Could anything be more revolting than the sycophancy of those Churchmen

who declared that "God chose Napoleon for his representative upon

earth, and that God created Bonaparte, and then rested; that he was more

fortunate than Augustus, more virtuous than Trajan; that he deserved

altars and temples to be raised to him!" etc.

Some time after the Festival of St. Napoleon the King of Westphalia made

a journey through his States. Of all Napoleon's brothers the King of

Westphalia was the one with whom I was least acquainted, and he, it

is pretty well known, was the most worthless of the family. His

correspondence with me is limited to two letters, one of which he wrote

while he commanded the 'Epervier', and another seven years after, dated

6th September 1809. In this latter he said:

"I shall be in Hannover on the 10th. If you can make it convenient

to come there and spend a day with me it will give me great

pleasure. I shall then be able to smooth all obstacles to the loan

I wish to contract in the Hanse Town. I flatter myself you will do

all in your power to forward that object, which at the present

crisis is very important to my States. More than ample security is

offered, but the money will be of no use to me if I cannot have it

at least for two years."

Jerome wanted to contract at Hamburg a loan of 3,000,000 francs.

However, the people did not seem to think like his Westphalian Majesty,

that the contract presented more than ample security. No one was found

willing to draw his purse-strings, and the loan was never raised.

Though I would not, without the Emperor's authority, exert the influence

of my situation to further the success of Jerome's negotiation, yet I

did my best to assist him. I succeeded in prevailing on the Senate to

advance one loan of 100,000 francs to pay a portion of the arrears due

to his troops, and a second of 200,000 francs to provide clothing for

his army, etc. This scanty supply will cease to be wondered at when it

is considered to what a state of desolation the whole of Germany was

reduced at the time, as much in the allied States as in those of the

enemies of France. I learnt at the time that the King of Bavaria said to

an officer of the Emperor's household in whom he had great confidence,

"If this continues we shall have to give up, and put the key under the

door." These were his very words.

As for Jerome, he returned to Cassel quite disheartened at the

unsuccessful issue of his loan. Some days after his return to his

capital I received from him a snuffbox with his portrait set in

diamonds, accompanied by a letter of thanks for the service I had

rendered him. I never imagined that a token of remembrance from a

crowned head could possibly be declined. Napoleon, however, thought

otherwise. I had not, it is true, written to acquaint our Government

with the King of Westphalia's loan, but in a letter, which I addressed

to the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the 22d of September, I mentioned

the present Jerome had sent me. Why Napoleon should have been offended

at this I know not, but I received orders to return Jerome's present

immediately, and these orders were accompanied with bitter reproaches

for my having accepted it without the Emperor's authority. I sent back

the diamonds, but kept the portrait. Knowing Bonaparte's distrustful

disposition, I thought he must have suspected that Jerome had employed

threats, or at any rate, that he had used some illegal influence to

facilitate the success of his loan. At last, after much correspondence,

Napoleon saw clearly that everything was perfectly regular; in a word,

that the business had been transacted as between two private persons. As

to the 300,000 francs which the Senate had lent to Jerome, the fact is,

that but little scruple was made about it, for this simple reason, that

it was the means of removing from Hamburg the Westphalian division,

whose presence occasioned a much greater expense than the loan.

CHAPTER XX.

1809.

Visit to the field of Wagram.--Marshal Macdonald--Union of the Papal

States with the Empire--The battle of Talavera--Sir Arthur

Wellesley--English expedition to Holland--Attempt to assassinate the

Emperor at Schoenbrunn--Staps Interrogated by Napoleon--Pardon

offered and rejected--Fanaticism and patriotism--Corvisart's

examination of Staps--Second interrogatory--Tirade against the

illuminati--Accusation of the Courts of Berlin and Weimar--Firmness

and resignation of Staps--Particulars respecting his death--

Influence of the attempt of Staps on the conclusion of peace--

M. de Champagny.

Napoleon went to inspect all the corps of his army and the field of

Wagram, which a short time before had been the scene of one of those

great battles in which victory was the more glorious in proportion as it

had been valiantly contested.

--[The great battle of Wagram was fought on the 6th of July 1809.

The Austrians, who committed a mistake in over-extending their line,

lost 20,000 men as prisoners, besides a large number in killed and

wounded. There was no day, perhaps, on which Napoleon showed more

military genius or more personal courage. He was in the hottest of

the fight, and for a long time exposed to showers of grapeshot.--

Editor of 1836 edition.]--

On that day [the type] of French honour, Macdonald, who, after achieving

a succession of prodigies, led the army of Italy into the heart of the

Austrian States, was made a marshal on the field of battle. Napoleon

said to him, "With us it is for life and for death." The general opinion

was that the elevation of Macdonald added less to the marshal's military

reputation than it redounded to the honour of the Emperor. Five days

after the bombardment of Vienna, namely, on the 17th of May, the Emperor

had published a decree, by virtue of which the Papal States were united

to the French Empire, and Rome was declared an Imperial City. I will not

stop to inquire whether this was good or bad in point of policy, but it

was a mean usurpation on the part of Napoleon, for the time was passed

when a Julius II. laid down the keys of St. Peter and took up the sword

of St. Paul. It was, besides, an injustice, and, considering the Pope's

condescension to Napoleon, an act of ingratitude. The decree of union

did not deprive the Pope of his residence, but he was only the First

Bishop of Christendom, with a revenue of 2,000,000.

Napoleon while at Vienna heard of the affair of Talavera de la Reyna. I

was informed, by a letter from headquarters, that he was much affected

at the news, and did not conceal his vexation. I verily believe that

he was bent on the conquest of Spain, precisely on account of the

difficulties he had to surmount. At Talavera commenced the celebrity of

a man who, perhaps, would not have been without some glory even if

pains had not been taken to build him up a great reputation. That battle

commenced the career of Sir Arthur Wellesley, whose after-success,

however, has been attended by such important consequences.

--[The battle of Talavera took place on the 28th of July, twenty-two

days after the fatal defeat of the Austrians at Wagram.]--

Whilst we experienced this check in Spain the English were attempting an

expedition to Holland, where they had already made themselves masters

of Walcheren. It is true they were obliged to evacuate it shortly after;

but as at that time the French and Austrian armies were in a state

of inaction, in consequence of the armistice concluded at Znaim, in

Moravia, the news unfavourable to Napoleon had the effect of raising the

hopes of the Austrian negotiators, who paused in the expectation that

fresh defeats would afford them better chances.

It was during these negotiations, the termination of which seemed every

day to be farther distant, that Napoleon was exposed to a more real

danger than the wound he had received at Ratisbon. Germany was suffering

under a degree of distress difficult to be described. Illuminism was

making great progress, and had filled some youthful minds with an

enthusiasm not less violent than the religious fanaticism to which

Henry IV. fell a victim. A young man formed the design of assassinating

Napoleon in order to rid Germany of one whom he considered her scourge.

Rapp and Berthier were with the Emperor when the assassin was arrested,

and in relating what I heard from them I feel assured that I am giving

the most faithful account of all the circumstances connected with the

event.

"We were at Schoenbrunn," said Rapp, "when the Emperor had just reviewed

the troops. I observed a young man at the extremity of one of the

columns just as the troops were about to defile. He advanced towards the

Emperor, who was then between Berthier and me. The Prince de Neufchatel,

thinking he wanted to present a petition, went forward to tell him that

I was the person to receive it as I was the aide de camp for the day.

The young man replied that he wished to speak with Napoleon himself, and

Berthier again told him that he must apply to me. He withdrew a little,

still repeating that he wanted to speak with Napoleon. He again advanced

and came very near the Emperor; I desired him to fall back, telling him

in German to wait till after the parade, when, if he had anything to

say, it would be attended to. I surveyed him attentively, for I began to

think his conduct suspicious. I observed that he kept his right hand in

the breast pocket of his coat; out of which a piece of paper appeared.

I know not how it was, but at that moment my eyes met his, and I was

struck with his peculiar look and air of fixed determination. Seeing

an officer of gendarmerie on the spot, I desired him to seize the young

man, but without treating him with any severity, and to convey him to

the castle until the parade was ended.

"All this passed in less time than I have taken to tell it, and as every

one's attention was fixed on the parade the scene passed unnoticed. I

was shortly afterwards told that a large carving-knife had been found on

the young man, whose name was Staps. I immediately went to find Duroc,

and we proceeded together to the apartment to which Staps had been

taken. We found him sitting on a bed, apparently in deep thought, but

betraying no symptoms of fear. He had beside him the portrait of a young

female, his pocket-book, and purse containing only two pieces of gold.

I asked him his name, but he replied that he would tell it to no one but

Napoleon. I then asked him what he intended to do with the knife which

had been found upon him? But he answered again, 'I shall tell only

Napoleon.'--'Did you mean to attempt his life?'--'Yes.'--'Why?'--'I can

tell no one but Napoleon.'

"This appeared to me so strange that I thought right to inform the

Emperor of it. When I told him what had passed he appeared a

little agitated, for you know how he was haunted with the idea of

assassination. He desired that the young man should be taken into his

cabinet; whither he was accordingly conducted by two gens d'armes.

Notwithstanding his criminal intention there was something exceedingly

prepossessing in his countenance. I wished that he would deny the

attempt; but how was it possible to save a man who was determined

to sacrifice himself? The Emperor asked Staps whether he could speak

French, and he answered that he could speak it very imperfectly, and as

you know (continued Rapp) that next to you I am the best German scholar

in Napoleon's Court, I was appointed interpreter on this occasion.

The Emperor put the following questions to Staps, which I translated,

together with the answers:

"'Where do you come from?'--'From Narremburgh.'--'What is

your father?'-- 'A Protestant minister.'--'How old are

you?'--'Eighteen.'--'What did you intend to do with your knife?'--'To

kill you.'--'You are mad, young man; you are one of the illuminati?'--'I

am not mad; I know not what is meant by the illuminati!'--'You are

ill, then?'--'I am not; I am very well.'--'Why did you wish to kill

me?'--'Because you have ruined my country.'--'Have I done you any

harm?'--'Yes, you have harmed me as well as all Germans.'--'By whom were

you sent? Who urged you to this crime?'-- 'No one; I was urged to it by

the sincere conviction that by killing you I should render the greatest

service to my country.'--'Is this the first time you have seen me?'--'I

saw you at Erfurt, at the time of your interview with the Emperor of

Russia.'--'Did you intend to kill me then?'--'No; I thought you

would not again wage war against Germany. I was one of your greatest

admirers.'--'How long have you been in Vienna?'-- 'Ten days.'--'Why

did you wait so long before you attempted the execution of your

project?'--'I came to Schoenbrunn a week ago with the intention of

killing you, but when I arrived the parade was just over; I therefore

deferred the execution of my design till today.'--'I tell you, young

man, you are either mad or in bad health.'

"The Emperor here ordered Corvisart to be sent for. Staps asked who

Corvisart was? I told him that he was a physician. He then said, 'I

have no need of him.' Nothing further was said until the arrival of the

doctor, and during this interval Steps evinced the utmost indifference.

When Corvisart arrived Napoleon directed him to feel the young man's

pulse, which he immediately did; and Staps then very coolly said, 'Am

I not well, sir?' Corvisart told the Emperor that nothing ailed him. 'I

told you so,' said Steps, pronouncing the words with an air of triumph.

"I was really astonished at the coolness and apathy of Staps, and

the Emperor seemed for a moment confounded by the young man's

behaviour.--After a few moments' pause the Emperor resumed the

interrogatory as follows:

"'Your brain is disordered. You will be the ruin of your family. I will

grant you your life if you ask pardon for the crime you meditated, and

for which you ought to be sorry.'--'I want no pardon. I only regret

having failed in my attempt.'--'Indeed! then a crime is nothing to

you?'-- 'To kill you is no crime: it is a duty.'--'Whose portrait is

that which was found on you?'--'It is the portrait of a young lady to

whom I am attached.'--'She will doubtless be much distressed at your

adventure?'-- 'She will only be sorry that I have not succeeded. She

abhors you as much as I do.'--'But if I were to pardon you would you be

grateful for my mercy?'--'I would nevertheless kill you if I could.'

"I never," continued Rapp, "saw Napoleon look so confounded. The replies

of Staps and his immovable resolution perfectly astonished him. He

ordered the prisoner to be removed; and when he was gone Napoleon said,

'This is the result of the secret societies which infest Germany. This

is the effect of fine principles and the light of reason. They make

young men assassins. But what can be done against illuminism? A sect

cannot be destroyed by cannon-balls.'

