hortense was always with her mother when she

received the sovereigns, and assisted her in doing the honours of

the house. The illustrious strangers exceedingly admired Malmaison,

which seemed to them a charming residence. They were particularly

struck with the fine gardens and conservatories."

From this moment, however, Josephine's health rapidly declined, and

she did not live to see Napoleon's return from Elba. She often said

to her attendant, "I do not know what is the matter with me, but at

times I have fits of melancholy enough to kill me." But on the very

brink of the grave she retained all her amiability, all her love of

dress, and the graces and resources of a drawing-room society. The

immediate cause of her death was a bad cold she caught in taking a

drive in the park of Malmaison on a damp cold day. She expired on

the noon of Sunday, the 26th of May, in the fifty-third year of her

age. Her body was embalmed, and on the sixth day after her death

deposited in a vault in the church of Ruel, close to Malmaison. The

funeral ceremonies were magnificent, but a better tribute to the

memory of Josephine was to be found in the tears with which her

children, her servants, the neighbouring poor, and all that knew her

followed her to the grave. In 1826 a beautiful monument was erected

over her remains by Eugène Beauharnais and his sisters with this

simple inscription:

TO JOSEPHINE.

EUGENE. HORTENSE.

CHAPTER II.

1814.

Italy and Eugène--Siege of Dantzic-Capitulation concluded but not

ratified-Rapp made prisoner and sent to Kiew--Davoust's refusal to

believe the intelligence from Paris--Projected assassination of one

of the French Princes--Departure of Davoust and General Hogendorff

from Hamburg--The affair of Manbreuil--Arrival of the Commissioners

of the Allied powers at Fontainebleau--Preference shown by Napoleon

to Colonel Campbell--Bonaparte's address to General Kohler--His

farewell to his troops--First day of Napoleon's journey--The

Imperial Guard succeeded by the Cossacks--Interview with Augereau--

The first white cockades--Napoleon hanged in effigy at Orgon--His

escape in the disguise of a courier--Scene in the inn of La Calade--

Arrival at Aix--The Princess Pauline--Napoleon embarks for Elba--His

life at Elba.

I must now direct the attention of the reader to Italy, which was the

cradle of Napoleon's glory, and towards which he transported himself in

imagination from the Palace of Fontainebleau. Eugène had succeeded in

keeping up his means of defence until April, but on the 7th of that

month, being positively informed of the overwhelming reverses of France,

he found himself constrained to accede to the propositions of the

Marshal de Bellegarde to treat for the evacuation of Italy; and on the

10th a convention was concluded, in which it was stipulated that the

French troops, under the command of Eugène, should return within the

limits of old France. The clauses of this convention were executed on

the 19th of April.

--[Lord William Bentinck and Sir Edward Pellew had taken Genoa on

the 18th Of April. Murat was in the field with the Austrians

against the French.]--

Eugène, thinking that the Senate of Milan was favourably disposed

towards him, solicited that body to use its influence in obtaining

the consent of the Allied powers to his continuance at the head of the

Government of Italy; but this proposition was rejected by the Senate.

A feeling of irritation pervaded the public mind in Italy, and the army

had not proceeded three marches beyond Mantua when an insurrection broke

out in Milan. The Finance Minister, Pizna, was assassinated, and his

residence demolished, and nothing would have saved the Viceroy from a

similar fate had he been in his capital. Amidst this popular excitement,

and the eagerness of the Italians to be released from the dominion of

the French, the friends of Eugène thought him fortunate in being able to

join his father-in-law at Munich almost incognito.

--[Some time after Eugène visited France and had a long audience of

Louis XVIII. He announced himself to that monarch by his father's

title of Marquis de Beauharnais. The King immediately saluted him

by the title of Monsieur le Marechal, and proposed that he should

reside in France with that rank. But this invitation Eugène

declined, because as a French Prince under the fallen Government he

had commanded the Marshals, and he therefore could not submit to be

the last in rank among those illustrious military chiefs.

Bourrienne.]--

Thus, at the expiration of nine years, fell the iron crown which

Napoleon had placed on his head saying, "Dieu me l'a donne; gare a qui

la touche."

I will now take a glance at the affairs of Germany. Rapp was not

in France at the period of the fall of the Empire. He had, with

extraordinary courage and skill, defended himself against a year's

siege at Dantzic. At length, being reduced to the last extremity,

and constrained to surrender, he opened the gates of the city, which

presented nothing but heaps of ruins. Rapp had stipulated that the

garrison of Dantzic should return to France, and the Duke of Wurtemberg,

who commanded the siege, had consented to that condition; but the

Emperor of Russia having refused to ratify it, Rapp, having no means

of defence, was made prisoner with his troops; and conducted to Kiew,

whence he afterwards returned to Paris, where I saw him.

Hamburg still held out, but at the beginning of April intelligence was

received there of the extraordinary events which had delivered Europe

from her oppressor. Davoust refused to believe this news, which at once

annihilated all his hopes of power and greatness. This blindness was

persisted in for some time at Hamburg. Several hawkers, who were marked

out by the police as having been the circulators of Paris news, were

shot. An agent of the Government publicly announced his design of

assassinating one of the French Princes, in whose service he was said

to have been as a page. He said he would go to his Royal Highness and

solicit to be appointed one of his aides de camp, and that, if the

application were refused, as it probably would be, the refusal would

only confirm him in his purpose.

At length, when the state of things was beyond the possibility of doubt,

Davoust assembled the troops, acquainted them with the dethronement

of the Emperor, hoisted a flag of truce, and sent his adhesion to the

Provisional Government. All then thought of their personal safety,

without losing sight of their honestly-acquired wealth. Diamonds and

other objects of value and small bulk were hastily collected and packed

up. The Governor of Hamburg, Count Hogendorff, who, in spite of some

signal instances of opposition, had too often co-operated in severe

and vexatious measures, was the first to quit the city. He was, indeed,

hurried off by Davoust; because he had mounted the Orange cockade and

wished to take his Dutch troops away with him. After consigning the

command to General Gerard, Davoust quitted Hamburg, and arrived at Paris

on the 18th of June.

I have left Napoleon at Fontainebleau. The period of his departure for

Elba was near at hand: it was fixed for the 17th of April.

On that day Maubreuil, a man who has become unfortunately celebrated,

presented himself at the Post-office, and asked to speak with me. He

showed me some written orders, signed by General Sacken, the Commander

of the Russian troops in Palls, and by Baron Brackenhausen, chief of

the staff. These orders set forth that Maubreuil was entrusted with

an important mission, for the execution of which he was authorised to

demand the assistance of the Russian troops; and the commanders of those

men were enjoined to place at his disposal as many troops as he might

apply for. Maubreuil was also the bearer of similar orders from

General Dupont, the War Minister, and from M. Angles, the Provisional

Commissary-General of the Police, who directed all the other

commissaries to obey the orders they might receive from Maubreuil. On

seeing these documents, of the authenticity of which there was no doubt,

I immediately ordered the different postmasters to provide Maubreuil

promptly with any number of horses he might require.

