CHAPTER XXVI.

1799.

General approbation of the 18th Brumaire--Distress of the treasury--

M. Collot's generosity--Bonaparte's ingratitude--Gohier set at

Liberty--Constitution of the year VIII.--The Senate, Tribunate, and

Council of State--Notes required on the character of candidates--

Bonaparte's love of integrity and talent--Influence of habit over

him--His hatred of the Tribunate--Provisional concessions--The first

Consular Ministry--Mediocrity of La Place--Proscription lists--

Cambacérès report--M. Moreau de Worms--Character of Sieyès--

Bonaparte at the Luxembourg--Distribution of the day and visits--

Lebrun's opposition--Bonaparte's singing--His boyish tricks--

Assumption of the titles "Madame" and "Monseigneur"--The men of the

Revolution and the partisans of the Bourbons--Bonaparte's fears--

Confidential notes on candidates for office and the assemblies.

It cannot be denied that France hailed, almost with unanimous voice,

Bonaparte's accession to the Consulship as a blessing of Providence.

I do not speak now of the ulterior consequences of that event; I speak

only of the fact itself, and its first results, such as the repeal of

the law of hostages, and the compulsory loan of a hundred millions.

Doubtless the legality of the acts of the 18th Brumaire may be disputed;

but who will venture to say that the immediate result of that day ought

not to be regarded as a great blessing to France? Whoever denies

this can have no idea of the wretched state of every branch of the

administration at that deplorable epoch. A few persons blamed the

18th Brumaire; but no one regretted the Directory, with the exception,

perhaps, of the five Directors themselves. But we will say no more of

the Directorial Government. What an administration! In what a state were

the finances of France! Would it be believed? on the second day of

the Consulate, when Bonaparte wished to send a courier to General

Championet, commander-in-chief of the army of Italy, the treasury had

not 1200 francs disposable to give to the courier!

It may be supposed that in the first moments of a new Government money

would be wanted. M. Collot, who had served under Bonaparte in Italy, and

whose conduct and administration deserved nothing but praise, was one

of the first who came to the Consul's assistance. In this instance

M. Collot was as zealous as disinterested. He gave the Consul 500,000

francs in gold, for which service he was badly rewarded. Bonaparte

afterwards behaved to M. Collot as though he was anxious to punish him

for being rich. This sum, which at the time made so fine an appearance

in the Consular treasury, was not repaid for a long time after, and then

without interest. This was not, indeed, the only instance in which M.

Collot had cause to complain of Bonaparte, who was never inclined to

acknowledge his important services, nor even to render justice to his

conduct.

On the morning of the 20th Brumaire Bonaparte sent his brother Louis

to inform the Director Gohier that he was free. This haste in relieving

Gohier was not without a reason, for Bonaparte was anxious to install

himself in the Luxembourg, and we went there that same evening.

Everything was to be created. Bonaparte had with him almost the whole of

the army, and on the soldiers he could rely. But the military force was

no longer sufficient for him. Wishing to possess a great civil power

established by legal forms, he immediately set about the composition of

a Senate and Tribunate; a Council of State and a new legislative body,

and, finally, a new Constitution.

--[The Constitution of the year VIII. was presented on the 18th of

December 1799 (22d Frimaire, year VIII.), and accepted by the people

on the 7th of February 1800 (18th Pluviôse, year VIII.). It

established a Consular Government, composed of Bonaparte, First

Consul, appointed for ten years; Cambacérès, Second Consul, also for

ten years; and Lebrun, Third Consul appointed for five years. It

established a conservative Senate, a legislative body of 800

members, and a Tribunate composed of 100 members. The establishment

of the Council of State took place on the 29th of December 1799.