"This event, though pains were taken to keep it secret, became the

subject of conversation in the castle of Schoenbrunn. In the evening the

Emperor sent for me and said, 'Rapp, the affair of this morning is very

extraordinary. I cannot believe that this young man of himself conceived

the design of assassinating me. There is something under it. I shall

never be persuaded that the intriguers of Berlin and Weimar are

strangers to the affair.'--'Sire, allow me to say that your suspicions

appear unfounded. Staps has had no accomplice; his placid countenance,

and even his fanaticism, are easiest proofs of that.'--'I tell you that

he has been instigated by women: furies thirsting for revenge. If I

could only obtain proof of it I would have them seized in the midst of

their Court.'--'Ah, Sire, it is impossible that either man or woman

in the Courts of Berlin or Weimar could have conceived so atrocious a

design.'-- 'I am not sure of that. Did not those women excite Schill

against us while we were at peace with Prussia; but stay a little; we

shall see.'-- 'Schill's enterprise; Sire, bears no resemblance to this

attempt.' You know how the Emperor likes every one to yield to his

opinion when he has adopted one which he does not choose to give up; so

he said, rather changing his tone of good-humoured familiarity, 'All you

say is in vain, Monsieur le General: I am not liked either at Berlin or

Weimar.' There is no doubt of that, Sire; but because you are not liked

in these two Courts, is it to be inferred that they would assassinate

you?'--'I know the fury of those women; but patience. Write to General

Lauer: direct him to interrogate Staps. Tell him to bring him to a

confession.'

"I wrote conformably with the Emperor's orders, but no confession was

obtained from Staps. In his examination by General Lauer he repeated

nearly what he had said in the presence of Napoleon. His resignation and

firmness never forsook him for a moment; and he persisted in saying that

he was the sole author of the attempt, and that no one else was aware of

it. Staps' enterprise made a deep impression on the Emperor. On the day

when we left Schoenbrunn we happened to be alone, and he said to me, 'I

cannot get this unfortunate Staps out of my mind. The more I think on

the subject the more I am perplexed. I never can believe that a young

man of his age, a German, one who has received a good education, a

Protestant too, could have conceived and attempted such a crime. The

Italians are said to be a nation of assassins, but no Italian ever

attempted my life. This affair is beyond my comprehension. Inquire how

Staps died, and let me know.'

"I obtained from General Lauer the information which the Emperor

desired. I learned that Staps, whose attempt on the Emperor's life was

made on the 23d of October; was executed at seven o'clock in the morning

of the 27th, having refused to take any sustenance since the 24th. When

any food was brought to him he rejected it, saying, 'I shall be strong

enough to walk to the scaffold.' When he was told that peace was

concluded he evinced extreme sorrow, and was seized with trembling. On

reaching the place of execution he exclaimed loudly, 'Liberty for ever!

Germany for ever! Death to the tyrant!'"

Such are the notes which I committed to paper after conversing with

Rapp, as we were walking together in the garden of the former hotel of

Montmorin, in which Rapp resided. I recollect his showing me the knife

taken from Staps, which the Emperor had given him; it was merely a

common carving-knife, such as is used in kitchens. To these details may

be added a very remarkable circumstance, which I received from another

but not less authentic source. I have been assured that the attempt of

the German Mutius Scaevola had a marked influence on the concessions

which the Emperor made, because he feared that Staps, like him

who attempted the life of Porsenna, might have imitators among the

illuminati of Germany.

It is well known that after the battle of Wagram conferences were open

at Raab. Although peace was almost absolutely necessary for both powers,

and the two Emperors appeared to desire it equally, it was not, however,

concluded. It is worthy of remark that the delay was occasioned by

Bonaparte. Negotiations were therefore suspended, and M. de Champagny

had ceased for several days to see the Prince of Lichtenstein when the

affair of Staps took place. Immediately after Napoleon's examination of

the young fanatic he sent for M. de Champagny: "How are the negotiations

going on?" he inquired. The Minister having informed him, the Emperor

added, "I wish them to be resumed immediately: I wish for peace; do not

hesitate about a few millions more or less in the indemnity demanded

from Austria. Yield on that point. I wish to come to a conclusion: I

refer it all to you." The Minister lost no time in writing to the Prince

of Lichtenstein: on the same night the two negotiators met at Raab,

and the clauses of the treaty which had been suspended were discussed,

agreed upon, and signed that very night. Next morning M. de Champagny

attended the Emperor's levee with the treaty of peace as it had

been agreed on. Napoleon, after hastily examining it, expressed his

approbation of every particular, and highly complimented his Minister on

the speed with which the treaty had been brought to a conclusion.

--[This definitive treaty of peace, which is sometimes called the

Treaty of Vienna, Raab, or Schoenbrunn, contained the following

articles:

1. Austria ceded in favour of the Confederation of the Rhine (these

fell to Bavaria), Salzburg, Berchtolsgaden, and a part of Upper

Austria.

2. To France directly Austria ceded her only seaport, Trieste, and

all the countries of Carniola, Friuli, the circle of Vilach, with

parts of Croatia end Dalmatia. (By these cessions Austria was

excluded from the Adriatic Sea, and cut off from all communication

with the navy of Great Britain.) A small lordship, en enclave in

the territories of the Grieve League, was also gives up.

3. To the constant ally of Napoleon, to the King of Saxony, in that

character Austria ceded some Bohemian enclaves in Saxony end, in his

capacity of Grand Duke of Warsaw, she added to his Polish dominions

the ancient city of Cracow, and all Western Galicia.

4. Russia, who had entered with but a lukewarm zeal into the war as

an ally of France, had a very moderate share of the spoils of

Austria. A portion of Eastern Galicia, with a population of 400,000

souls, was allotted to her, but in this allotment the trading town

of Brody (almost the only thing worth having) was specially

excepted. This last circumstance gave no small degree of disgust to

the Emperor Alexander, whose admiration of Napoleon was not destined

to have a long duration.--Editor of 1836 edition.]--

CHAPTER XXI.

1809.

The Princess Royal of Denmark--Destruction of the German Empire--

Napoleons visit to the Courts of Bavaria and Wurtemberg--His return

to France--First mention of the divorce--Intelligence of Napoleon's

marriage with Maria Louisa--Napoleon's quarrel with Louis--Journey

of the Emperor and Empress into Holland--Refusal of the Hanse Towns

to pay the French troops--Decree for burning English merchandise--

M. de Vergennes--Plan for turning an inevitable evil to the best

account--Fall on the exchange of St Petersburg

About this time I had the pleasure of again seeing the son of the

reigning Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, whose arrival in the Hanse

Towns was speedily followed by that of his sister, Princess Frederica

Charlotte of Mecklenburg, married to the Prince Royal of Denmark,

Christian Frederick. In November the Princess arrived at Altana from

Copenhagen, the reports circulated respecting her having compelled her

husband to separate from her. The history of this Princess, who, though

perhaps blamable, was nevertheless much pitied, was the general subject

of conversation in the north of Germany at the time I was at Hamburg.

The King of Denmark, grieved at the publicity of the separation, wrote a

letter on the subject to the Duke of Mecklenburg. In this letter, which

I had an opportunity of seeing, the King expressed his regret at not

having been able to prevent the scandal; for, on his return from a

journey to Kiel, the affair had become so notorious that all attempts

at reconciliation were vain. In the meantime it was settled that the

Princess was to remain at Altona until something should be decided

respecting her future condition.

It was Baron Plessen, the Duke of Mecklenburg's Minister of State, who

favoured me with a sight of the King of Denmark's letters. M. Plessen

told me, likewise, at the time that the Duke had formed the irrevocable

determination of not receiving his daughter. A few days after her

arrival the Princess visited Madame de Bourrienne. She invited us to her

parties, which were very brilliant, and several times did us the honour

of being present at ours. But; unfortunately, the extravagance of her

conduct, which was very unsuitable to her situation, soon became the

subject of general animadversion.

I mentioned at the close of the last chapter how the promptitude of M.

de Champagny brought about the conclusion of the treaty known by the

name of the Treaty of Schoenbrunn. Under this the ancient edifice of the

German Empire was overthrown, and Francis II. of Germany became Francis

I., Emperor of Austria. He, however, could not say, like his namesake

of France, 'Tout est perdu fors l'honneur'; for honour was somewhat

committed, even had nothing else been lost. But the sacrifices Austria

was compelled, to make were great. The territories ceded to France were

immediately united into a new general government, under the collective

denomination of the Illyrian Provinces. Napoleon thus became master of

both sides of the Adriatic, by virtue of his twofold title of Emperor of

France and King of Italy. Austria, whose external commerce thus received

a check, had no longer any direct communication with the sea. The loss

of Fiume, Trieste, and the sea-coast appeared so vast a sacrifice that

it was impossible to look forward to the duration of a peace so dearly

purchased.

The affair of Staps, perhaps, made Napoleon anxious to hurry away from

Schoenbrunn, for he set off before he had ratified the preliminaries of

the peace, announcing that he would ratify them at Munich. He proceeded

in great haste to Nymphenburg, where he was expected on a visit to

the Court of Bavaria. He next visited the King of Wurtemberg, whom he

pronounced to be the cleverest sovereign in Europe, and at the end

of October he arrived at Fontainebleau. From thence he proceeded on

horseback to Paris, and he rode so rapidly that only a single chasseur

of his escort could keep up with him, and, attended by this one

guard, he entered the court of the Tuileries. While Napoleon was at

Fontainebleau, before his return to Paris, Josephine for the first time

heard the divorce mentioned; the idea had occurred to the Emperor's mind

while he was at Schoenbrunn. It was also while at Fontainebleau that

Napoleon appointed M. de Montalivet to be Minister of the Interior. The

letters which we received from Paris at this period brought intelligence

of the brilliant state of the capital during the winter of 1809, and

especially of the splendour of the Imperial Court, where the Emperor's

levees were attended by the Kings of Saxony, Bavaria, and Wurtemberg,

all eager to evince their gratitude to the hero who had raised them to

the sovereign rank.

I was the first person in Hamburg who received intelligence of

Napoleon's projected marriage with the Archduchess Maria Louisa. The

news was brought to me from Vienna by two estafettes. It is impossible

to describe the effect produced by the anticipation of this event

throughout the north of Germany.

--["Napoleon often reflected on the best mode of making this

communication to the Empress; still he was reluctant to speak to

her. He was apprehensive of the consequences of her susceptibility

of feeling; his heart was never proof against the shedding of tears.

Ho thought, however, that a favourable opportunity offered for

breaking the subject previously to his quitting Fontainebleau. He

hinted at it in a few words which he had addressed to the Empress,

but he did not explain himself until the arrival of the viceroy,

whom he had ordered to join him. He was the first person who spoke

openly to his mother and obtained her consent for that bitter

sacrifice. He acted on the occasion like a kind son and a man

grateful to his benefactor and devoted to his service, by sparing

him the necessity of unpleasant explanations towards a partner whose

removal was a sacrifice as painful to him as it was affecting: The

Emperor, having arranged whatever related to the future condition of

the Empress, upon whom he made a liberal settlement, urged the

moment of the dissolution of the marriage, no doubt because he felt

grieved at the condition of the Empress herself, who dined every day

and passed her evenings in the presence of persons who were

witnessing her descent from the throne. There existed between him

and the Empress Josephine no other bond than a civil act, according

to the custom which prevailed at the time of this marriage. Now the

law had foreseen the dissolution of such marriage oontracts. A

particular day having therefore been fixed upon, the Emperor brought

together into his apartments those persons whose ministry was

required in this case; amongst others, the Arch-Chancellor and M.

Regnault de St. Jean d'Angély. The Emperor then declared in a loud

voice his intention of annulling the marriage he had contracted with

Josephine, who was present; the Empress also made the same

declaration, which was interrupted by her repeated sobs. The Prince

Arch-Chancellor having caused the article of the law to be read, he

applied it to the cam before him, and declared the marriage to be

dissolved." (Memoirs of ad Duc de Rovigo).]--

From all parts the merchants received orders to buy Austrian stock, in

which an extraordinary rise immediately took place. Napoleon's marriage

with Maria Louisa was hailed with enthusiastic and general joy. The

event was regarded as the guarantee of a long peace, and it was hoped

there would be a lasting cessation of the disasters created by the

rivalry of France and Austria. The correspondence I received showed

that these sentiments were general in the interior of France, and in

different countries of Europe; and, in spite of the presentiments I had

always had of the return of the Bourbons to France, I now began to think

that event problematic, or at least very remote.