Some days after I was informed that the object of Maubreuil's mission

was to assassinate Napoleon. It may readily be imagined what was my

astonishment on hearing this, after I had seen the signature of the

Commander of the Russian forces, and knowing as I did the intentions of

the Emperor Alexander. The fact is, I did not, and never can, believe

that such was the intention of Maubreuil. This man has been accused of

having carried off the jewels of the Queen of Westphalia.

Napoleon having consented to proceed to the island of Elba, conformably

with the treaty he had ratified on the 13th, requested to be accompanied

to the place of embarkation by a Commissioner from each of the Allied

powers. Count Schouwaloff was appointed by Russia, Colonel Neil Campbell

by England, General Kohler by Austria, and Count Waldbourg-Truchess by

Prussia. On the 16th the four Commissioners came for the first time to

Fontainebleau, where the Emperor, who was still attended by Generals

Drouot and Bertrand, gave to each a private audience on the following

day.

Though Napoleon received with coldness the Commissioners whom he had

himself solicited, yet that coldness was far from being manifested in an

equal degree to all. He who experienced the best reception was Colonel

Campbell, apparently because his person exhibited traces of wounds.

Napoleon asked him in what battles he had received them, and on

what occasions he had been invested with the orders he wore. He next

questioned him as to the place of his birth, and Colonel Campbell having

answered that he was a Scotchman, Napoleon congratulated him on being

the countryman of Ossian, his favourite author, with whose poetry,

however, he was only acquainted through the medium of wretched

translations. On this first audience Napoleon said to the Colonel, "I

have cordially hated the English. I have made war against you by every

possible means, but I esteem your nation. I am convinced that there is

more generosity in your Government than in any other. I should like to

be conveyed from Toulon to Elba by an English frigate."

The Austrian and Russian Commissioners were received coolly, but without

any marked indications of displeasure. It was not so with the Prussian

Commissioner, to whom he said duly, "Are there any Prussians in my

escort?"--"No, Sire."--"Then why do you take the trouble to accompany

me?"--"Sire, it is not a trouble, but an honour."--"These are mere

words; you have nothing to do here."--"Sire, I could not possibly

decline the honourable mission with which the King my master has

entrusted me." At these words Napoleon turned his back on Count

Truchess.

The Commissioners expected that Napoleon would be ready to set out

without delay; but they were deceived. He asked for a sight of the

itinerary of his route, and wished to make some alterations in it.

The Commissioners were reluctant to oppose his wish, for they had been

instructed to treat him with all the respect and etiquette due to a

sovereign. They therefore suspended the departure, and, as they could

not take upon themselves to acquiesce in the changes wished for by the

Emperor, they applied for fresh orders. On the night of the 18th of

April they received these orders, authorising them to travel by any road

the Emperor might prefer. The departure was then definitively fixed for

the 20th.

Accordingly, at ten on the morning of the 20th, the carriages were in

readiness, and the Imperial Guard was drawn up in the grand court of

the Palace of Fontainebleau, called the Cour du Cheval Blanc. All the

population of the town and the neighbouring villages thronged round the

Palace. Napoleon sent for General Kohler, the Austrian Commissioner,

and said to him, "I have reflected on what I ought to do, and I

am determined not to depart. The Allies are not faithful to their

engagements with me. I can, therefore, revoke my abdication, which was

only conditional. More than a thousand addresses were delivered to me

last night: I am conjured to resume the reins of government. I renounced

my rights to the crown only to avert the horrors of a civil war, having

never had any other object in view than the glory and happiness of

France. But, seeing as I now do, the dissatisfaction inspired by the

measures of the new Government, I can explain to my Guard the reasons

which induced me to revoke my abdication. It is true that the number of

troops on which I can count will scarcely exceed 30,000 men, but it will

be easy for me to increase their numbers to 130,000. Know, then, that

I can also, without injuring my honour, say to my Guard, that having

nothing but the repose and happiness of the country at heart, I renounce

all my rights, and exhort my troops to follow my example, and yield to

the wish of the nation."

I heard these words reported by General Kohler himself, after his return

from his mission. He did not disguise the embarrassment which this

unexpected address had occasioned; and I recollect having remarked at

the time that had Bonaparte, at the commencement of the campaign of

Paris, renounced his rights and returned to the rank of citizen, the

immense masses of the Allies must have yielded to the efforts of France.

General Kohler also stated that Napoleon complained of Maria Louisa not

being allowed to accompany him; but at length, yielding to the reasons

urged by those about him, he added, "Well, I prefer remaining faithful

to my promise; but if I have any new ground of complaint, I will free

myself from all my engagements."

At eleven o'clock Comte de Bussy, one of the Emperor's aides de camp,

was sent by the Grand Marshal (General Bertrand) to announce that all

was ready for departure. "Am I;" said Napoleon, "to regulate my actions

by the Grand Marshal's watch? I will go when I please. Perhaps I may not

go at all. Leave me!"

All the forms of courtly etiquette which Napoleon loved so much were

observed; and when at length he was pleased to leave his cabinet to

enter the salon, where the Commissioners were waiting; the doors were

thrown open as usual, and "The Emperor" was announced; but no sooner was

the word uttered than he turned back again. However, he soon reappeared,

rapidly crossed the gallery, and descended the staircase, and at twelve

o'clock precisely he stood at the head of his Guard, as if at a review

in the court of the Tuileries in the brilliant days of the Consulate and

the Empire.

Then took place a really moving scene--Napoleon's farewell to his

soldiers. Of this I may abstain from entering into any details, since

they are known everywhere, and by everybody, but I may subjoin the

Emperor's last address to his old companions-in-arms, because it belongs

to history. This address was pronounced in a voice as firm and sonorous

as that in which Bonaparte used to harangue his troops in the days of

his triumphs. It was as follows:

"Soldiers of my Old Guard, I bid you farewell. For twenty years I

have constantly accompanied you on the road to honour and glory. In

these latter times, as in the days of our prosperity, you have

invariably been models of courage and fidelity. With men such as

you our cause could not be lost, but the war would have been

interminable; it would have been civil war, and that would have

entailed deeper misfortunes on France. I have sacrificed all my

interests to those of the country. I go; but you, my friends, will

continue to serve France. Her happiness was my only thought.. It

will still be the object of my wishes. Do not regret my fate: if I

have consented to survive, it is to serve your glory. I intend to

write the history of the great achievements we have performed

together. Adieu, my friends. Would I could press you all to my,

heart!"

During the first day cries of "Vive l'Empereur!" resounded along the

road, and Napoleon, resorting to his usual dissimulation, censured the

disloyalty of the people to their legitimate sovereign, which he did

with ill disguised irony. The Guard accompanied him as far as Briars. At

that place Napoleon invited Colonel Campbell to breakfast with him. He

conversed on the last war in Spain, and spoke in complimentary terms of

the English nation and the military talents of Wellington. Yet by that

time he must have heard of the battle of Toulouse.