The installation of the new legislative body and the Tribunate was

fixed for the 1st of January 1800.--Bourrienne. Lanfrey (tome i.

p. 329) sees this Constitution foreshadowed in that proposed by

Napoleon in 1797 for the Cisalpine Republic.]--

As Bonaparte had not time to make himself acquainted with the persons

by whom he was about to be surrounded, he requested from the most

distinguished men of the period, well acquainted with France and the

Revolution, notes respecting the individuals worthy and capable of

entering the Senate, the Tribunate, and the Council of State. From the

manner in which all these notes were drawn up it was evident that the

writers of them studied to make their recommendation correspond with

what they conceived to be Bonaparte's views, and that they imagined

he participated in the opinions which were at that time popular.

Accordingly they stated, as grounds for preferring particular

candidates, their patriotism, their republicanism, and their having had

seats in preceding assemblies.

Of all qualities, that which most influenced the choice of the First

Consul was inflexible integrity; and it is but just to say that in this

particular he was rarely deceived. He sought earnestly for talent; and

although he did not like the men of the Revolution, he was convinced

that he could not do without them. He had conceived an extreme aversion

for mediocrity, and generally rejected a man of that character when

recommended to him; but if he had known such a man long, he yielded to

the influence of habit, dreading nothing so much as change, or, as he

was accustomed to say himself, new faces.

--[Napoleon loved only men with strong passions and great weakness;

he judged the most opposite qualities in men by these defects

(Metternich, tome iii. p.589)]--

Bonaparte then proceeded to organise a complaisant Senate, a mute

legislative body, and a Tribunate which was to have the semblance of

being independent, by the aid of some fine speeches and high-sounding

phrases. He easily appointed the Senators, but it was different with

the Tribunate. He hesitated long before he fixed upon the candidates

for that body, which inspired him with an anticipatory fear. However, on

arriving at power he dared not oppose himself to the exigencies of the

moment, and he consented for a time to delude the ambitious dupes who

kept up a buzz of fine sentiments of liberty around him. He saw that

circumstances were not yet favourable for refusing a share in the

Constitution to this third portion of power, destined apparently to

advocate the interests of the people before the legislative body. But

in yielding to necessity, the mere idea of the Tribunate filled him with

the utmost uneasiness; and, in a word, Bonaparte could not endure the

public discussions on his projects.

--[The Tribunate under this Constitution of the year VIII. was the

only body allowed to debate in public on proposed laws, the

legislative body simply hearing in silence the orators sent by the

Council of State and by the Tribunals to state reasons for or

against propositions, and then voting in silence. Its orators were

constantly giving umbrage to Napoleon. It was at first purified,

early in 1802, by the Senate naming the members to go out in

rotation then reduced to from 100 to 50 members later in 1802, and

suppressed in 1807; its disappearance being regarded by Napoleon as

his last break with the Revolution.]--

Bonaparte composed the first Consular Ministry as follows: Berthier was

Minister of War; Gaudin, formerly employed in the administration of

the Post Office, was appointed Minister of Finance; Cambacérès remained

Minister of Justice; Forfait was Minister of Marine; La Place of the

Interior; Fouché of Police; and Reinhard of Foreign Affairs.

Reinhard and La Place were soon replaced, the former by the able M.

Talleyrand, the latter by Lucien Bonaparte.

--[When I quitted the service of the First Consul Talleyrand was

still at the head of the Foreign Department. I have frequently been

present at this great statesman's conferences with Napoleon, and I

can declare that I never saw him flatter his dreams of ambition;

but, on the contrary, he always endeavoured to make him sensible of

his true interests.--Bourrienne.]--

It may be said that Lucien merely passed through the Ministry on his

way to a lucrative embassy in Spain. As to La Place, Bonaparte always

entertained a high opinion of his talents. His appointment to the

Ministry of the Interior was a compliment paid to science; but it was

not long before the First Consul repented of his choice. La Place,

so happily calculated for science, displayed the most inconceivable

mediocrity in administration. He was incompetent to the most trifling

matters; as if his mind, formed to embrace the system of the world, and

to interpret the laws of Newton and Kepler, could not descend to the

level of subjects of detail, or apply itself to the duties of the

department with which he was entrusted for a short, but yet, with regard

to him, too long a time.