About the beginning of the year 1810 commenced the differences between

Napoleon and his brother Louis, which, as I have already stated, ended

in a complete rupture. Napoleon's object was to make himself master of

the navigation of the Scheldt which Louis wished should remain free, and

hence ensued the union of Holland with the French Empire. Holland was

the first province of the Grand Empire which Napoleon took the new

Empress to visit. This visit took place almost immediately after the

marriage. Napoleon first proceeded to Compiegne, where he remained a

week. He next set out for St. Quentin, and inspected the canal. The

Empress Maria Louisa then joined him, and they both proceeded to

Belgium. At Antwerp the Emperor inspected all the works which he had

ordered, and to the execution of which he attached great importance. He

returned by way of Ostend, Lille, and Normandy to St. Cloud, where he

arrived on the 1st of June 1810. He there learned from my correspondence

that the Hanse Towns-refused to advance money for the pay of the French

troops. The men were absolutely destitute. I declared that it was urgent

to put an end to this state of things. The Hanse towns had been reduced

from opulence to misery by taxation and exactions, and were no longer

able to provide the funds.

During this year Napoleon, in a fit of madness, issued a decree which I

cannot characterise by any other epithet than infernal. I allude to the

decree for burning all the English merchandise in France, Holland, the

Grand Duchy of Berg, the Hanse Towns; in short, in all places subject to

the disastrous dominion of Napoleon. In the interior of France no idea

could possibly be formed of the desolation caused by this measure in

countries which existed by commerce; and what a spectacle was it to the

destitute inhabitants of those countries to witness the destruction

of property which, had it been distributed, would have assuaged their

misery!

Among the emigrants whom I was ordered to watch was M. de Vergennes, who

had always remained at or near Hamburg Since April 1808. I informed the

Minister that M. de Vergennes had presented himself to me at this

time. I even remember that M. de Vergennes gave me a letter from M. de

Rémusat, the First Chamberlain of the Emperor. M. de Rémusat strongly

recommended to me his connection, who was called by matters of

importance to Hamburg. Residence in this town was, however, too

expensive, and he decided to live at Neumuhl, a little village on the

Elbe, rather to the west of Altona. There he lived quietly in retirement

with an opera dancer named Mademoiselle Ledoux, with whom he had become

acquainted in Paris, and whom he had brought with him. He seemed much

taken with her. His manner of living did not denote large means.

One duty with which I was entrusted, and to which great importance

was attached, was the application and execution of the disastrous

Continental system in the north. In my correspondence I did not

conceal the dissatisfaction which this ruinous measure excited, and the

Emperor's eyes were at length opened on the subject by the following

circumstance. In spite of the sincerity with which the Danish Government

professed to enforce the Continental system, Holstein contained a great

quantity of colonial produce; and, notwithstanding the measures of

severity, it was necessary that that merchandise should find a market

somewhere. The smugglers often succeeded in introducing it into Germany,

and the whole would probably soon have passed the custom-house limits.

All things considered, I thought it advisable to make the best of an

evil that could not be avoided. I therefore proposed that the colonial

produce then in Holstein, and which had been imported before the date of

the King's edict for its prohibition, should be allowed to enter Hamburg

on the payment of 30, and on some articles 40, per cent. This duty was

to be collected at the custom-house, and was to be confined entirely

to articles consumed in Germany. The colonial produce in Altona,

Glnckstadt, Husum, and other towns of Holstein, lead been estimated,

at about 30,000,000 francs, and the duty would amount to 10,000,000 or

12,000,000. The adoption of the plan I proposed would naturally put a

stop to smuggling; for it could not be doubted that the merchants would

give 30 or 33 per cent for the right of carrying on a lawful trade

rather than give 40 per cent. to the smugglers, with the chance of

seizure.

The Emperor immediately adopted my idea, for I transmitted my

suggestions to the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the 18th of

September, and on the 4th of October a decree was issued conformable

to the plan I proposed. Within six weeks after the decree came into

operation the custom-house Director received 1300 declarations from

persons holding colonial produce in Holstein. It now appeared that the

duties would amount to 40,000,000 francs, that is to say, 28,000,000 or

30,000,000 more than my estimate.

Bernadotte had just been nominated Prince Royal of Sweden. This

nomination, with all the circumstances connected with it, as well as

Bernadotte's residence in Hamburg, before he proceeded to Stockholm,

will be particularly noticed in the next chapter. I merely mention the

circumstance here to explain some events which took place in the north,

and which were, more or less, directly connected with it. For example,

in the month of September the course of exchange on St. Petersburg

suddenly fell. All the letters which arrived in Hamburg from the capital

of Russia and from Riga, attributed the fall to the election of the

Prince of Ponte-Corvo as Prince Royal of Sweden. Of thirty letters which

I received there was not one but described the consternation which the

event had created in St. Petersburg. This consternation, however, might

have been excited less by the choice of Sweden than by the fear that

that choice was influenced by the French Government.

CHAP XXII.

1809-1810.

Bernadotte elected Prince Royal of Sweden--Count Wrede's overtures

to Bernadotte--Bernadottes's three days' visit to Hamburg--

Particulars respecting the battle of Wagram--Secret Order of the

day--Last intercourse of the Prince Royal of Sweden with Napoleon--

My advice to Bernadotte respecting the Continental system.

I now come to one of the periods of my life to which I look back with

most satisfaction, the time when Bernadotte was with me in Hamburg. I

will briefly relate the series of events which led the opposer of the

18th Brumaire to the throne of Sweden.

On the 13th of march 1809 Gustavus Adolphus was arrested, and his uncle,

the Duke of Sudermania, provisionally took the reins of Government. A

few days afterwards Gustavus published his act of abdication, which

in the state of Sweden it was impossible for him to refuse. In May

following, the Swedish Diet having been convoked at Stockholm, the Duke

of Sudermania was elected King. Christian Augustus, the only son of that

monarch, of course became Prince Royal on the accession of his father to

the throne. He, however, died suddenly at the end of May 1810, and Count

Fersen (the same who at the Court of Marie Antoinette was distinguished

by the appellation of 'le beau Fersen'), was massacred by the populace,

who suspected, perhaps unjustly, that he had been accessory to the

Prince's death.

--[Count Fereen, alleged to have been one of the favoured lovers of

Marie Antoinette, and who was certainly deep in her confidence, had

arranged most of the details of the attempted flight to Varennes in

1791, and he himself drove the Royal family their first stage to the

gates of Paris.]--

On the 21st of August following Bernadotte was elected Prince Royal of

Sweden.

After the death of the Prince Royal the Duke of Sudermania's son, Count

Wrede, a Swede, made the first overtures to Bernadotte, and announced to

him the intention entertained at Stockholm of offering him the throne of

Sweden. Bernadotte was at that time in Paris, and immediately after his

first interview with Count Wrede he waited on the Emperor at St. Cloud;

Napoleon coolly replied that he could be of no service to him; that

events must take their course; that he might accept or refuse the offer

as he chose; that he (Bonaparte) would place no obstacles in his way,

but that he could give him no advice. It was very evident that the

choice of Sweden was not very agreeable to Bonaparte, and though

he afterwards disavowed any opposition to it, he made overtures to

Stockholm, proposing that the crown of Sweden should be added to that of

Denmark.

Bernadotte then went to the waters of Plombieres, and on his return to

Paris he sent me a letter announcing his elevation to the rank of Prince

Royal of Sweden.

On the 11th of October he arrived in Hamburg, where he stayed only

three days. He passed nearly the whole of that time with me, and he

communicated to me many curious facts connected with the secret history

of the times, and among other things some particulars respecting the

battle of Wagram. I was the first to mention to the new Prince Royal of

Sweden the reports of the doubtful manner in which the troops under his

command behaved. I reminded him of Bonaparte's dissatisfaction at these

troops; for there was no doubt of the Emperor being the author of the

complaints contained in the bulletins, especially as he had withdrawn

the troops from Bernadotte's command. Bernadotte assured me that

Napoleon's censure was unjust; during the battle he had complained of

the little spirit manifested by the soldiers. "He refused to see me,"

added Bernadotte, "and I was told, as a reason for his refusal, that

he was astonished and displeased to find that, notwithstanding his

complaints, of which I must have heard, I had boasted of having gained

the battle, and had publicly complimented the Saxons whom I commanded."

Bernadotte then showed me the bulletin he drew up after the battle of

Wagram. I remarked that I had never heard of a bulletin being made by

any other than the General who was Commander-in-Chief during a battle,

and asked how the affair ended. He then handed to me a copy of the

Order of the day, which Napoleon said he had sent only to the Marshals

commanding the different corps.

Bernadotte's bulletin was printed along with Bonaparte's Order of the

Day, a thing quite unparalleled.

Though I was much interested in this account of Bonaparte's conduct

after the battle of Wagram; yet I was more curious to hear the

particulars of Bernadotte's last communication with the Emperor. The

Prince informed me that on his return from Plombieres he attended the

levee, when the Emperor asked him, before every one present, whether he

had received any recent news from Sweden.

He replied in the affirmative. "What is it?" inquired Napoleon. "Sire,

I am informed that your Majesty's charge d'affaires at Stockholm opposes

my election. It is also reported to those who choose to believe it that

your Majesty gives the preference to the King of Denmark."--"At these

words," continued Bernadotte, "the Emperor affected surprise, which you

know he can do very artfully. He assured me it was impossible, and then

turned the conversation to another subject.

"I know not what to think of his conduct in this affair. I am aware

he does not like me;--but the interests of his policy may render him

favourable to Sweden. Considering the present greatness and power of

France, I conceived it to be my duty to make every personal sacrifice.

But I swear to Heaven that I will never commit the honour of Sweden.

He, however, expressed himself in the best possible terms in speaking of

Charles XIII. and me. He at first started no obstacle to my acceptance

of the succession to the throne of Sweden, and he ordered the official

announcement of my election to be immediately inserted in the Moniteur'.

Ten days elapsed without the Emperor's saying a word to me about my

departure. As I was anxious to be off, and all my preparations were

made, I determined to go and ask him for the letters patent to relieve

me from my oath of fidelity, which I had certainly kept faithfully in

spite of all his ill-treatment of me. He at first appeared somewhat

surprised at my request, and, after a little hesitation, he said, 'There

is a preliminary condition to be fulfilled; a question has been

raised by one of the members of the Privy Council.'--'What condition,

Sire?'--'You must pledge yourself not to bear arms against me.'--'Does

your Majesty suppose that I can bind myself by such an engagement?

My election by the Diet of Sweden, which has met with your Majesty's

assent, has made me a Swedish subject, and that character is

incompatible with the pledge proposed by a member of the Council. I am

sure it could never have emanated from your Majesty, and must proceed

from the Arch-Chancellor or the Grand Judge, who certainly could not

have been aware of the height to which the proposition would raise

me.'--'What do you mean?'--'If, Sire, you prevent me accepting a crown

unless I pledge myself not to bear arms against you, do you not really

place me on a level with you as a General?'

"When I declared positively that my election must make me consider

myself a Swedish subject he frowned, and seemed embarrassed. When I

had done speaking he said, in a low and faltering voice, 'Well, go.

Our destinies will soon be accomplished!' These words were uttered so

indistinctly that I was obliged to beg pardon for not having heard what

he said, and he repented, 'Go! our destinies will soon be accomplished!'

In the subsequent conversations which I had with the Emperor I tried

all possible means to remove the unfavourable sentiments he cherished

towards me. I revived my recollections of history. I spoke to him of

the great men who had excited the admiration of the world, of the

difficulties and obstacles which they had to surmount; and, above all,

I dwelt upon that solid glory which is founded on the establishment and

maintenance of public tranquillity and happiness. The Emperor listened

to me attentively, and frequently concurred in my opinion as to the

principles of the prosperity and stability of States. One day he took my

hand and pressed it affectionately, as if to assure me of his friendship

and protection. Though I knew him to be an adept in the art of

dissimulation, yet his affected kindness appeared so natural that I

thought all his unfavourable feeling towards me was at an end. I spoke

to persons by whom our two families were allied, requesting that they

would assure the Emperor of the reciprocity of my sentiments, and tell

him that I was ready to assist his great plans in any way not hostile to

the interests of Sweden.

"Would you believe, my dear friend, that the persons to whom I made

these candid protestations laughed at my credulity? They told me that

after the conversation in which the Emperor had so cordially pressed my

hand. I had scarcely taken leave of him when he was heard to say that I

had made a great display of my learning to him, and that he had humoured

me like a child. He wished to inspire me with full confidence so as to

put me off my guard; and I know for a certainty that he had the design

of arresting me.