On the night of the 21st Napoleon slept at Nevers, where he was received

by the acclamations of the people, who here, as in several other towns,

mingled their cries in favour of their late sovereign with imprecations

against the Commissioners of the Allies. He left Nevers at six on the

morning of the 22d. Napoleon was now no longer escorted by the

Guards, who were succeeded by a corps of Cossacks: the cries of "Vive

l'Empereur!" accordingly ceased, and he had the mortification to hear

in its stead, "Vivent les Allies!" However, I have been informed that at

Lyons, through which the Emperor passed on the 23d at eleven at night,

the cry of "Vive l'Empereur!" was still echoed among the groups who

assembled before the post-office during the change of horses.

Augereau, who was still a Republican, though he accepted the title

of Duke of Castiglione from Napoleon, had always been among the

discontented. On the downfall of the Emperor he was one of that

considerable number of persons who turned Royalists not out of love for

the Bourbons but out of hatred to Bonaparte. He held a command in the

south when he heard of the forfeiture of Napoleon pronounced by the

Senate, and he was one of the first to send his recognition to the

Provisional Government. Augereau, who, like all uneducated men, went

to extremes in everything, had published under his name a proclamation

extravagantly violent and even insulting to the Emperor. Whether

Napoleon was aware of this proclamation I cannot pretend to say, but he

affected ignorance of the matter if he was informed of it, for on the

24th, having met Augereau at a little distance from Valence, he stopped

his carriage and immediately alighted. Augereau did the same, and they

cordially embraced in the presence of the Commissioners. It was remarked

that in saluting Napoleon took off his hat and Augereau kept on his.

"Where are you going?", said the Emperor; "to Court?"--"No, I am going

to Lyons."--"You have behaved very badly to me." Augereau, finding that

the Emperor addressed him in the second person singular, adopted the

same familiarity; so they conversed as they were accustomed to do when

they were both generals in Italy. "Of what do you complain?" said he.

"Has not your insatiable ambition brought us to this? Have you not

sacrificed everything to that ambition, even the happiness of France?

I care no more for the Bourbons than for you. All I care for is the

country." Upon this Napoleon turned sharply away from the Marshal,

lifted his hat to him, and then stepped into his carriage. The

Commissioners, and all the persons in Napoleon's suite, were indignant

at seeing Augereau stand in the road still covered, with his hands

behind his back, and instead of bowing, merely making a contemptuous

salutation to Napoleon with his hand. It was at the Tuileries that these

haughty Republicans should have shown their airs. To have done so on the

road to Elba was a mean insult which recoiled upon themselves.

--[The following letter, taken from Captain Bingham's recently

published selections from the Correspondence of the first Napoleon,

indicates in emphatic language the Emperor's recent dissatisfaction

with Marshal Augereau when in command at Lyons during the "death

struggle" of 1814:

To Marshal Augereau.

NOGENT, 21st February, 1814,

....What! six hours after having received the first troops coming

from Spain you were not in the field! Six hours repose was

sufficient. I won the action of Naugis with a brigade of dragoons

coming from Spain which, since it had left Bayonne, had not

unbridled its horses. The six battalions of the division of Nimes

want clothes, equipment, and drilling, say you? What poor reasons

you give me there, Augereau! I have destroyed 80,000 enemies with

conscripts having nothing but knapsacks! The National Guards, say

you, are pitiable; I have 4000 here in round hats, without

knapsacks, in wooden shoes, but with good muskets, and I get a great

deal out of them. There is no money, you continue; and where do you

hope to draw money from! You want waggons; take them wherever you

can. You have no magazines; this is too ridiculous. I order you

twelve hours after the reception of this letter to take the field.

If you are still Augereau of Castiglione, keep the command, but if

your sixty years weigh upon you hand over the command to your senior

general. The country is in danger; and can be saved by boldness and

alacrity alone....

(Signed) NAPOLEON]--

At Valence Napoleon, for the first time, saw French soldiers with the

white cockade in their caps. They belonged to Augereau's corps. At

Orange the air resounded with tunes of "Vive le Roi!" Here the gaiety,

real or feigned, which Napoleon had hitherto evinced, began to forsake

him.

Had the Emperor arrived at Avignon three hours later than he did there

is no doubt that he would have been massacred.--[The Royalist mob of

Avignon massacred Marshal Brune in 1816.]--He did not change horses

at Avignon, through which he passed at five in the morning, but at St.

Andiol, where he arrived at six. The Emperor, who was fatigued with

sitting in the carriage, alighted with Colonel Campbell and General

Bertrand, and walked with them up the first hill. His valet de chambre,

who was also walking a little distance in advance, met one of the mail

couriers, who said to him, "Those are the Emperor's carriages coming

this way?"--"No, they are the equipages of the Allies."--"I say they are

the Emperor's carriages. I am an old soldier. I served in the campaign

of Egypt, and I will save the life of my General."--"I tell you again

they are not the Emperor's carriages."--"Do not attempt to deceive me;

I have just passed through Organ, where the Emperor has been hanged in

effigy. The wretches erected a scaffold and hanged a figure dressed in

a French uniform covered with blood. Perhaps I may get myself into a

scrape by this confidence, but no matter. Do you profit by it." The

courier then set off at full gallop. The valet de chambre took General

Drouot apart, and told him what he had heard. Drouot communicated the

circumstance to General Bertrand, who himself related it to the Emperor

in the presence of the Commissioners. The latter, justly indignant, held

a sort of council on the highway, and it was determined that the Emperor

should go forward without his retinue. The valet de chambre was asked

whether he had any clothes in the carriage. He produced a long blue

cloak and a round hat. It was proposed to put a white cockade in the

hat, but to this Napoleon would not consent. He went forward in the

style of a courier, with Amaudru, one of the two outriders who had

escorted his carriage, and dashed through Orgon. When the Allied

Commissioners arrived there the assembled population were uttering

exclamations of "Down with the Corsican! Down with the brigand!" The

mayor of Orgon (the same man whom I had seen almost on his knees to

General Bonaparte on his return from Egypt) addressed himself to

Pelard, the Emperor's valet de chambre, and said, "Do you follow that

rascal?"--"No," replied Pelard, "I am attached to the Commisairiers of

the Allied powers."--Ah! that is well! I should like to hang the villain

with my own hands.

"Ah! if you knew, sir, how the scoundrel has deceived us! It was I who

received him on his return from Egypt. We wished to take his horses

out and draw his carriage. I should like to avenge myself now for the

honours I rendered him at that time."

The crowd augmented, and continued to vociferate with a degree of fury

which may be imagined by those who have heard the inhabitants of the

south manifest, by cries, their joy or their hatred. Some more violent

than the rest wished to force Napoleon's coachman to cry "Vive le Roi!"

He courageously refused, though threatened with a stroke of a sabre,

when, fortunately; the carriage being ready to start, he whipped the

horses and set off at full gallop. The Commissioners would not

breakfast at Orgon; they paid for what had been prepared, and took some

refreshments away with them. The carriages did not overtake the Emperor

until they came to La Calade, where he had arrived a quarter of an hour

before with Amaudru.