On the 26th Brumaire (17th November 1799) the Consuls issued a decree,

in which they stated that, conformably with Article III. of the law

of the 19th of the same month, which especially charged them with the

reestablishment of public tranquillity, they decreed that thirty-eight

individuals, who were named, should quit the continental territory of

the Republic, and for that purpose should proceed to Rochefort, to

be afterwards conducted to, and detained in, the department of French

Guiana. They likewise decreed that twenty-three other individuals, who

were named, should proceed to the commune of Rochelle, in the department

of the lower Charente, in order to be afterwards filed and detained in

such part of that department as should be pointed out by the Minister

of General Police. I was fortunate enough to keep my friend M. Moreau de

Worms, deputy from the Youne, out of the fiat of exiles. This produced

a mischievous effect. It bore a character of wanton severity quite

inconsistent with the assurances of mildness and moderation given at

St. Cloud on the 19th Brumaire. Cambacérès afterwards made a report,

in which he represented that it was unnecessary for the maintenance of

tranquillity to subject the proscribed to banishment, considering it

sufficient to place them under the supervision of the superior police.

Upon receiving the report the Consuls issued a decree, in which they

directed all the individuals included in the proscription to retire

respectively into the different communes which should be fixed upon by

the Minister of Justice, and to remain there until further orders.

At the period of the issuing of these decrees Sieyès was still one of

the Consuls, conjointly with Bonaparte and Roger Ducos; and although

Bonaparte had, from the first moment, possessed the whole power of the

government, a sort of apparent equality was, nevertheless, observed

amongst them. It was not until the 25th of December that Bonaparte

assumed the title of First Consul, Cambacérès and Lebrun being then

joined in the office with him. He had fixed his eyes on them previously

to the 18th Brumaire, and he had no cause to reproach them with giving

him much embarrassment in his rapid progress towards the imperial

throne.

I have stated that I was so fortunate as to rescue M. Moreau de

Worms from the list of proscription. Some days after Sieyès entered

Bonaparte's cabinet and said to him, "Well, this M. Moreau de Worms,

whom M. Bourrienne induced you to save from banishment, is acting very

finely! I told you how it would be! I have received from Sens, his

native place, a letter which informs me that Moreau is in that town,

where he has assembled the people in the market-place, and indulged in

the most violent declamations against the 18th Brumaire,"--"Can you

rely upon your agent" asked Bonaparte.--"Perfectly. I can answer for the

truth of his communication." Bonaparte showed me the bulletin of Sieyès'

agent, and reproached me bitterly. "What would you say, General," I

observed, "if I should present this same M. Moreau de Worms, who

is declaiming at Sens against the 18th Brumaire, to you within an

hour?"--"I defy you to do it."--"I have made myself responsible for him,

and I know what I am about. He is violent in his politics; but he is a

man of honour, incapable of failing in his word."--"Well, we shall see.

Go and find him." I was very sure of doing what I had promised, for

within an hour before I had seen M. Moreau de Worms. He had been

concealed since the 19th Brumaire, and had not quitted Paris. Nothing

was easier than to find him, and in three-quarters of an hour he was at

the Luxembourg. I presented him to Bonaparte, who conversed with him

a long time concerning the 18th Brumaire. When M. Moreau departed

Bonaparte said to me, "You are right. That fool Sieyès is as inventive

as a Cassandra. This proves that one should not be too ready to believe

the reports of the wretches whom we are obliged to employ in the

police." Afterwards he added, "Bourrienne, Moreau is a nice fellow: I am

satisfied with him; I will do something for him." It was not long before

M. Moreau experienced the effect of the Consul's good opinion. Some days

after, whilst framing the council of prizes, he, at my mere suggestion,

appointed M. Moreau one of the members, with a salary of 10,000 francs.