"But," pursued Bernadotte, "in spite of the feeling of animosity which I

know the Emperor has cherished against me since the 18th Brumaire, I do

not think, when once I shall be in Sweden, that he will wish to have any

differences with the Swedish Government. I must tell you, also he

has given me 2,000,000 francs in exchange for my principality of

Ponte-Corvo. Half the sum has been already paid, which will be very

useful to me in defraying the expenses of my journey and installation.

When I was about to step into my carriage to set off, an individual,

whom you must excuse me naming, came to bid me farewell, and related to

me a little conversation which had just taken place at the Tuileries.

Napoleon said to the individual in question, 'Well, does not the Prince

regret leaving France?'--'Certainly, Sire.'--'As to me, I should have

been very glad if he had not accepted his election. But there is no help

for it. . . . He does not like me.'--'Sire, I must take the liberty of

saying that your Majesty labours under a mistake. I know the differences

which have existed between you and General Bernadotte for the last six

years. I know how he opposed the overthrow of the Directory; but I also

know that the Prince has long been sincerely attached to you.'--'Well, I

dare say you are right. But we have not understood each other. It is now

too late. He has his interests and his policy, and I have mine.'"

"Such," added the Prince, "were the Emperor's last observations

respecting me two hours before my departure. The individual to whom I

have just alluded, spoke truly, my dear Bourrienne. I am indeed sorry to

leave France; and I never should have left it but for the injustice of

Bonaparte. If ever I ascend the throne of Sweden I shall owe my crown to

his ill-treatment of me; for had he not persecuted me by his animosity

my condition would have sufficed for a soldier of fortune: but we must

follow our fate."

During the three days the Prince spent with me I had many other

conversations with him. He wished me to give him my advice as to the

course he should pursue with regard to the Continental system. "I advise

you," said I, "to reject the system without hesitation. It may be very

fine in theory, but it is utterly impossible to carry it into practice,

and it will, in the end, give the trade of the world to England. It

excites the dissatisfaction of our allies, who, in spite of themselves,

will again become our enemies. But no other country, except Russia, is

in the situation of Sweden. You want a number of objects of the first

necessity, which nature has withheld from you. You can only obtain them

by perfect freedom of navigation; and you can only pay for them with

those peculiar productions in which Sweden abounds. It would be out of

all reason to close your ports against a nation who rules the seas.

It is your navy that would be blockaded, not hers. What can France do

against you? She may invade you by land. But England and Russia

will exert all their efforts to oppose her. By sea it is still more

impossible that she should do anything. Then you have nothing to fear

but Russia and England, and it will be easy for you to keep up friendly

relations with these two powers. Take my advice; sell your iron, timber,

leather, and pitch; take in return salt, wines, brandy, and colonial

produce. This is the way to make yourself popular in Sweden. If, on

the contrary, you follow the Continental system, you will be obliged to

adopt laws against smuggling, which will draw upon you the detestation

of the people."

Such was the advice which I gave to Bernadotte when he was about to

commence his new and brilliant career. In spite of my situation as a

French Minister I could not have reconciled it to my conscience to

give him any other counsel, for if diplomacy has duties so also has

friendship. Bernadotte adopted my advice, and the King of Sweden had no

reason to regret having done so.

CHAPTER XXIII.

1810

Bernadotte's departure from Hamburg--The Duke of Holstein-

Augustenburg--Arrival of the Crown Prince in Sweden--

Misunderstandings between him and Napoleon--Letter from Bernadotte

to the Emperor--Plot for kidnapping the Prince Royal of Sweden--

Invasion of Swedish Pomerania--Forced alliance of Sweden with

England and Russia--Napoleon's overtures to Sweden--Bernadotte's

letters of explanation to the Emperor--The Princess Royal of Sweden

--My recall to Paris--Union of the Hanse Towns with France--

Dissatisfaction of Russia--Extraordinary demand made upon me by

Bonaparte--Fidelity of my old friends--Duroc and Rapp--Visit to

Malmaison, and conversation with Josephine.

While Bernadotte was preparing to fill the high station to which he had

been called by the wishes of the people of Sweden, Napoleon was involved

in his misunderstanding with the Pope,

--[It was about this time that, irritated at what he called the

captive Pope's unreasonable obstinacy, Bonaparte conceived, and

somewhat openly expressed, his notion of making France a Protestant

country, and changing the religion of 30,000,000 of people by an

Imperial decree. One or two of the good sayings of the witty,

accomplished, and chivalrous Comte Louis de Narbonne have already

been given in the course of these volumes. The following is another

of them:

"I tell you what I will do, Narbonne--I tell you how I will vent my

spite on this old fool of a Pope, and the dotards who may succeed

him said Napoleon one day at the Tuileries. "I will make a schism

as great as that of Luther--I will make France a Protestant

country!"

"O Sire," replied the Count, "I see difficulties in the way of this

project. In the south, in the Vendée, in nearly all the west, the

French are bigoted Catholics and even what little religion remains

among us in our cities and great towns is of the Roman Church."

"Never mind, Narbonne--never mind!--I shall at least carry a large

portion of the French people with me--I will make a division!" Sire,

replied Narbonne, "I am afraid that there is not enough religion in

all France to stand division!"-Editor of 1836 edition.]--

and in the affairs of Portugal, which were far from proceeding according

to his wishes. Bernadotte had scarcely quitted Hamburg for Sweden when

the Duke of Holstein-Augustenburg arrived. The Duke was the brother of

the last Prince Royal of Sweden, whom Bernadotte was called to succeed,

and he came to escort his sister from Altona to Denmark. His journey had

been retarded for some days on account of the presence of the Prince

of Ponte-Gorvo in Hamburg: the preference granted to Bernadotte had

mortified his ambition, and he was unwilling to come in contact with his

fortunate rival. The Duke was favoured, by the Emperor of Russia.

As soon as he arrived in Sweden Bernadotte directed his aide de camp,

General Lentil de St. Alphonse, to inform me of his safe passage.

Shortly after I received a letter from Bernadotte himself, recommending

one of his aides de camp, M. Villatte, who was the bearer of it. This

letter contained the same sentiments of friendship as those I used

to receive from General Bernadotte, and formed a contrast with the

correspondence of King Jerome, who when he wrote to me assumed the

regal character, and prayed that God would have me in his holy keeping.

However, the following is the Prince Royal's letter:

MY DEAR BOURRIENNE--I have directed M. Villatte to see you on his

way through Hamburg, and to bear my friendly remembrances to you.

Lentil has addressed his letter to you, which I suppose you have

already received. Adieu, care for me always, and believe in the

inalterable attachment of yours,

(Signed)CHARLES JOHN.

P.S.--I beg you will present my compliments to madame and all your

family. Embrace my little cousin for me.

The little cousin, so called by Bernadotte, was one of my daughters,

then a child, whom Bernadotte used to be very fond of while he was at

Hamburg.

Departing from the order of date, I will anticipate the future, and

relate all I know respecting the real causes of the misunderstanding

which arose between Bernadotte and Napoleon. Bonaparte viewed the choice

of the Swedes with great displeasure, because he was well aware that

Bernadotte had too much integrity and honour to serve him in the north

as a political puppet set in motion by means of springs which he might

pull at Paris or at his headquarters. His dissatisfaction upon

this point occasioned an interesting correspondence, part of which,

consisting of letters from Bernadotte to the Emperor, is in my

possession. The Emperor had allowed Bernadotte to retain in his service,

for a year at least, the French officers who were his aides de camp--but

that permission was soon revoked, end the Prince Royal of Sweden wrote

to Napoleon a letter of remonstrance.

Napoleon's dissatisfaction with the Prince Royal now changed to decided

resentment. He repented having acceded to his departure from France, and

he made no secret of his sentiments, for he said before his courtiers,

"That he would like to send Bernadotte to Vincennes to finish his study

of the Swedish language." Bernadotte was informed of this, but he

could not believe that the Emperor had ever entertained such a design.

However, a conspiracy was formed in Sweden against Bernadotte, whom a

party of foreign brigands were hired to kidnap in the neighbourhood of

Raga; but the plot was discovered, and the conspirators were compelled

to embark without their prey. The Emperor having at the same time seized

upon Swedish Pomerania, the Prince Royal wrote him a second letter in

these terms:

From the papers which have just arrived I learn that a division of

the army, under the command of the Prince of Eckmuhl, invaded

Swedish Pomerania on the night of the 26th of January; that the

division continued to advance, entered the capital of the Duchy, and

took possession of the island of Rugen. The King expects that your

Majesty will explain the reasons which have induced you to act in a

manner so contrary to the faith of existing treaties. My old

connection with your Majesty warrants me in requesting you to

declare your motives without delay, in order that I may give my

advice to the King as to the conduct which Sweden ought hereafter to

adopt. This gratuitous outrage against Sweden is felt deeply by the

nation, and still more, Sire, by me, to whom is entrusted the honour

of defending it. Though I have contributed to the triumphs of

France, though I have always desired to see her respected and happy;

yet I can never think of sacrificing the interests, honour, and

independence of the country which has adopted me. Your Majesty, who

has so ready a perception of what is just, must admit the propriety

of my resolution. Though I am not jealous of the glory and power

which surrounds you, I cannot submit to the dishonour of being

regarded as a vassal. Your Majesty governs the greatest part of

Europe, but your dominion does not extend to the nation which I have

been called to govern; my ambition is limited to the defence of

Sweden. The effect produced upon the people by the invasion of

which I complain may lead to consequences which it is impossible to

foresee; and although I am not a Coriolanus, and do not command the

Volsci, I have a sufficiently good opinion of the Swedes to assure

you that they dare undertake anything to avenge insults which they

have not provoked, and to preserve rights to which they are as much

attached as to their lives.

I was in Paris when the Emperor received Bernadotte's letter on the

occupation of Swedish Pomerania. When Bonaparte read it I was informed

that he flew into a violent rage, and even exclaimed, "You shall submit

to your degradation, or die sword in hand!" But his rage was impotent.

The unexpected occupation of Swedish Pomerania obliged the King of

Sweden to come to a decided rupture with France, and to seek other

allies, for Sweden was not strong enough in herself to maintain

neutrality in the midst of the general conflagration of Europe after the

disastrous campaign of Moscow. The Prince Royal, therefore, declared

to Russia and England that in consequence of the unjust invasion of

Pomerania Sweden was at war with France, and he despatched Comte de

Lowenhjelm, the King's aide de camp, with a letter explanatory of his

views. Napoleon sent many notes to Stockholm, where M. Alquier, his

Ambassador, according to his instructions, had maintained a haughty

and even insulting tone towards Sweden. Napoleon's overtures, after

the manifestations of his anger, and after the attempt to carry off the

Prince Royal, which could be attributed only to him, were considered by

the Prince Royal merely as a snare. But in the hope of reconciling the

duties he owed to both his old and his new country he addressed to the

Emperor a moderate letter:

This letter throws great light on the conduct of the Emperor with

respect to Bernadotte; for Napoleon was not the man whom any one

whatever would have ventured to remind of facts, the accuracy of which

was in the least degree questionable. Such then were the relations

between Napoleon and the Prince Royal of Sweden. When I shall bring to

light some curious secrets, which have hitherto been veiled beneath the

mysteries of the Restoration, it will be seen by what means Napoleon,

before his fall, again sought to wreak his vengeance upon Bernadotte.

Oh the 4th of December I had the honour to see the Princess Royal

of Sweden,--[Madame Bernadotte, afterwards Queen of Sweden, was

a Mademoiselle Clary, and younger sister to the wife of Joseph

Bonaparte]--who arrived that day at Hamburg. She merely passed through

the city on her way to Stockholm to join her husband, but she remained

but a short time in Sweden,--two months, I believe, at most, not being

able to reconcile herself to the ancient Scandinavia. As to the Prince

Royal, he soon became inured to the climate, having been for many years

employed in the north.

After this my stay at Hamburg was not of long duration. Bonaparte's

passion for territorial aggrandisement knew no bounds; and the turn of

the Hanse Towns now arrived. By taking possession of these towns and

territories he merely accomplished a design formed long previously.

I, however, was recalled with many compliments, and under the specious

pretext that the Emperor wished to hear my opinions respecting the

country in which. I had been residing. At the beginning of December I

received a letter from M. de Champagny stating that the Emperor wished

to see me in order to consult with me upon different things relating to

Hamburg. In this note I was told "that the information I had obtained

respecting Hamburg and the north of Germany might be useful to the

public interest, which must be the most gratifying reward of my

labours." The reception which awaited me will presently be seen. The

conclusion of the letter spoke in very flattering terms of the manner in

which I had discharged my duties. I received it on the 8th of December,

and next day I set out for Paris. When I arrived at Mayence I was

enabled to form a correct idea of the fine compliments which had been

paid me, and of the Emperor's anxiety to have my opinion respecting the

Hanse Towns. In Mayence I met the courier who was proceeding to announce

the union of the Hanse Towns with the French Empire. I confess that,

notwithstanding the experience I had acquired of Bonaparte's duplicity,

or rather, of the infinite multiplicity of his artifices, he completely

took me by surprise on that occasion.