They found him standing by the fire in the kitchen of the inn talking

with the landlady. She had asked him whether the tyrant was soon to pass

that way? "Ah! sir," said she, "it is all nonsense to say we have got

rid of him. I always, have said, and always will say, that we shall

never be sure of being done with him until he be laid at the bottom of

a well, covered over with stones. I wish we had him safe in the well in

our yard. You see, sir, the Directory sent him to Egypt to get rid of

him; but he came back again! And he will come back again, you maybe sure

of that, sir; unless--" Here the good woman, having finished skimming

her pot, looked up and perceived that all the party were standing

uncovered except the individual to whom, she had been speaking. She was

confounded, and the embarrassment she experienced at having spoken so

ill of the Emperor to the Emperor himself banished all her anger, and

she lavished every mark of attention, and respect on Napoleon and his

retinue. A messenger was immediately sent to Aix to purchase ribbons for

making white cockades. All the carriages were brought into the courtyard

of the inn, and the gate was closed; the landlady informed Napoleon that

it would not be prudent for him to venture on passing through Aix, where

a population of more than 20,000 were waiting to stone him.

Meanwhile dinner was served, and Napoleon sat down to table. He

admirably disguised the agitation which he could not fail to experience,

and I have been assured, by some of the individuals who were present on

that remarkable occasion, that he never made himself more agreeable. His

conversation, which was enriched by the resources of his memory and

his imagination, charmed every one, and he remarked, with an air of

indifference which was perhaps affected, "I believe the new French

Government has a design on my life."

The Commissioners, informed of what was going on at Aix, proposed

sending to the Mayor an order for closing the gates and adopting

measures for securing the public tranquillity. About fifty individuals

had assembled round the inn, and one among them offered to carry a

letter to the Mayor of Aix. The Commissioners accepted his services, and

in their letter informed the Mayor that if the gates of the town were

not closed within an hour they would advance with two regiments of

uhlans and six pieces of artillery, and would fire upon all who might

oppose them. This threat had the desired effect; and the Mayor returned

for answer that the gates should be closed, and that he would take upon

himself the responsibility of everything which might happen.

The danger which threatened the Emperor at Aix was thus averted; but

there was another to be braved. During the seven or eight hours he

passed at La Calade a considerable number of people had gathered round

the inn, and manifested every disposition to proceed to some excess.

Most of them had in their hands five-franc pieces, in order to recognise

the Emperor by his likeness on the coin. Napoleon, who had passed two

nights without sleep, was in a little room adjoining the kitchen, where

he had fallen into a slumber, reclining an the shoulder of his valet

de chambre. In a moment of dejection he had said, "I now renounce the

political world forever. I shall henceforth feel no interest about

anything that may happen. At Porto-Ferrajo I may be happy--more happy

than I have ever been! No!--if the crown of Europe were now offered to

me I would not accept it. I will devote myself to science. I was

right never to esteem mankind! But France and the French people--what

ingratitude! I am disgusted with ambition, and I wish to rule no

longer!"

When the moment for departure arrived it was proposed that he should put

on the greatcoat and fur cap of General Kohler, and that he should

go into the carriage of the Austrian Commissioner. The Emperor, thus

disguised, left the inn of La Calade, passing between two lines

of spectators. On turning the walls of Aix Napoleon had again the

mortification to hear the cries of "Down with the tyrant! Down with

Nicolas!" and these vociferations resounded at the distance of a quarter

of a league from the town.

Bonaparte, dispirited by these manifestations of hatred, said, in a tone

of mingled grief and contempt, "These Provencals are the same furious

brawlers that they used to be. They committed frightful massacres at the

commencement of the Revolution. Eighteen years ago I came to this part

of the country with some thousand men to deliver two Royalists who were

to be hanged. Their crime was having worn the white cockade. I saved

them; but it was not without difficulty that I rescued them from the

hands of their assailants; and now, you see, they resume the same

excesses against those who refuse to wear the white cockade.". At about

a league from Aix the Emperor and his retinue found horses and an escort

of gendarmerie to conduct them to the chateau of Luc.

The Princess Pauline was at the country residence of M. Charles, member

of the Legislative Body, near the castle of Luc. On hearing of the

misfortunes of her brother she determined to accompany him to the isle

of Elba, and she proceeded to Fréjus to embark with him. At Fréjus the

Emperor rejoined Colonel Campbell, who had quitted the convoy on the

road, and had brought into the port the English frigate the 'Undaunted'

which was appointed to convey the Emperor to the place of his

destination. In spite of the wish he had expressed to Colonel Campbell

he manifested considerable reluctance to go on board. However, on the

28th of April he sailed for the island of Elba in the English frigate,

in which it could not then be said that Caesar and his fortune were

embarked.

[It was on the 3d of May 1814 that Bonaparte arrived within sight of

Porto-Ferrajo, the capital of his miniature empire; but he did not

land till the next morning. At first he paid a short visit

incognito, being accompanied by a sergeant's party of marines from

the Undaunted. He then returned on board to breakfast, and at about

two o'clock made his public entrance, the 'Undaunted' firing a royal

salute.]

In every particular of his conduct he paid great attention to the

maintenance of his Imperial dignity. On landing he received the keys of

his city of Porto-Ferrajo, and the devoirs of the Governor, prefect, and

other dignitaries, and he proceeded immediately under a canopy of State

to the parish church, which served as a cathedral. There he heard Te

Deum, and it is stated that his countenance was dark and melancholy, and

that he even shed tears.

One of Bonaparte's first cares was to select a flag for the Elbese

Empire, and after some hesitation he fixed on "Argent, on a bend gules,

or three bees," as the armorial ensign of his new dominion. It is

strange that neither he nor any of those whom he consulted should have

been aware that Elba had an ancient and peculiar ensign, and it is still

more remarkable that this ensign should be one singularly adapted to

Bonaparte's situation; being no more than "a wheel,--the emblem," says

M. Bernaud, "of the vicissitudes of human life, which the Elbese had

borrowed from the Egyptian mysteries." This is as curious a coincidence

as any we ever recollect to have met; as the medals of Elba with the

emblem of the wheel are well known, we cannot but suppose that Bonaparte

was aware of the circumstance; yet he is represented as having in vain

made several anxious inquiries after the ancient arms of the island.

During the first months of his residence there his life was, in general,

one of characteristic activity and almost garrulous frankness. He

gave dinners, went to balls, rode all day about his island, planned

fortifications, aqueducts, lazarettos, harbours, and palaces; and the

very second day after he landed fitted out an expedition of a dozen

soldiers to take possession of a little uninhabited island called

Pianosa, which lies a few leagues from Elba; on this occasion he said

good-humouredly, "Toute l'Europe dira que j'ai deja fait une conqute"

(All Europe will say I have already made a conquest). The cause of

the island of Pianosa being left uninhabited was the marauding of the

Corsairs from the coast of Barbary, against whom Bonaparte considered

himself fully protected by the 4th Article of the Treaty of

Fontainebleau.