On what extraordinary circumstances the fortunes of men frequently

depend! As to Sieyès, in the intercourse, not very frequent certainly,

which I had with him, he appeared to be far beneath the reputation which

he then enjoyed.'

--[M. de Talleyrand, who is so capable of estimating men, and whose

admirable sayings well deserve to occupy a place in history, had

long entertained a similar opinion of Sieyès. One day, when he was

conversing with the Second Consul concerning Sieyès, Cambacérès said

to him. "Sieyès, however, is a very profound man."--"Profound?"

said Talleyrand. "Yes, he is, a cavity, a perfect cavity, as you

would say."--Bourrienne.]--

He reposed a blind confidence in a multitude of agents, whom he sent

into all parts of France. When it happened, on other occasions, that

I proved to him, by evidence as sufficient as that in the case of M.

Moreau, the falseness of the reports he had received, he replied, with a

confidence truly ridiculous, "I can rely on my men." Sieyès had written

in his countenance, "Give me money!" I recollect that I one day alluded

to this expression in the anxious face of Sieyès to the First Consul.

"You are right," observed he to me, smiling; "when money is in question,

Sieyès is quite a matter-of-fact man. He sends his ideology to the

right about and thus becomes easily manageable. He readily abandons

his constitutional dreams for a good round sum, and that is very

convenient."

--[Everybody knows, in fact, that Sieyès refused to resign his

consular dignities unless he received in exchange a beautiful farm

situated in the park of Versailles, and worth about 15,000 livres a

year. The good abbé consoled himself for no longer forming a third

of the republican sovereignty by making himself at home in the

ancient domain of the kings of France.--Bourrienne.]--

Bonaparte occupied, at the Little Luxembourg, the apartments on

the ground floor which lie to the right on entering from the Rue de

Vaugirard. His cabinet was close to a private staircase, which conducted

me to the first floor, where Josephine dwelt. My apartment was above.

After breakfast, which was served at ten o'clock, Bonaparte would

converse for a few moments with his usual guests, that is to say, his

'aides de camp', the persons he invited, and myself, who never left him.

He was also visited very often by Deferment, Regnault (of the town of

St. Jean d'Angély), Boulay (de la Meurthe), Monge, and Berber, who were,

with his brothers, Joseph and Lucien, those whom he most delighted to

see; he conversed familiarly with them. Cambacérès generally came at

mid-day, and stayed some time with him, often a whole hour. Lebrun

visited but seldom. Notwithstanding his elevation, his character

remained unaltered; and Bonaparte considered him too moderate, because

he always opposed his ambitious views and his plans to usurp power. When

Bonaparte left the breakfast-table it was seldom that he did not add,

after bidding Josephine and her daughter Hortense good-day, "Come,

Bourrienne, come, let us to work."

After the morning audiences I stayed with Bonaparte all the day, either

reading to him, or writing to his dictation. Three or four times in the

week he would go to the Council. On his way to the hall of deliberation

he was obliged to cross the courtyard of the Little Luxembourg and

ascend the grand staircase. This always vexed him, and the more so as

the weather was very bad at the time. This annoyance continued until the

25th of December, and it was with much satisfaction that he saw himself

quit of it. After leaving the Council he used to enter his cabinet

singing, and God knows how wretchedly he sung! He examined whatever work

he had ordered to be done, signed documents, stretched himself in

his arm-chair, and read the letters of the preceding day and the

publications of the morning. When there was no Council he remained

in his cabinet, conversed with me, always sang, and cut, according to

custom, the arm of his chair, giving himself sometimes quite the air of

a great boy. Then, all at once starting up, he would describe a plan

for the erection of a monument, or dictate some of those extraordinary

productions which astonished and dismayed the world. He often became

again the same man, who, under the walls of St. Jean d'Acre, had dreamed

of an empire worthy his ambition.

At five o'clock dinner was served up. When that was over the First

Consul went upstairs to Josephine's apartments, where he commonly

received the visits of the Ministers. He was always pleased to see

among the number the Minister of Foreign Affairs, especially since the

portfolio of that department had been entrusted to the hands of M.

de Talleyrand. At midnight, and often sooner, he gave the signal for

retiring by saying in a hasty manner, "Allons nous coucher."