On my arrival in Paris I did not see the Emperor, but the first

'Moniteur' I read contained the formula of a 'Senatus-consulte,' which

united the Hanse Towns, Lauenburg, etc., to the French Empire by the

right of the strongest. This new and important augmentation of territory

could not fail to give uneasiness to Russia. Alexander manifested his

dissatisfaction by prohibiting the importation of our agricultural

produce and manufactures into Russia. Finally, as the Continental

system had destroyed all trade by the ports of the Baltic, Russia

showed herself more favourable to the English, and gradually reciprocal

complaints of bad faith led to that war whose unfortunate issue was

styled by M. Talleyrand "the beginning of the end."

I have now to make the reader acquainted with an extraordinary demand

made upon me by the Emperor through the medium of M. de Champagny. In

one of my first interviews with that Minister after my return to Paris

he thus addressed me: "The Emperor has entrusted me with a commission to

you which I am obliged to execute: 'When you see Bourrienne,' said the

Emperor, 'tell him I wish him to pay 6,000,000 into your chest to defray

the expense of building the new Office for Foreign Affairs.'" I was so

astonished at this unfeeling and inconsiderate demand that I was utterly

unable to make airy reply. This then was my recompense for having

obtained money and supplies during my residence at Hamburg to the extent

of nearly 100,000,000, by which his treasury and army had profited in

moments of difficulty! M. de Champagny added that the Emperor did not

wish to receive me. He asked what answer he should bear to his Majesty.

I still remained silent, and the Minister again urged me to give an

answer. "Well, then," said I, "tell him he may go to the devil." The

Minister naturally wished to obtain some variation from this laconic

answer, but I would give no other; and I afterwards learned from Duroc

that M. de Champagny was compelled to communicate it to Napoleon.

"Well," asked the latter, "have you seen Bourrienne?"--"Yes,

Sire."--"Did you tell him I wished him to pay 6,000,000 into your

chest?"--"Yes, Sire."--"And what did he say?"--"Sire, I dare not inform

your Majesty."--"What did he say? I insist upon knowing."--"Since you

insist on my telling you, Sire, M. de Bourrienne said your Majesty might

go to the devil."--"Ah! ah! did he really say so?" The Emperor then

retired to the recess of a window, where he remained alone for seven

or eight minutes, biting his nails; in the fashion of Berthier, and

doubtless giving free scope to his projects of vengeance. He then turned

to the Minister and spoke to him of quite another subject: Bonaparte had

so nursed himself in the idea of making me pay the 6,000,000 that every

time he passed the Office for Foreign Affairs he said to those who

accompanied hint; "Bourrienne must pay for that after all."

--[This demand of money from Bourrienne is explained in Erreurs

(tome ii, p. 228) by the son of Davoust. Bourrienne had been

suspected by Napoleon of making large sums at Hamburg by allowing

breaches of the Continental system. In one letter to Davoust

Napoleon speaks of an "immense fortune," and in another, that

Bourrienne is reported to have gained seven or eight millions at

Hamburg in giving licences or making arbitrary seizures.]--

Though I was not admitted to the honour of sharing the splendour of the

Imperial Court; yet I had the satisfaction of finding that; in spite of

my disgrace, those of my old friends who were worth anything evinced the

same regard for me as heretofore. I often saw Duroc; who snatched some

moments from his more serious occupations to come and chat with me

respecting all that had occurred since my secession from Bonaparte's

cabinet. I shall not attempt to give a verbatim account of my

conversations with Duroc, as I have only my memory to guide me; but I

believe I shall not depart from the truth in describing them as follows:

On his return from the last Austrian campaign Napoleon; as I have

already stated, proceeded to Fontainebleau, where he was joined by

Josephine. Then, for the first time, the communication which had always

existed between the apartments of the husband and wife was closed.

Josephine was fully alive to the fatal prognostics which were to be

deduced from this conjugal separation. Duroc informed me that she sent

for him, and on entering her chamber, he found her bathed in tears.

"I am lost!" she exclaimed in a tone of voice the remembrance of which

seemed sensibly to affect Duroc even while relating the circumstance to

me: "I am utterly lost! all is over now! You, Duroc, I know, have always

been my friend, and so has Rapp. It is not you who have persuaded him to

part from me. This is the work of my enemies Savary and Junot! But they

are more his enemies than mine. And my poor Eugène I how will he be

distressed when he learns I am repudiated by an ungrateful man! Yes

Duroc, I may truly call him ungrateful, My God! my God! what will become

of us?" . . . Josephine sobbed bitterly while she thus addressed Duroc.

Before I was acquainted with the singular demand which M. de Champagny

was instructed to make to me I requested Duroc to inquire of the Emperor

his reason for not wishing to see me. The Grand Marshal faithfully

executed my commission, but he received only the following answer:

"Do you think I have nothing better to do than to give Bourrienne an

audience? that would indeed furnish gossip for Paris and Hamburg. He

has always sided with the emigrants; he would be talking to me of past

times; he was for Josephine! My wife, Duroc, is near her confinement;

I shall have a son, I am sure!... Bourrienne is not a man of the day; I

have made giant strides since he left France; in short, I do not want to

see him. He is a grumbler by nature; and you know, my dear Duroc, I do

not like men of that sort."

I had not been above a week in Paris when Duroc related this speech to

me. Rapp was not in France at the time, to my great regret. Much against

his inclination he had been appointed to some duties connected with the

Imperial marriage ceremonies, but shortly after, having given offence

to Napoleon by some observation relating to the Faubourg St. Germain, he

had received orders to repair to Dantzic, of which place he had already

been Governor.

The Emperor's refusal to see me made my situation in Paris extremely

delicate; and I was at first in doubt whether I might seek an interview

with Josephine. Duroc, however, having assured me that Napoleon would

have no objection to it, I wrote requesting permission to wait upon

her. I received an answer the same day, and on the morrow I repaired

to Malmaison. I was ushered into the tent drawing-room, where I found

Josephine and Hortense. When I entered Josephine stretched out her hand

to me, saying, "Ah! my friend!" These words she pronounced with deep

emotion, and tears prevented her from continuing. She threw herself on

the ottoman on the left of the fireplace, and beckoned me to sit down

beside her. Hortense stood by the fireplace, endeavouring to conceal her

tears. Josephine took my hand, which she pressed in both her own;

and, after a struggle to overcome her feelings, she said, "My dear

Bourrienne, I have drained my cup of misery. He has cast me off!

forsaken me! He conferred upon me the vain title of Empress only to

render my fall the more marked. Ah! we judged him rightly! I knew

the destiny that awaited me; for what would he not sacrifice to his

ambition!" As she finished these words one of Queen Hortense's ladies

entered with a message to her; Hortense stayed a few moments, apparently

to recover from the emotion under which she was labouring, and then

withdrew, so that I was left alone with Josephine. She seemed to wish

for the relief of disclosing her sorrows, which I was curious to hear

from her own lips; women have such a striking way of telling their

distresses. Josephine confirmed what Duroc had told me respecting

the two apartments at Fontainebleau; then, coming to the period when

Bonaparte had declared to her the necessity of a separation, she said,

"My dear Bourrienne; during all the years you were with us you know I

made you the confidant of my thoughts, and kept you acquainted with my

sad forebodings. They are now cruelly fulfilled. I acted the part of a

good wife to the very last. I have suffered all, and I am resigned! . .

. What fortitude did it require latterly to endure my situation, when,

though no longer his wife, I was obliged to seem so in the eyes of the

world! With what eyes do courtiers look upon a repudiated wife! I was in

a state of vague uncertainty worse than death until the fatal day when

he at length avowed to me what I had long before read in his looks! On

the 30th of November 1809 we were dining together as usual, I had not

uttered a word during that sad dinner, and he had broken silence only

to ask one of the servants what o'clock it was. As soon as Bonaparte had

taken his coffee he dismissed all the attendants, and I remained alone

with him. I saw in the expression of his countenance what was passing in

his mind, and I knew that my hour was come. He stepped up to me--he was

trembling, and I shuddered; he took my hand, pressed it to his heart,

and after gazing at me for a few moments in silence he uttered these

fatal words: 'Josephine! my dear Josephine! You know how I have loved

you! . . . To you, to you alone, I owe the only moments of happiness

I have tasted in this world. But, Josephine, my destiny is not to be

controlled by my will. My dearest affections must yield to the interests

of France.'--'Say no more,' I exclaimed, 'I understand you; I expected

this, but the blow is not the less mortal.' I could not say another

word," continued Josephine; "I know not what happened after I seemed to

lose my reason; I became insensible, and when I recovered I found myself

in my chamber. Your friend Corvisart and my poor daughter were with me.

Bonaparte came to see me in the evening; and oh! Bourrienne, how can I

describe to you what I felt at the sight of him; even the interest he

evinced for me seemed an additional cruelty. Alas! I had good reason to

fear ever becoming an Empress!"

I knew not what consolation to offer: to Josephine; and knowing as I did

the natural lightness of her character, I should have been surprised to

find her grief so acute, after the lapse of a year, had I not been aware

that there are certain chords which, when struck, do not speedily cease

to vibrate in the heart of a woman. I sincerely pitied Josephine, and

among all the things I said to assuage her sorrow, the consolation

to which she appeared most sensible was the reprobation which public

opinion had pronounced on Bonaparte's divorce, and on this subject

I said nothing but the truth, for Josephine was generally beloved. I

reminded her of a prediction I had made under happier circumstances,

viz. on the day that she came to visit us in our little house at Ruel.

"My dear friend," said she, "I have not forgotten it, and I have often

thought of all you then said. For my part, I knew he was lost from the

day he made himself Emperor. Adieu! Bourrienne, come and see me soon

again; come often, for we have a great deal to talk about; you know how

happy I always am to see you." Such was, to the best of my recollection,

what passed at my first interview with Josephine after my return from

Hamburg.

CHAPTER XXIV

1811

Arrest of La Sahla--My visit to him--His confinement at Vincennes--

Subsequent history of La Sahla--His second journey to France--

Detonating powder--Plot hatched against me by the Prince of Eckmuhl

--Friendly offices of the Duc de Rovigo--Bugbears of the police--

Savary, Minister of Police.

I had been in Paris about two months when a young man of the name of

La Sahla was arrested on the suspicion of having come from Saxony to

attempt the life of the Emperor. La Sahla informed the Duc de Rovigo,

then Minister of the Police, that he wished to see me, assigning as

a reason for this the reputation I had left behind me in Germany. The

Emperor, I presume, had no objection to the interview, for I received an

invitation to visit the prisoner. I accordingly repaired to the branch

office of the Minister of the Police, in the Rue des St. Peres, where

I was introduced to a young man between seventeen and eighteen years of

age.

My conversation with the young man, whose uncle was, I believe,

Minister to the King of Saxony, interested me greatly in his behalf; I

determined, if possible, to save La Sahla, and I succeeded. I proceeded

immediately to the Duc de Rovigo, and I convinced him that under the

circumstances of the case it was important to make it be believed that

the young man was insane. I observed that if he were brought before a

court he would repeat all that he had stated to me, and probably enter

into disclosures which might instigate fresh attempts at assassination.

Perhaps an avenger of La Sahla might rise up amongst the students of

Leipzig, at which university he had spent his youth. These reasons,

together with others, had the success I hoped for. The Emperor

afterwards acknowledged the prudent course which had been adopted

respecting La Sahla; when speaking at St. Helena of the conspiracies

against his life he said, "I carefully concealed all that I could."

In conformity with my advice La Sahla was sent to Vincennes, where he

remained until the end of March 1814, He was then removed to the castle

of Saumur, from which he was liberated at the beginning of April. I had

heard nothing of him for three years, when one day, shortly after the

Restoration, whilst sitting at breakfast with my family at my house in

the Rue Hauteville, I heard an extraordinary noise in the antechamber,

and before I had time to ascertain its cause I found myself in the arms.

of a young man, who embraced me with extraordinary ardour. It was La

Sahla. He was in a transport of gratitude and joy at his liberation, and

at the accomplishment of the events which he had wished to accelerate by

assassination. La Sahla returned to Saxony and I saw no more of him, but

while I was in Hamburg in 1815, whither I was seat by Louis XVIII., I

learned that on the 5th of June a violent explosion was heard in the

Chamber of Representatives at Paris, which was at first supposed to be

a clap of thunder, but was soon ascertained to have been occasioned by

a young Samson having fallen with a packet of detonating powder in his

pocket.