The greatest wealth of Elba consists in its iron mines, for which the

island was celebrated in the days of Virgil. Soon after his arrival

Napoleon visited the mines in company with Colonel Campbell, and being

informed that they produced annually about 500,000 francs he exclaimed

joyfully, "These, then, are my own!" One of his followers, however,

reminded him that he had long since disposed of that revenue, having

given it to his order of the Legion of Honour, to furnish pensions, etc.

"Where was my head when I made that grant?" said he, "but I have made

many foolish decrees of that sort!"

Sir Walter Scott, in telling a curious fact, makes a very curious

mistake. "To dignify his capital," he says, "having discovered that

the ancient name of Porto-Ferrajo was Comopoli (the city of Como), he

commanded it to be called Cosmopoli, or the city of all nations."

Now the old name of Porto-Ferrajo was in reality not Comopoli, but

Cosmopoli, and it obtained that name from the Florentine Cosmo de'

Medici, to whose ducal house Elba belonged, as an integral part of

Tuscany. The name equally signified the city of Cosmo, or the city of

all nations, and the vanity of the Medici had probably been flattered by

the double meaning of the appellation. But Bonaparte certainly revived

the old name, and did not add a letter to it to dignify his little

capital.

The household of Napoleon, though reduced to thirty-five persons, still

represented an Imperial Court. The forms and etiquette of the Tuileries

and St, Cloud were retained on a diminished scale, but the furniture

and internal accommodations of the palace are represented as having been

meaner by far than those of an English gentleman of ordinary rank. The

Bodyguard of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Elba consisted of about

700 infantry and 80 cavalry, and to this handful of troops Napoleon

seemed to pay almost as much attention as he had formerly given to

his Grande Armee. The men were constantly exercised, particularly

in throwing shot and shells, and he soon began to look out for good

recruits.

He early announced that he would hold a Court and receive ladies twice a

week; the first was on the 7th of May, and a great concourse assembled.

Bonaparte at first paid great attention to the women, particularly those

who possessed personal attractions, and asked them, in his rapid way,

whether they were married? how many children they had, and who their

husbands were? To the last question he received one universal answer; it

happened that every lady was married to a merchant, but when it came

to be further explained that they were merchant butchers and merchant

bakers, his Imperial Majesty permitted some expression of his

dissatisfaction to escape him and hastily retired. On the 4th of June

there was a ball on board the British frigate, in honour of the King's

birthday; the whole beauty and fashion of Elba were assembled, and

dancing with great glee, when, about midnight, Bonaparte came in his

barge, unexpectedly, and masked, to join the festivity. He was very

affable, and visited every part of the ship, and all the amusements

which had been prepared for the different classes of persons. On his

birthday, the 15th of August, he ordered the mayor to give a ball, and

for this purpose a temporary building, capable of holding 300 persons,

was to be erected, and the whole entertainment, building and all, were

to be at the expense of the inhabitants themselves. These were bad

auspices, and accordingly the ball completely failed. Madame Mtire,

Madame Bertrand, and the two ladies of honour, attended, but not above

thirty of the fair islanders, and as the author of the Itineraire

remarks, "Le bal fut triste quoique Bonaparte n'y parut pas."

Having in an excursion reached the summit of one of the highest hills on

the island, where the sea was visible all round him, he shook his head

with affected solemnity, and exclaimed in a bantering tone, "Eh! il faut

avouer que mon ile est bien petite."

On this mountain one of the party saw a little church in an almost

inaccessible situation, and observed that it was a most inconvenient

site for a church, for surely no congregation could attend it. "It is on

that account the more convenient to the parson," replied Bonaparte, "who

may preach what stuff he pleases without fear of contradiction."

As they descended the hill and met some peasants with their goats

who asked for charity, Bonaparte told a story which the present

circumstances brought to his recollection, that when he was crossing

the Great St. Bernard, previously to the battle of Marengo, he had met

a goatherd, and entered into conversation with him. The goatherd, not

knowing to whom he was speaking, lamented his own hard lot, and envied

the riches of some persons who actually had cows and cornfields.

Bonaparte inquired if some fairy were to offer to gratify all his wishes

what he would ask? The poor peasant expressed, in his own opinion, some

very extravagant desires, such as a dozen of cows and a good farmhouse.

Bonaparte afterwards recollected the incident, and astonished the

goatherd by the fulfilment of all his wishes.

But all his thoughts and conversations were not as light and pleasant

as these. Sometimes he would involve himself in an account of the last

campaign, of his own views and hopes, of the defection of his marshals,

of the capture of Paris, and finally of his abdication; on these

he would talk by the hour with great earnestness and almost fury,

exhibiting in very rapid succession traits of eloquence, of military

genius, of indignation; of vanity, and of selfishness. With regard

to the audience to whom he addressed these tirades he was not very

particular.

The chief violence of his rage seemed to be directed against Marshal

Marmont whom, as well as Augereau, he sometimes called by names too

gross for repetition, and charged roundly with treachery. Marmont,

when he could no longer defend Paris by arms, saved it by an honourable

capitulation; he preserved his army for the service of his country and

when everything else was lost stipulated for the safety of Bonaparte.

This last stipulation, however, Bonaparte affected to treat with

contempt and indignation.--[Editor of 1836 edition.]

CHAPTER III.

1814.

Changes produced by time--Correspondence between the Provisional

Government and Hartwell--Louis XVIII's reception in London--

His arrival at Calais--Berthier's address to the King at Compiegne--

My presentation to his Majesty at St. Ouen-Louis--XVIII's entry into

Paris--Unexpected dismissal from my post--M. de Talleyrand's

departure for the Congress of Vienna--Signs of a commotion--

Impossibility of seeing M. de Blacas--The Abby Fleuriel--Unanswered

letters--My letter to M. de Talleyrand at Vienna.

No power is so great as that resulting from the changes produced by

time. Wise policy consists in directing that power, but to do so it is

requisite to know the wants of the age. For this reason Louis XVIII.

appeared, in the eyes of all sensible persons, a monarch expressly

formed for the circumstances in which we stood after the fall of

Napoleon.

In the winter of 1813-14 some Royalist proclamations had been circulated

in Paris, and as they contained the germs of those hopes which the

Charter, had it been executed, was calculated to realise, the police

opposed their circulation, and I recollect that, in order to multiply

the number of copies, my family and I daily devoted some hours to

transcribing them. After the definitive declaration of Alexander a very

active correspondence ensued between the Provisional Government and

Hartwell, and Louis XVIII. was even preparing to embark for Bordeaux

when he learned the events of the 31st of March. That news induced the

King to alter his determination, and he soon quitted his retirement

to proceed to London. Louis XVIII. and the Prince Regent of England

exchanged the orders of the Holy Ghost and the Garter, and I believe I

may affirm that this was the first occasion on which any but a Catholic

Prince was invested with the order of the Holy Ghost.