It was at the Luxembourg, in the salons of which the adorable Josephine

so well performed the honours, that the word 'Madame' came again into

use. This first return towards the old French politeness was startling

to some susceptible Republicans; but things were soon carried farther

at the Tuileries by the introduction of 'Votre Altesse' on occasions of

state ceremony, and Monseigneur in the family circle.

If, on the one hand, Bonaparte did not like the men of the Revolution,

on the other he dreaded still more the partisans of the Bourbons. On

the mere mention of the name of those princes he experienced a kind of

inward alarm; and he often spoke of the necessity of raising a wall

of brass between France and them. To this feeling, no doubt, must be

attributed certain nominations, and the spirit of some recommendations

contained in the notes with which he was supplied on the characters of

candidates, and which for ready reference were arranged alphabetically.

Some of the notes just mentioned were in the handwriting of Regnault de

St. Jean d'Angély, and some in Lucien Bonaparte's.

--[Among them was the following, under the title of "General

Observations": "In choosing among the men who were members of the

Constituent Assembly it is necessary to be on guard against the

Orleans' party, which is not altogether a chimera, and may one day

or other prove dangerous.

"There is no doubt that the partisans of that family are intriguing

secretly; and among many other proofs of this fact the following is

a striking one: the journal called the 'Aristargue', which

undisguisedly supports royalism, is conducted by a man of the name

of Voidel, one of the hottest patriots of the Revolution. He was

for several months president of the committee of inquiry which

caused the Marquis de Favras to be arrested and hanged, and gave so

much uneasiness to the Court. There was no one in the Constituent

Assembly more hateful to the Court than Voidel, so much on account

of his violence as for his connection with the Duke of Orleans,

whose advocate and counsel he was. When the Duke of Orleans was

arrested, Voidel, braving the fury of the revolutionary tribunals,

had the courage to defend him, and placarded all the walls of Paris

with an apology for the Duke and his two sons. This man, writing

now in favour of royalism, can have no other object than to advance

a member of the Orleans family to the throne."--Bourrienne.]--

At the commencement of the First Consul's administration, though he

always consulted the notes he had collected, he yet received with

attention the recommendations of persons with whom he was well

acquainted; but it was not safe for them to recommend a rogue or a fool.

The men whom he most disliked were those whom he called babblers,

who are continually prating of everything and on everything. He often

said,--"I want more head and less tongue." What he thought of the

regicides will be seen farther on, but at first the more a man had

given a gage to the Revolution, the more he considered him as offering

a guarantee against the return of the former order of things. Besides,

Bonaparte was not the man to attend to any consideration when once his

policy was concerned.

As I have said a few pages back, on taking the government into his own

hands Bonaparte knew so little of the Revolution and of the men engaged

in civil employments that it was indispensably necessary for him to

collect information from every quarter respecting men and things. But

when the conflicting passions of the moment became more calm and the

spirit of party more prudent, and when order had been, by his severe

investigations, introduced where hitherto unbridled confusion had

reigned, he became gradually more scrupulous in granting places, whether

arising from newly-created offices, or from those changes which

the different departments often experienced. He then said to me,

"Bourrienne, I give up your department to you. Name whom you please for

the appointments; but remember you must be responsible to me."

What a list would have been which should contain the names of all the

prefects, sub-prefects, receivers-general, and other civil officers to

whom I gave places! I have kept no memoranda of their names; and indeed,

what advantage would there have been in doing so? It was impossible for

me to have a personal knowledge of all the fortunate candidates; but I

relied on recommendations in which I had confidence.

I have little to complain of in those I obliged; though it is true that,

since my separation from Bonaparte, I have seen many of them take the

opposite side of the street in which I was walking, and by that delicate

attention save me the trouble of raising my hat.

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