On receiving this intelligence I imagined, I know not why, that this

young Saxon was La Sahla, and that he had probably intended to blow up

Napoleon and even the Legislative Body; but I have since ascertained

that I was under a mistake as to his intentions. My knowledge of La

Sahla's candour induces me to believe the truth of his declarations

to the police; and if there be any inaccuracies in the report of these

declarations I do not hesitate to attribute them to the police itself,

of which Fouché was the head at the period in question.

It is the latter part of the report which induced me to observe above,

that if there were any inaccuracies in the statement they were more

likely to proceed from Fouché's police than the false representations

of young La Sahla. It is difficult to give credit without proof to such

accusations. However, I decide nothing; but I consider it my duty to

express doubts of the truth of these charges brought against the

two Prussian ministers, of whom the Prince of Wittgenstein, a man of

undoubted honour, has always spoken to me in the best of terms.

There is nothing to prove that La Sahla returned to France the second

time with the same intentions as before. This project, however, is a

mystery to me, and his detonating powder gives rise to many conjectures.

I had scarcely left Hamburg when the Prince of Eckmuhl (Marshal Davoust)

was appointed Governor-General of that place on the union of the Hanse

Towns with the Empire. From that period I was constantly occupied in

contending against the persecutions and denunciations which he

racked his imagination to invent. I cannot help attributing to those

persecutions the Emperor's coolness towards me on my arrival in Paris.

But as Davoust's calumnies were devoid of proof, he resorted to a scheme

by which a certain appearance of probability might supply the place

of truth. When I arrived in Paris, at the commencement of 1811, I was

informed by an excellent friend I had left at Hamburg, M. Bouvier, an

emigrant, and one of the hostages of Louis XVI., that in a few days

I would receive a letter which would commit me, and likewise M. de

Talleyrand and General Rapp. I had never had any connection on matters

of business, with either of these individuals, for whom I entertained

the most sincere attachment. They, like myself, were not in the

good graces of Marshal Davoust, who could not pardon the one for

his incontestable superiority of talent, and the other for his blunt

honesty. On the receipt of M. Bouvier's letter I carried it to the Duc

de Rovigo, whose situation made him perfectly aware of the intrigues

which had been carried on against me since I had left Hamburg by one

whose ambition aspired to the Viceroyalty of Poland. On that, as on

many other similar occasions, the Duc de Rovigo advocated my cause with

Napoleon. We agreed that it would be best to await the arrival of the

letter which M. Bouvier had announced. Three weeks elapsed, and the

letter did not appear. The Duc de Rovigo, therefore, told me that I must

have been misinformed. However, I was certain that M. Bouvier would not

have sent me the information on slight grounds, and I therefore

supposed that the project had only been delayed. I was not wrong in my

conjecture, for at length the letter arrived. To what a depth of infamy

men can descend! The letter was from a man whom I had known at Hamburg,

whom I had obliged, whom I had employed as a spy. His epistle was a

miracle of impudence. After relating some extraordinary transactions

which he said had taken place between us, and which all bore the stamp

of falsehood, he requested me to send him by return of post the sum of

60,000 francs on account of what I had promised him for some business he

executed in England by the direction of M. de Talleyrand, General Rapp,

and myself. Such miserable wretches are often caught in the snares they

spread for others. This was the case in the present instance, for the

fellow had committed, the blunder of fixing upon the year 1802 as the

period of this pretended business in England, that is to say, two years

before my appointment as Minister-Plenipotentiary to the Hanse Towns.

This anachronism was not the only one I discovered in the letter.

I took a copy of the letter, and immediately carried the original to

the Duc de Rovigo, as had been agreed between us. When I waited on the

Minister he was just preparing to go to the Emperor. He took with him

the letter which I brought, and also the letter which announced its

arrival. As the Duc de Rovigo entered the audience-chamber Napoleon

advanced to meet him, and apostrophised him thus: "Well, I have learned

fine things of your Bourrienne, whom you are always defending." The fact

was, the Emperor had already received a copy of the letter, which had

been opened at the Hamburg post-office. The Duc de Rovigo told the

Emperor that he had long known what his Majesty had communicated to him.

He then entered into a full explanation of the intrigue, of which it was

wished to render me the victim, and proved to him the more easily the

falsehood of my accusers by reminding him that in 1802 I was not in

Hamburg, but was still in his service at home.

It may be supposed that I was too much interested in knowing what had

passed at the Tuileries not to return to the Duc de Rovigo the same

day. I learned from him the particulars which I have already related. He

added that he had observed to the Emperor that there was no connection

between Rapp and M. Talleyrand which could warrant the suspicion of

their being concerned in the affair in question. "When Napoleon saw

the matter in its true light," said Savary, "when I proved to him the

palpable existence of the odious machination, he could not find terms

to express his indignation. 'What baseness, what horrible villainy!' he

exclaimed; and gave me orders to arrest and bring to Paris the infamous

writer of the letter; and you may rely upon it his orders shall be

promptly obeyed."

Savary, as he had said, instantly despatched orders for the arrest of

the writer, whom he directed to be sent to France. On his arrival he was

interrogated respecting the letter. He declared that he had written it

at the instigation and under the dictation of Marshal Davoust, for doing

which he received a small sum of money as a reward. He also confessed

that when the letter was put into the post the Prince of Eckmuhl ordered

the Director of the Post to open it, take a copy, then seal it again,

and send it to its address--that is to say, to me--and the copy to the

Emperor. The writer of the letter was banished to Marseilles, or to

the Island of Hyeres, but the individual who dictated it continued a

Marshal, a Prince, and a Governor-General, and still looked forward to

the Viceroyalty of Poland! Such was the discriminating justice of the

Empire; and Davoust continued his endeavours to revenge himself by other

calumnies for my not having considered him a man of talent. I must

do the Duc de Rovigo the justice to say that, though his fidelity to

Napoleon was as it always had been, boundless, yet whilst he executed

the Emperor's orders he endeavoured to make him acquainted with the

truth, as was proved by his conduct in the case I have just mentioned.

He was much distressed by the sort of terror which his appointment had

excited in the public, and he acknowledged to me that he intended to

restore confidence by a more mild system than that of his predecessor. I

had observed formerly that Savary did not coincide in the opinion I

had always entertained of Fouché, but when once the Duc de Rovigo

endeavoured to penetrate the labyrinth of police, counter-police,

inspections and hierarchies of espionage, he found they were all

bugbears which Fouché had created to alarm the Emperor, as gardeners put

up scarecrows among the fruit-trees to frighten away the sparrows. Thus,

thanks to the artifices of Fouché, the eagle was frightened as easily as

the sparrows, until the period when the Emperor, convinced that Fouché

was maintaining a correspondence with England through the agency of

Ouvrard, dismissed him.

I saw with pleasure that Savary, the Minister of Police, wished to

simplify the working of his administration, and to gradually diminish

whatever was annoying in it, but, whatever might be his intentions, he

was not always free to act. I acknowledge that when I read his Memoirs

I saw with great impatience that in many matters he had voluntarily

assumed responsibilities for acts which a word from him might have

attributed to their real author. However this may be, what much pleased

me in Savary was the wish he showed to learn the real truth in order to

tell it to Napoleon. He received from the Emperor more than one severe

rebuff. This came from the fact that since the immense aggrandisement

of the Empire the ostensible Ministers, instead of rising in credit,

had seen their functions diminish by degrees. Thus proposals for

appointments to the higher grades of the army came from the cabinet of

Berthier, and not from that of the Minister-of-War. Everything which

concerned any part of the government of the Interior or of the Exterior,

except for the administration of War and perhaps for that of Finance,

had its centre in the cabinet of M. Maret, certainly an honest man,

but whose facility in saying "All is right," so much helped to make all

wrong.

The home trade, manufactures, and particularly several of the Parisian

firms were in a state of distress the more hurtful as it contrasted so

singularly with the splendour of the Imperial Court since the marriage

of Napoleon with Maria Louisa. In this state of affairs a chorus of

complaints reached the ears of the Duc de Rovigo every day. I must say

that Savary was never kinder to me than since my disgrace; he nourished

my hope of getting Napoleon to overcome the prejudices against me with

which the spirit of vengeance had inspired him, and I know for certain

that Savary returned to the charge more than once to manage this. The

Emperor listened without anger, did not blame him for the closeness of

our intimacy, and even said to him some obliging but insignificant words

about me. This gave time for new machinations against me, and to fill

him with fresh doubts when he had almost overcome his former, ideas.

CHAPTER XXV.

M. Czernischeff--Dissimulation of Napoleon--Napoleon and Alexander--

Josephine's foresight respecting the affairs of Spain--My visits to

Malmaison--Grief of Josephine--Tears and the toilet--Vast extent of

the Empire--List of persons condemned to death and banishment in

Piedmont--Observation of Alfieri respecting the Spaniards--Success

in Spain--Check of Massena in Portugal--Money lavished by the

English--Bertrand sent to Illyria, and Marmont to Portugal--

Situation of the French army--Assembling of the Cortes--Europe

sacrificed to the Continental system--Conversation with Murat in the

Champs Elysees--New titles and old names--Napoleon's dislike of

literary men--Odes, etc., on the marriage of Napoleon--Chateaubriand

and Lemereier--Death of Chenier--Chateaubriand elected his successor

--His discourse read by Napoleon--Bonaparte compared to Nero--

Suppression of the 'Merceure'--M. de Chateaubriand ordered to leave

Paris--MM. Lemercier and Esmenard presented to the Emperor--Birth of

the King of Rome--France in 1811.

Since my return to France I had heard much of the intrigues of M.

Czernischeff, an aide de camp of the Emperor of Russia, who, under the

pretext of being frequently sent to compliment Napoleon on the part

of the Emperor Alexander, performed, in fact, the office of a spy. The

conduct of Napoleon with regard to M. Czernischeff at that period

struck me as singular, especially after the intelligence which before

my departure from Hamburg I had transmitted to him respecting the

dissatisfaction of Russia and her hostile inclinations. It is therefore

clear to me that Bonaparte was well aware of the real object of M.

Czernischeffs mission, and that if he appeared to give credit to the

increasing professions of his friendship it was only because he still

wished, as he formerly did; that Russia might so far commit herself as

to afford him a fair pretext for the commencement, of hostilities in the

north.

M. Czernischeff first arrived in Paris shortly after the interview at

Erfurt, and after that period was almost constantly on the road between

Paris and St. Petersburg; it has been computed that in the space of less

than four years he travelled more than 10,000 leagues. For a long time

his frequent journeyings excited no surmises, but while I was in Paris

Savary began to entertain suspicions, the correctness of which it

was not difficult to ascertain, so formidable was still the system of

espionage, notwithstanding the precaution taken by Fouché to conceal

from his successor the names of his most efficient spies. It was

known that M. Czernischeff was looking out for a professor of

mathematics,--doubtless to disguise the real motives for his stay in

Paris by veiling them under the desire of studying the sciences. The

confidant of Alexander had applied to a professor connected with a

public office; and from that time all the steps of M. Czerniseheff

were known to the police. It was discovered that he was less anxious

to question his instructor respecting the equations of a degree, or the

value of unknown quantities, than to gain all the information he could

about the different branches of the administration, and particularly the

department of war. It happened that the professor knew some individuals

employed in the public offices, who furnished him with intelligence,

which he in turn communicated to M. Czernischeff, but not without making

a report of it to the police; according to custom, instead of putting

an end to this intrigue at once it was suffered fully to develop itself.

Napoleon was informed of what was going on, and in this instance gave

a new proof of his being an adept in the art of dissimulation, for,

instead of testifying any displeasure against M. Czernischeff, he

continued to receive him with the same marks of favour which he had

shown to him during his former missions to Paris. Being, nevertheless,

desirous to get rid of him, without evincing a suspicion that his

clandestine proceedings had been discovered, he entrusted him with a

friendly letter to his brother of Russia, but Alexander was in such

haste to reply to the flattering missive of his brother of France that

M. Czernischeff was hurried back to Paris, having scarcely been suffered

to enter the gates of St. Petersburg. I believe I am correct in the

idea that Napoleon was not really displeased at the intrigues of M.

Czernischeff, from the supposition that they afforded an indication of

the hostile intentions of Russia towards France; for, whatever he might

say on this subject to his confidants, what reliance can we place on the

man who formed the camp of Boulogne without the most distant intention

of attempting a descent upon England, and who had deceived the whole

world respecting that important affair without taking any one into his

own confidence?