Louis XVIII. embarked at Dover on board the Royal Sovereign, and landed

at Calais on the 24th of April. I need not enter into any description

of the enthusiasm which his presence excited; that is generally known

through the reports of the journals of the time. It is very certain that

all rational persons saw with satisfaction the Princes of the House

of Bourbon reascend the throne of their ancestors, enlightened by

experience and misfortune, which, as some ancient philosopher observes,

are the best counsellors of kings.

I had received a letter addressed to me from London by the Duc de Duras,

pointing out the route which Louis XVIII. was to pursue from Calais to

Paris: In this he said, "After the zeal, monsieur, you have shown for

the service of the King, I do not doubt your activity to prevent his

suffering in any way at a moment so happy and interesting for every

Frenchman." The King's wishes on this subject were scrupulously

fulfilled, and I recollect with pleasure the zeal with which my

directions were executed by all the persons in the service of the

Postoffice. His Majesty stopped for a short time at Amiens, and then

proceeded to Compiegne, where the Ministers and Marshals had previously

arrived to present to him their homage and the assurance of their

fidelity. Berthier addressed the King in the name of the Marshals, and

said, among other things, "that France, groaning for five and twenty

years under the weight of the misfortunes that oppressed her, had

anxiously looked forward to the happy day which she now saw dawning."

Berthier might justly have said for "ten years"; but at all events, even

had he spoken the truth, it was ill placed in the mouth of a man whom

the Emperor had constantly loaded with favours: The Emperor Alexander

also went to Compiegne to meet Louis XVIII., and the two monarchs dined

together.

I did not go to Compiegne because the business which I had constantly to

execute did not permit me to leave Paris for so long an interval as that

journey would have required, but I was at St. Ouen when Louis XVIII.

arrived on the 2d of May. There I had to congratulate myself on being

remembered by a man to whom I was fortunate enough to render some

service at Hamburg. As the King entered the salon through which he

had to pass to go to the dining-room M. Hue recognising me said to his

Majesty, "There is M. de Bourrienne." The King then stepping up to me

said, "Ah! M. de Bourrienne, I am very glad to see you. I am aware of

the services you have rendered me in Hamburg and Paris, and I shall feel

much pleasure in testifying my gratitude."

At St. Ouen Louis XVIII. promulgated the declaration which preceded the

Charter, and which repeated the sentiments expressed by the King twenty

years before, in the Declaration of Colmar. It was also at St, Ouen that

project of a Constitution was presented to him by the Senate in

which that body, to justify 'in extremis' its title of conservative,

stipulated for the preservation of its revenues and endowments.

On the 3d of May Louis XVIII. made his solemn entrance into Paris, the

Duchess d'Angouleme being in the carriage with the King. His Majesty

proceeded first to Notre Dame. On arriving at the Pont Neuf he saw the

model of the statue of Henri IV. replaced, on the pedestal of which

appeared the following words: 'Ludovico reduce, Henricus redivivus',

which were suggested by M. de Lally-Tollendal, and were greatly

preferable to the long and prolix inscription composed for the bronze

statue.

The King's entrance into Paris did not excite so much enthusiasm as the

entrance of Monsieur. In the places through which I passed on the 3d of

May astonishment seemed to be the prevailing feeling among the people.

The abatement of public enthusiasm was more perceptible a short time

after, when Louis XVIII. restored "the red corps" which Louis XVI. had

suppressed long before the Revolution.

It was not a little extraordinary to see the direction of the Government

consigned to a man who neither had nor could have any knowledge

of France. From the commencement M. de Blacas affected ministerial

omnipotence. When I went on the 11th of May to the Tuileries to present,

as usual, my portfolio to the King, in virtue of my privilege of

transacting business with the sovereign, M. de Blacas wished to take the

portfolio from me, which appeared to me the more surprising as, during

the seven days I had the honour of coming in contact with Louis XVIII.,

his Majesty had been pleased to bestow many compliments upon me. I at

first refused to give up the portfolio, but M. de Blacas told me the

King had ordered him to receive it; I then, of course, yielded the

point.

However, it, was not long before I had experience of a courtier's

revenge, for two days after this circumstance, that is to say, on the

13th of May, on entering my cabinet at the usual hour, I mechanically

took up the 'Moniteur', which I found lying on my desk. On glancing

hastily over it what was my astonishment to find that the Comte Ferrand

had been appointed Director of the Post-office in my stead. Such was the

strange mode in which M. de Blacas made me feel the promised gratitude

of the sovereign. Certainly, after my proofs of loyalty, which a year

afterwards procured for me the honour of being outlawed in quite a

special way, I had reason to complain, and I might have said 'Sic vos

non vobis' as justly as Virgil when he alluded to the unmerited favours

lavished by Augustus on the Maevii and Bavii of his time.

The measures of Government soon excited complaints in every quarter.

The usages of the old system were gradually restored, and ridicule being

mingled with more serious considerations, Paris was speedily inundated

with caricatures and pamphlets. However, tranquillity prevailed until

the month of September, when M. de Talleyrand departed for the Congress

of Vienna. Then all was disorder at the Tuileries. Every one feeling

himself free from restraint, wished to play the statesman, and

Heaven knows how many follies were committed in the absence of the

schoolmaster.

Under a feeble Government there is but one step from discontent to

insurrection, under an imbecile Government like that of France in 1814,

after the departure of M. de Talleyrand, conspiracy has free Scope.

During the summer of 1814 were initiated the events which reached their

climax on the 20th of March 1815. I almost fancy I am dreaming when I

look back on the miraculous incapacity of the persons who were then at

the head of our Government. The emigrants, who, as it has been truly

said, had neither learned nor forgotten anything, came back with all

the absurd pretensions of Coblentz. Their silly vanity reminded one of

a character in one of Voltaire's novels who is continually saying, "Un

homme comme moi!" These people were so engrossed with their pretended

merit that they were blind to everything else. They not only disregarded

the wishes and the wants of France; which in overthrowing the Empire

hoped to regain liberty, but they disregarded every warning they had

received.

I recollect one circumstance which was well calculated to excite

suspicion. Prince Eugène proposed going to the waters of Plombieres

to join his sister Hortense. The horses, the carriages, and one of

the Prince's aides de camp had already arrived at Plombieres, and

his residence was prepared; but he did not go. Eugène had, no doubt,

received intimation of his sister's intrigues with some of the

individuals of the late Court of Napoleon who were then at the

waters, and as he had determined to reside quietly at the Court of his

father-in-law; without meddling with public affairs, he remained at

Munich. This fact, however, passed off unnoticed.

At the end of 1814 unequivocal indications of a great catastrophe were

observable. About that time a man, whom I much esteem, and with whom I

have always been on terms of friendship, said to me, "You see how

things are going on: they are committing fault upon fault. You must

be convinced that such a state of things cannot last long. Between

ourselves, I am of opinion that all will be over in the month of March;

that month will repair the disgrace of last March. We shall then, once

for all, be delivered from fanaticism and the emigrants. You see the

intolerable spirit of hypocrisy that prevails, and you know that the

influence of the priests is, of all things, the most hateful to the

nation. We have gone back a long way within the last eight months. I

fear you will repent of having taken too active a part in affairs at the

commencement of the present year. You see we have gone a very different

way from what you expected. However, as I have often told you before,

you had good reason to complain; and after all, you acted to the best of

your judgment."