During the period of my stay in Paris the war with Spain and Portugal

occupied much of the public attention; and it proved in the end an

enterprise upon which the intuition of Josephine had not deceived her.

In general she intermeddled little with political affairs; in the first

place, because her doing so would have given offence to Napoleon; and

next, because her natural frivolity led her to give a preference to

lighter pursuits. But I may safely affirm that she was endowed with an

instinct so perfect as seldom to be deceived respecting the good or evil

tendency of any measure which Napoleon engaged in; and I remember she

told me that when informed of the intention of the Emperor to bestow

the throne of Spain on Joseph, she was seized with a feeling of

indescribable alarm. It would be difficult to define that instinctive

feeling which leads us to foresee the future; but it is a fact that

Josephine was endowed with this faculty in a more perfect decree than

any other person I have ever known, and to her it was a fatal gift, for

she suffered at the same time under the weight of present and of future

misfortunes.

I often visited her at Malmaison, as Duroc assured me that the Emperor

had no objection to my doing so; yet he must have been fully aware that

when Josephine and I were in confidential conversation he would not

always be mentioned in terms of unqualified eulogy; and in truth, his

first friend and his first wife might well be excused for sometimes

commingling their complaints.

Though more than a twelvemonth had elapsed since the divorce grief still

preyed on the heart of Josephine. "You cannot conceive, my friend,"

she often said to me, "all the torments that I have suffered since that

fatal day! I cannot imagine how I survived it. You cannot figure

to yourself the pain I endure on seeing descriptions of his fetes

everywhere. And the first time he came to visit me after his marriage,

what a meeting was that! How many tears I shed! The days on which he

comes are to me days of misery, for he spares me not. How cruel to speak

of his expected heir. Bourrienne, you cannot conceive how heart-rending

all this is to me! Better, far better to be exiled a thousand leagues

from hence! However," added Josephine, "a few friends still remain

faithful in my changed fortune, and that is now the only thing which

affords me even temporary consolation." The truth is that she was

extremely unhappy, and the most acceptable consolation her friends could

offer her was to weep with her. Yet such was still Josephine's passion

for dress, that after. having wept for a quarter of an hour she would

dry her tears to give audience to milliners and jewellers. The sight of

a new hat would call forth all Josephine's feminine love of finery.

One day I remember that, taking advantage of the momentary serenity

occasioned by an ample display of sparkling gewgaws, I congratulated her

upon the happy influence they exercised over her spirits, when she said,

"My dear friend, I ought, indeed, to be indifferent to all this; but it

is a habit." Josephine might have added that it was also an occupation,

for it would be no exaggeration to say that if the time she wasted in

tears and at her toilet had been subtracted from her life its duration

would have been considerably shortened.

The vast extent of the French Empire now presented a spectacle which

resembled rather the dominion of the Romans and the conquests of

Charlemagne than the usual form and political changes of modern Europe.

In fact, for nearly two centuries, until the period of the Revolution,

and particularly until the elevation of Napoleon, no remarkable changes

had taken place in the boundaries of European States, if we except the

partition of Poland, when two of the co-partitioners committed the

error of turning the tide of Russia towards the west! Under Napoleon

everything was overturned with astonishing rapidity: customs, manners,

laws, were superseded

--[The so-called "French" armies of the time, drawn from all parts

of the Empire and from the dependent States, represented the

extraordinary fusion attempted by Napoleon. Thus, at the battle of

Ocana there were at least troops of the following States, viz.

Warsaw, Holland, Baden, Nassau, Hesse-Darmstadt, Frankfort, besides

the Spaniards in Joseph's service. A Spanish division went to

Denmark, the regiment from Isembourg was sent to Naples, while the

Neapolitans crossed to Spain. Even the little Valais had to furnish

a battalion. Blacks from San Domingo served in Naples, while

sixteen nations, like so many chained dogs, advanced into Russia.

Such troops could not have the spirit of a homogeneous army.

Already, in 1808, Metternich had written from Paris to his Court,

"It is no longer the nation that fights: the present war (Spain) is

Napoleon's war; it is not even that of his army." But Napoleon

himself was aware of the danger of the Empire from its own extent.

In the silence of his cabinet his secretary Meneval sometimes heard

him murmur, "L'arc est trop longtemps tendu."]--

by new customs, new manners, and new laws, imposed by force, and forming

a heterogeneous whole, which could not fail to dissolve, as soon as the

influence of the power which had created it should cease to operate.

Such was the state of Italy that I have been informed by an individual

worthy of credit that if the army of Prince Eugène, instead of being

victorious, had been beaten on the Piava, a deeply-organised revolution

would have broken out in Piedmont, and even in the Kingdom of Italy,

where, nevertheless, the majority of the people fully appreciated the

excellent qualities of Eugène. I have been also credibly informed that

lists were in readiness designating those of the French who were to be

put to death, as well as those by whom the severe orders of the Imperial

Government had been mitigated, and who were only to be banished.

In fact, revolt was as natural to the Italians as submission to the

Germans, and as the fury of despair to the Spanish nation. On this

subject I may cite an observation contained in one of the works of

Alfieri, published fifteen years before the Spanish war. Taking

a cursory view of the different European nations he regarded--the

Spaniards as the only people possessed of "sufficient energy to struggle

against foreign usurpation." Had I still been near the person of

Napoleon I would most assuredly have resorted to an innocent artifice,

which I had several times employed, and placed the work of Alfieri on

his table open at the page I wished him to read. Alfieri's opinion of

the Spanish people was in the end fully verified; and I confess I cannot

think without shuddering of the torrents of blood which inundated the

Peninsula; and for what? To make Joseph Bonaparte a King!

The commencement of 1811 was sufficiently favourable to the French

arms in Spain, but towards the beginning of March the aspect of affairs

changed. The Duke of Belluno, notwithstanding the valour of his troops,

was unsuccessful at Chiclana; and from that day the French army could

not make head against the combined forces of England and Portugal. Even

Massena, notwithstanding the title of Prince of Eslingen (or Essling),

which he had won under the walls of Vienna, was no longer "the favourite

child of victory" as he had been at Zurich.

Having mentioned Massena I may observe that he did not favour the change

of the French Government on the foundation of the Empire. Massena loved

two things, glory and money; but as to what is termed honours, he

only valued those which resulted from the command of an army; and

his recollections all bound him to the Republic, because the Republic

recalled to his mind the most brilliant and glorious events of his

military career. He was, besides, among the number of the Marshals

who wished to see a limit put to the ambition of Bonaparte; and he

had assuredly done enough, since the commencement of the wars of the

Republic, to be permitted to enjoy some repose, which his health at that

period required. What could he achieve against the English in Portugal?

The combined forces of England and Portugal daily augmented, while ours

diminished. No efforts were spared by England to gain a superiority in

the great struggle in which she was engaged; as her money was lavished

profusely, her troops paid well wherever they went, and were abundantly

supplied with ammunition and provisions: the French army was compelled,

though far from possessing such ample means, to purchase at the same

high rate, in order to keep the natives from joining the English

party. But even this did not prevent numerous partial insurrections in

different places, which rendered all communication with France extremely

difficult. Armed bands continually carried off our dispersed soldiers;

and the presence of the British troops, supported by the money they

spent in the country, excited the inhabitants against us; for it is

impossible to suppose that, unsupported by the English, Portugal could

have held out a single moment against France. But battles, bad weather,

and even want, had so reduced the French force that it was absolutely

necessary our troops should repose when their enterprises could lead to

no results. In this state of things Massena was recalled, because his

health was so materially injured as to render it impossible for him to

exert sufficient activity to restore the army to a respectable footing.

Under these circumstances Bonaparte sent Bertrand into Illyria to take

the place of Marmont, who was ordered in his turn to relieve Massena

and take command of the French army in Portugal Marmont on assuming

the command found the troops in a deplorable state. The difficulty of

procuring provisions was extreme, and the means he was compelled to

employ for that purpose greatly heightened the evil, at the same time

insubordination and want of discipline prevailed to such an alarming

degree that it would be as difficult as painful to depict the situation

of our army at this period, Marmont, by his steady conduct, fortunately

succeeded in correcting the disorders which prevailed, and very soon

found himself at the head of a well-organised army, amounting to 30,000

infantry, with forty pieces of artillery, but he had only a very small

body of cavalry, and those ill-mounted.

Affairs in Spain at the commencement of 1811 exhibited an aspect not

very different from those of Portugal. At first we were uniformly

successful, but our advantages were so dearly purchased that the

ultimate issue of this struggle might easily have been foreseen, because

when a people fight for their homes and their liberties the invading

army must gradually diminish, while at the same time the armed

population, emboldened by success, increases in a still more marked

progression. Insurrection was now regarded by the Spaniards as a holy

and sacred duty, to which the recent meetings of the Cortes in the Isle

of Leon had given, as it were, a legitimate character, since Spain found

again, in the remembrance of her ancient privileges, at least the shadow

of a Government--a centre around which the defenders of the soil of the

Peninsula could rally.

--[Lord Wellington gave Massena a beating at Fuentes d'Onore on the

5th of May 1811. It was soon after this battle that Napoleon sent

Marmont to succeed Massena. Advancing on the southern frontier of

Portugal the skillful Soult contrived to take Badajoz from a

wavering Spanish garrison. About this time, however, General

Graham, with his British corps, sallied out of Cadiz, and beat the

French on the heights of Barrosa, which lie in front of Cadiz, which

city the French were then besieging. Encouraged by the successes of

our regular armies, the Spanish Guerillas became more and more

numerous and daring. By the end of 1811 Joseph Bonaparte found so

many thorns in his usurped crown that he implored his brother to put

it on some other head. Napoleon would not then listen to his

prayer. In the course of 1811 a plan was laid for liberating

Ferdinand from his prison in France and placing him at the head of

affairs in Spain, but was detected by the emissaries of Bonaparte's

police. Ferdinand's sister, the ex-Queen of Etruria, had also

planned an escape to England. Her agents were betrayed, tried by a

military commission, and shot--the Princess herself was condemned to

close confinement in a Roman convent.--Editor of 1836 edition.]--

The Continental system was the cause, if not of the eventual fall,

at least of the rapid fall of Napoleon. This cannot be doubted if we

consider for a moment the brilliant situation of the Empire in 1811,

and the effect simultaneously produced throughout Europe by that system,

which undermined the most powerful throne which ever existed. It was the

Continental system that Napoleon upheld in Spain, for he had persuaded

himself that this system, rigorously enforced, would strike a death

blow to the commerce of England; and Duroc besides informed me of a

circumstance which is of great weight in this question. Napoleon one

day said to him, "I am no longer anxious that Joseph should be King of

Spain; and he himself is indifferent about it. I would give the crown to

the first comer who would shut his ports against the English."

Murat had come to Paris on the occasion of the Empress' accouchement,

and I saw him several times during his stay, for we had always been

on the best terms; and I must do him the justice to say that he never

assumed the King but to his courtiers, and those who had known him only

as a monarch. Eight or ten days after the birth of the King of Rome,

as I was one morning walking in the Champs Elysees, I met Murat. He was

alone, and dressed in a long blue overcoat. We were exactly opposite the

gardens of his sister-in-law, the Princess Borghese. "Well, Bourrienne,"

said Murat, after we had exchanged the usual courtesies, "well, what are

you about now?" I informed him how I had been treated by Napoleon, who,

that I might not be in Hamburg when the decree of union arrived there,

had recalled me to Paris under a show of confidence. I think I still

see the handsome and expressive countenance of Joachim when, having

addressed him by the titles of Sire and Your Majesty, he said to me,

"Pshaw! Bourrienne, are we not old comrades? The Emperor has treated

you unjustly; and to whom has he not been unjust? His displeasure is

preferable to his favour, which costs so dear! He says that he made us

Kings; but did we not make him an Emperor? To you, my friend, whom I

have known long and intimately, I can make my profession of faith. My

sword, my blood, my life belong to the Emperor. When he calls me to the

field to combat his enemies and the enemies of France I am no longer a

King, I resume the rank of a Marshal of the Empire; but let him require

no more. At Naples I will be King of Naples, and I will not sacrifice to

his false calculations the life, the well-being, and the interests of

my subjects. Let him not imagine that he can treat me as he has treated

Louis! For I am ready to defend, even against him, if it must be so, the

rights of the people over whom he has appointed me to rule. Am I then

an advance-guard King?" These last words appeared to me peculiarly

appropriate in the mouth of Murat, who had always served in the

advance-guard of our armies, and I thought expressed in a very happy

manner the similarity of his situation as a king and a soldier.