I did not attach much importance to this prediction of a change in the

month of March. I deplored, as every one did, the inconceivable

errors of "Ferrand and Company," and I hoped that the Government would

gradually return to those principles which were calculated to conciliate

the feelings of the people. A few days after another of my friends

called on me. He had exercised important functions, and his name had

appeared on a proscription list. He had claims upon the Government,

which was by no means favourably disposed towards him. I asked him how

things were going on, and he replied, "Very well; no opposition is made

to my demands. I have no reason to complain." This reminded me of the

man in the 'Lettres Persanes', who admired the excellent order of

the finances under Colbert because his pension was promptly paid. I

congratulated my friend on the justice which the Government rendered

him, as well as on the justice which he rendered to the Government, and

I remarked that if the same course were adopted towards every one all

parties would speedily be conciliated. "I do not think so," said my

friend. "If the Government persist in its present course it cannot

possibly stand, and we shall have the Emperor back again."--"That," said

I, "would be a very great misfortune; and even if such were the wish of

France, it would be opposed by Europe. You who are so devotedly attached

to France cannot be indifferent to the danger that would threaten her

if the presence of Bonaparte should bring the foreigners back again. Can

you endure to think of the dismemberment of our country?"--"That they

would never dare to attempt. But you and I can never agree on the

question of the Emperor and your Bourbons. We take a totally different

view of the matter. You had cause to complain of Bonaparte, but I had

only reason to be satisfied with him. But tell me, what would you do if

he were to return?"-- "Bonaparte return!"--"Yes."--"Upon my word, the

best thing I could do would be to set off as speedily as I could, and

that is certainly what I should do. I am thoroughly convinced that he

would never pardon me for the part I have taken in the Restoration, and

I candidly confess that I should not hesitate a moment to save my life

by leaving France."--"Well, you are wrong, for I am convinced that if

you would range yourself among the number of his friends you might have

whatever you wished--titles, honours, riches. Of this I could give

you assurance."--"All this, I must tell you, does not tempt me. I love

France as dearly, as you do, and I am convinced that she can never be

happy under Bonaparte. If he should return I will go and live abroad."

This is only part of a conversation which lasted a considerable time,

and, as is often the case after a long discussion, my friend retained

his opinion, and I mine. However, this second warning, this hypothesis

of the return of Bonaparte, made me reflect, and I soon received another

hint which gave additional weight to the preceding ones. An individual

with whom I was well acquainted, and whom I knew from his principles and

connections to be entirely devoted to the royal cause, communicated to

me some extraordinary circumstances which he said alarmed him. Among

other things he said, "The day before yesterday I met Charles de

Labedoyere, who, you know, is my intimate friend. I remarked that he had

an air of agitation and abstraction. I invited him to come and dine with

me, but he declined, alleging as an excuse that we should not be alone.

He then asked me to go and dine with him yesterday, as he wanted to

talk with me. I accepted his invitation, and we conversed a long time on

political affair's and the situation of France. You know my sentiments

are quite the reverse of his, so we disputed and wrangled, though we are

still very good friends. But what alarms me is, that at parting Charles

pressed my hand, saying, 'Adieu; to-morrow I set off for Grenoble. In a

month you will hear something of Charles de Labedoyere.'"

These three successive communications appeared to me very extraordinary.

The two first were made to me by persons interested in the event,

and the third by one who dreaded it. They all presented a striking

coincidence with the intrigues at Plombieres a few months before. In the

month of January I determined to mention the business to M. de Blacas,

who then engrossed all credit and all power, and through whose medium

alone anything could reach the sovereign. I need scarcely add that my

intention was merely to mention to him the facts without naming the

individuals from whom I obtained them. After all, however, M. de

Blacas did not receive me, and I only had the honour of speaking to his

secretary, who, if the fact deserve to be recorded, was an abbe

named Fleuriel. This personage, who was an extraordinary specimen of

impertinence and self-conceit, would have been an admirable study for a

comic poet. He had all the dignity belonging to the great secretary of

a great Minister, and, with an air of indifference, he told me that the

Count was not there; but M. de Blacas was there, and I knew it.

Devoted as I was to the cause of the Bourbons, I thought it my duty to

write that very day to M. de Blacas to request an interview; I received

no answer. Two days after I wrote a second letter, in which I informed

M. de Blacas that I had something of the greatest importance to

communicate to him; this letter remained unnoticed like the first.

Unable to account for this strange treatment I again repaired to the

Pavilion de Flore, and requested the Abbe Fleuriel to explain to me if

he could the cause of his master's silence. "Sir," said he, "I received

your two letters, and laid them before the Count; I cannot tell why he

has not sent you an answer; but Monsieur le Comte is so much engaged. .

. . Monsieur le Comte is so overwhelmed with business that"--"Monsieur

le Comte may, perhaps, repent of it. Good morning, sir!"

I thus had personal experience of the truth of what I had often heard

respecting M. de Blacas. That favourite, who succeeded Comte d'Avaray,

enjoyed the full confidence of the King, and concentrated the

sovereign power in his own cabinet. The only means of transmitting any

communication to Louis XVIII. was to get it addressed to M. de Blacas by

one of his most intimate friends.

Convinced as I was of the danger that threatened France, and unable

to break through the blockade which M. de Blacas had formed round

the person of the King, I determined to write to M. de Talleyrand at

Vienna,' and acquaint him with the communications that had been made to

me. M. de Talleyrand corresponded directly with the King, and I doubt

not that my information at length reached the ears of his Majesty. But

when Louis XVIII. was informed of what was to happen it was too late to

avert the danger.

CHAPTER IV.

1814-1815.

Escape from Elba--His landing near Cannes--March on Paris.

About the middle of summer Napoleon was visited by his mother and his

sister the Princess Pauline. Both these ladies had very considerable

talents for political intrigue, and then natural faculties in this way

had not lain dormant or been injured by want of practice. In Pauline

this finesse was partially concealed by a languor and indecision of

manner and an occasional assumption of 'niaiserie'; or almost infantine

simplicity; but this only threw people the more off their guard, and

made her finesse the more sure in its operation. Pauline was handsome

too, uncommonly graceful, and had all that power of fascination which

has been attributed to the Bonaparte family. She could gain hearts with

ease, and those whom her charms enslaved were generally ready to devote

themselves absolutely to her brother. She went and came between Naples

and Elba, and kept her brother-in-law, Murat, in mind of the fact that

the lion was not yet dead nor so much as sleeping, but merely retiring

the better to spring forward on his quarry.

Having taken this resolution and chosen his time, Napoleon kept the

secret of his expedition until the last moment; and means were found to

privately make the requisite preparations. A portion of the soldiers

was embarked in a brig called the 'Inconstant' and the remainder in

six small craft. It was not till they were all on board that the troops

first conceived a suspicion of the Emperor's purpose: 1000 or 1200 men

had sailed to regain possession of an Empire containing a population of

30,000,000! He commenced his voyage on Sunday the 26th of February 1815,

and the next morning at ten o'clock was not out of sight of the island,

to the great annoyance of the few friends he had left behind. At this

time Colonel Sir Neil Campbell was absent on a tour to Leghorn, but

being informed by the French Consul and by Spanocchi, the Tuscan

Governor of the town, that Napoleon was about to sail for the Continent,

he hastened back, and gave chase to the little squadron in the Partridge

sloop of war, which was cruising in the neighbourhood, but, being

delayed by communicating with a French frigate, reached Antibes too

late.

There were between 400 and 500 men on board the brig (the 'Inconstant')

in which Bonaparte embarked. On the passage they met with a French ship

of war, with which they spoke. The Guards were ordered to pull off their

caps and lie down on the deck or go below while the captain exchanged

some words with the commander of the frigate, whom he afterwards

proposed to pursue and capture. Bonaparte rejected the idea as absurd,

and asked why he should introduce this new episode into his plan.

As they stood over to the coast of France the Emperor was in the highest

spirits. The die was cast, and he seemed to be quite himself again. He

sat upon the deck and amused the officers collected round him with a

narrative of his campaigns, particularly those of Italy and Egypt. When

he had finished he observed the deck to be encumbered with several

large chests belonging to him. He asked the maitre d'hotel what they

contained. Upon being told they were filled with wine he ordered them

to be immediately broken open, saying, "We will divide the booty." The

Emperor superintended the distribution himself, and presented bottle by

bottle to his comrades, till tired of this occupation he called out to

Bertrand, "Grand Marshal, assist me, if you please. Let us help these

gentlemen. They will help us some day." It was with this species of

bonhomie that he captivated when he chose all around him. The following

day he was employed in various arrangements, and among others in

dictating to Colonel Raoul the proclamations to be issued on his

landing. In one of these, after observing, "we must forget that we have

given law to the neighbouring nations," Napoleon stopped. "What have I

said?" Colonel Raoul read the passage. "Stop!" said Napoleon. "Omit the

word 'neighbouring;' say simply 'to nations.'" It was thus his pride

revealed itself; and his ambition seemed to rekindle at the very

recollections of his former greatness.

Napoleon landed without any accident on the 1st of March at Cannes, a

small seaport in the Gulf of St. Juan, not far from Fréjus, where he had

disembarked on his return from Egypt sixteen years before, and where he

had embarked the preceding year for Elba. A small party of the Guards

who presented themselves before the neighbouring garrison of Antibes

were made prisoners by General Corsin, the Governor of the place. Some

one hinted that it was not right to proceed till they had released their

comrades, but the Emperor observed that this was poorly to estimate the

magnitude of the undertaking; before them were 30,000,000 men uniting to

be set free! He, however, sent the Commissariat Officer to try what he

could do, calling out after him, "Take care you do not get yourself made

prisoner too!"

At nightfall the troops bivouacked on the beach. Just before a

postillion, in a splendid livery, had been brought to Napoleon. It

turned out that this man had formerly been a domestic of the Empress

Josephine, and was now in the service of the Prince of Monaco,

who himself had been equerry to the Empress. The postillion, after

expressing his great astonishment at finding the Emperor there, stated,

in answer to the questions that were put to him, that he had just come

from Paris; that all along the road, as far as Avignon, he had heard

nothing but regret for the Emperor's absence; that his name was

constantly echoed from mouth to mouth; and that, when once fairly

through Provence, he would find the whole population ready to rally

round him. The man added that his laced livery had frequently rendered

him the object of odium and insult on the road. This was the testimony

of one of the common class of society: it was very gratifying to the

Emperor, as it entirely corresponded with his expectations. The Prince

of Monaco himself, on being presented to the Emperor, was less explicit.

Napoleon refrained from questioning him on political matters. The

conversation therefore assumed a more lively character, and turned

altogether on the ladies of the former Imperial Court, concerning whom

the Emperor was very particular in his inquiries.

As soon as the moon had risen, which was about one or two in the morning

of the 2d, the bivouacs were broken up, and Napoleon gave orders for

proceeding to Grasse. There he expected to find a road which he had

planned during the Empire, but in this he was disappointed, the

Bourbons having given up all such expensive works through want of money.

Bonaparte was therefore obliged to pass through narrow defiles filled

with snow, and left behind him in the hands of the municipality his

carriage and two pieces of cannon, which had been brought ashore. This

was termed a capture in the bulletins of the day. The municipality of

Grasse was strongly in favour of the Royalist cause, but the sudden

appearance of the Emperor afforded but little time for hesitation, and

they came to tender their submission to him. Having passed through

the town he halted on a little height some way beyond it, where he

breakfasted. He was soon surrounded by the whole population of the

place; and he heard the same sentiments and the same prayers as before

he quitted France. A multitude of petitions had already been drawn up,

and were presented to him, just as though he had come from Paris and was

making a tour through the departments. One complained that his pension

had not been paid, another that his cross of the Legion of Honour had

been taken from him. Some of the more discontented secretly informed

Napoleon that the authorities of the town were very hostile to him, but

that the mass of the people were devoted to him, and only waited till

his back was turned to rid themselves of the miscreants. He replied,

"Be not too hasty. Let them have the mortification of seeing our triumph

without having anything to reproach us with." The Emperor advanced

with all the rapidity in his power. "Victory," he said, "depended on

my speed. To me France was in Grenoble. That place was a hundred miles

distant, but I and my companions reached it in five days; and with what

weather and what roads! I entered the city just as the Comte d'Artois,

warned by the telegraph, was quitting the Tuileries."

Napoleon himself was so perfectly convinced of the state of affairs that

he knew his success in no way depended on the force he might bring with

him. A 'piquet' of 'gens d'armes', he said, was all that was necessary.

Everything turned out as he foresaw. At first he owned he was not

without some degree of uncertainty and apprehension. As he advanced,

however, the whole population declared themselves enthusiastically in

his favour: but he saw no soldiers. It was not till he arrived between

Mure and Vizille, within five or six leagues from Grenoble, and on the

fifth day after his landing, that he met a battalion. The commanding

officer refused to hold even a parley. The Emperor, without hesitation,

advanced alone, and 100 grenadiers marched at some distance behind him,

with their arms reversed. The sight of Napoleon, his well-known costume,

and his gray military greatcoat, had a magical effect on the soldiers,

and they stood motionless. Napoleon went straight up to them and baring

his breast said, "Let him that has the heart kill his Emperor!" The

soldiers threw down their arms, their eyes moistened with tears, and

cries of "Vive l'Empereur!" resounded on every side. Napoleon ordered

the battalion to wheel round to the right, and all marched on together.