I walked with Murat about half an hour. In the course of our

conversation he informed me that his greatest cause of complaint against

the Emperor was his having first put him forward and then abandoned him.

"Before I arrived in Naples," continued he, "it was intimated to me that

there was a design of assassinating me. What did I do? I entered that

city alone, in full daylight, in an open carriage, for I would rather

have been assassinated at once than have lived in the constant fear

of being so. I afterwards made a descent on the Isle of Capri, which

succeeded. I attempted one against Sicily, and am curtain it would have

also been successful had the Emperor fulfilled his promise of sending

the Toulon fleet to second my operations; but he issued contrary orders:

he enacted Mazarin, and unshed me to play the part of the adventurous

Duke of Guise. But I see through his designs. Now that he has a son,

on whom he has bestowed the title of King of Rome, he merely wishes the

crown of Naples to be considered as a deposit in my hands. He regards

Naples as a future annexation to the Kingdom of Rome, to which I foresee

it is his design to unite the whole of Italy. But let him not urge me

too far, for I will oppose him, and conquer, or perish in the attempt,

sword in hand."

I had the discretion not to inform Murat how correctly he had divined

the plans of the Emperor and his projects as to Italy, but in regard to

the Continental system, which, perhaps, the reader will be inclined to

call my great stalking-horse, I spoke of it as I had done to the Prince

of Sweden, and I perceived that he was fully disposed to follow my

advice, as experience has sufficiently proved. It was in fact the

Continental system which separated the interests of Murat from those

of the Emperor, and which compelled the new King of Naples to form

alliances amongst the Princes at war with France. Different opinions

have been entertained on this Subject; mine is, that the Marshal of the

Empire was wrong, but the King of Naples right.

The Princes and Dukes of the Empire must pardon me for so often

designating them by their Republican names. The Marshals set less value

on their titles of nobility than the Dukes and Counts selected from

among the civilians. Of all the sons of the Republic Regnault de St.

Jean d'Angély was the most gratified at being a Count, whilst, among the

fathers of the Revolution no one could regard with greater disdain than

Fouché his title of Duke of Otranto; he congratulated himself upon its

possession only once, and that was after the fall of the Empire.

I have expressed my dislike of Fouché; and the reason of that feeling

was, that I could not endure his system of making the police a

government within a government. He had left Paris before my return

thither, but I had frequent occasion to speak of that famous personage

to Savary, whom, for the reason above assigned, I do not always term Duc

de Rovigo. Savary knew better than any one the fallacious measures

of Fouché's administration, since he was his successor. Fouché, under

pretence of encouraging men of letters, though well aware that the

Emperor was hostile to them, intended only to bring them into contempt

by making them write verses at command. It was easily seen that Napoleon

nourished a profound dislike of literary men, though we must not

conclude that he wished the public to be aware of that dislike. Those,

besides, who devoted their pens to blazon his glory and his power were

sure to be received by him with distinction. On the other hand, as

Charlemagne and Louis XIV. owed a portion of the splendour of their

reigns to the lustre reflected on them by literature, he wished

to appear to patronise authors, provided that they never discussed

questions relating to philosophy, the independence of mankind, and

civil and political rights. With regard to men of science it was

wholly different; those he held in real estimation; but men of letters,

properly so called, were considered by him merely as a sprig in his

Imperial crown.

The marriage of the Emperor with an Archduchess of Austria had set all

the Court poets to work, and in this contest of praise and flattery it

must be confessed that the false gods were vanquished by the true God;

for, in spite of their fulsome verses, not one of the disciples of

Apollo could exceed the extravagance of the Bishops in their pastoral

letters. At a time when so many were striving to force themselves into

notice there still existed a feeling of esteem in the public mind for

men of superior talent who remained independent amidst the general

corruption; such was M. Lemercier, such was M. de Chateaubriand. I was

in Paris in the spring of 1811, at the period of Chenier's death, when

the numerous friends whom Chateaubriand possessed in the second class of

the Institute looked to him as the successor of Chenier. This was more

than a mere literary question, not only on account of the high

literary reputation M. de Chateaubriand already possessed, but of the

recollection of his noble conduct at the period of Duc d'Enghien's

death, which was yet fresh in the memory of every one; and, besides,

no person could be ignorant of the immeasurable difference of opinion

between Chenier and M. de Chateaubriand.

M. de Chateaubriand obtained a great majority of votes, and was elected

a Member of the Institute. This opened a wide field for conjecture

in Paris. Every one was anxious to see how the author of the Genie du

Christianisme, the faithful defender of the Bourbons, would bend his

eloquence to pronounce the eulogium of a regicide. The time for the

admission of the new Member of the Institute arrived, but in his

discourse, copies of which were circulated in Paris, he had ventured to

allude to the death of Louis XVI., and to raise his voice against the

regicides. This did not displease Napoleon; but M. de Chateaubriand also

made a profession of faith in favour of liberty, which, he said, found

refuge amongst men of letters when banished from the politic body.

This was great boldness for the time; for though Bonaparte was secretly

gratified at seeing the judges of Louis XVI. scourged by an heroic

pen, yet those men held the highest situations under the Government.

Cambacérès filled the second place in the Empire, although at a great

distance from the first; Merlin de Douai was also in power; and it

is known how much liberty was stifled and hidden beneath the dazzling

illusion of what is termed glory. A commission was named to examine the

discourse of Chateaubriand. MM. Suard, de Segur, de Fontanes, and two

or three other members of the same class of the Institute whose names I

cannot recollect, were of opinion that the discourse should be read; but

it was opposed by the majority.

When Napoleon was informed of what had passed he demanded a sight of the

address, which was presented to him by M. Daru. After having perused it

he exclaimed; "Had this discourse been delivered I would have shut the

gates of the Institute, and thrown M. de Chateaubriand into a dungeon

for life." The storm long raged; at length means of conciliation were

tried. The Emperor required M. de Chateaubriand to prepare another

discourse, which the latter refused to do, in spite of every menace.

Madame Gay applied to Madame Regnault de St. Jean d'Angély, who

interested her husband in favour of the author of the Genie du

Christianisme. M. de Montalivet and Savary also acted on this occasion

in the most praiseworthy manner, and succeeded in appeasing the

first transports of the Emperor's rage. But the name of Chateaubriand

constantly called to mind the circumstances which had occasioned him to

give in his resignation; and, besides, Napoleon had another complaint

against him. He had published in the 'Merceure' an article on a work

of M. Alexandre de Laborde. In that article, which was eagerly read in

Paris, and which caused the suppression of the 'Merceure', occurred the

famous phrase which has been since so often repeated: "In vain a Nero

triumphs: Tacitus is already born in his Empire." This quotation leads

me to repeat an observation, which, I believe, I have already made,

viz. that it is a manifest misconception to compare Bonaparte to Nero.

Napoleon's ambition might blind his vision to political crimes, but

in private life no man could evince less disposition to cruelty or

bloodshed. A proof that he bore little resemblance to Nero is that his

anger against the author of the article in question vented itself in

mere words. "What!" exclaimed he, "does Chateaubriand think I am a fool,

and that I do not know what he means? If he goes on this way I will

have him sabred on the steps of the Tuileries." This language is quite

characteristic of Bonaparte, but it was uttered in the first ebullition

of his wrath. Napoleon merely threatened, but Nero would have made good

his threat; and in such a case there is surely some difference between

words and deeds.

The discourse of M. de Chateaubriand revived Napoleon's former enmity

against him; he received an order to quit Paris: M. Daru returned to him

the manuscript of his discourse, which had been read by Bonaparte, who

cancelled some passages with a pencil. We can be sure that the phrase

about liberty was not one of those spared by the Imperial pencil.

However that may be, written copies were circulated with text altered

and abbreviated; and I have even been told that a printed edition

appeared, but I have never seen any copies; and as I do not find the

discourse in the works of M. de Chateaubriand I have reason to believe

that the author has not yet wished to publish it.

Such were the principal circumstances attending the nomination of

Chateaubriand to the Institute. I shall not relate some others which

occurred on a previous occasion, viz. on the election of an old and

worthy visitor at Malmaison, M. Lemercier, and which will serve to show

one of those strange inconsistencies so frequent in the character of

Napoleon.

After the foundation of the Empire M. Lemercier ceased to present

himself at the Tuileries, St. Cloud, or at Malmaison, though he was

often seen in the salons of Madame Bonaparte while she yet hoped not to

become a Queen. Two places were vacant at once in the second class of

the Institute, which still contained a party favourable to liberty.

This party, finding it impossible to influence the nomination of

both members, contented itself with naming one, it being the mutual

condition, in return for favouring the Government candidate, that the

Government party should not oppose the choice of the liberals. The

liberal party selected M. Lemercier, but as they knew his former

connection with Bonaparte had been broken off they wished first to

ascertain that he would do nothing to commit their choice. Chenier was

empowered to inquire whether M. Lemercier would refuse to accompany them

to the Tuileries when they repaired thither in a body, and whether, on

his election, he would comply with the usual ceremony of being presented

to the Emperor. M. Lemercier replied that he would do nothing contrary

to the customs and usages of the body to which he might belong: he was

accordingly elected. The Government candidate was M. Esmenard, who was

also elected. The two new members were presented to the Emperor on the

same day. On this occasion upwards of 400 persons were present in the

salon, from one of whom I received these details. When the Emperor saw

M. Lemercier, for whom he had long pretended great friendship, he

said to him in a kind tone, "Well, Lemercier, you are now installed."

Lemercier respectfully bowed to the Emperor; but without uttering a word

of reply. Napoleon was mortified at this silence, but without saying

anything more to Lemercier he turned to Esmenard, the member who should

have been most acceptable to him, and vented upon him the whole weight

of his indignation in a manner equally unfeeling and unjust. "Well,

Esmenard," said he, "do you still hold your place in the police?" These

words were spoken in so loud a tone as to be heard by all present; and

it was doubtless this cruel and ambiguous speech which furnished the

enemies of Esmenard with arms to attack his reputation as a man of

honour, and to give an appearance of disgrace to those functions which

he exercised with so much zeal and ability.

When, at the commencement of 1811, I left Paris I had ceased to delude

myself respecting the brilliant career which seemed opening before me

during the Consulate. I clearly perceived that since Bonaparte, instead

of receiving me as I expected, had refused to see me at all, the

calumnies of my enemies were triumphant, and that I had nothing to hope

for from an absolute ruler, whose past injustice rendered him the more

unjust. He now possessed what he had so long and ardently wished for,--a

son of his own, an inheritor of his name, his power, and his throne. I

must take this opportunity of stating that the malevolent and infamous

rumours spread abroad respecting the birth of the King of Rome were

wholly without foundation. My friend Corvisart, who did not for a single

instant leave Maria Louisa during her long and painful labour, removed

from my mind every doubt on the subject. It is as true that the young

Prince, for whom the Emperor of Austria stood sponsor at the font, was

the son of Napoleon and the Archduchess Maria Louisa as it is false that

Bonaparte was the father of the first child of Hortense. The birth of

the son of Napoleon was hailed with general enthusiasm. The Emperor was

at the height of his power from the period of the birth of his son until

the reverse he experienced after the battle of the Moskowa. The Empire,

including the States possessed by the Imperial family, contained nearly

57,000,000 of inhabitants; but the period was fast approaching when

this power, unparalleled in modern times, was to collapse under its own

weight.

--[The little King of Rome, Napoleon Francis Bonaparte, was born on

the 20th of March 1811. Editor of 1836 edition.]--

CHAPTER XXVI.

My return to Hamburg--Government Committee established there--

Anecdote of the Comte de Chaban--Napoleon's misunderstanding with

the Pope--Cardinal Fesch--Convention of a Council--Declaration

required from the Bishops--Spain in 1811--Certainty of war with

Russia--Lauriston supersedes Caulaincourt at St. Petersburg--The war

in Spain neglected--Troops of all nations at the disposal of

Bonaparte--Levy of the National Guard--Treaties with Prussia and

Austria--Capitulation renewed with Switzerland--Intrigues with

Czernischeff--Attacks of my enemies--Memorial to the Emperor--Ogier

de la Saussaye and the mysterious box--Removal of the Pope to

Fontainebleau--Anecdote of His Holiness and M. Denon--Departure of

Napoleon and Maria Louisa for Dresden--Situation of affairs in Spain

and Portugal--Rapp's account of the Emperor's journey to Dantzic--

Mutual wish for war on the part of Napoleon and Alexander--Sweden

and Turkey--Napoleon's vain attempt to detach Sweden from her

alliance with Russia.