Passage of the Vistula to Warsaw.--Disposition of the Polish forces
on its left bank.--Appointment of general John Skrzynecki to the
chief command.--Proclamation.--Prompt attention is given to the
re-organization of the army, the arsenals and manufactories of arms,
the fortifications, &c.--Deportment of the commander in chief towards
the army.--General enthusiasm of the nation.--The patriotic offers
of the Polish women.--New regulations established for conferring
orders of merit.--Disorderly state of the Russian army.--Attempt
of Diebitsch to bribe the Polish soldiery.--General view of the
encouraging circumstances of this epoch.--The insurrection in Russia
under Yermolow.--View of the state of the Polish forces when general
Skrzynecki took the chief command.--He presses the organization
of the new forces.--Their distribution and that of the general
forces.--Positions of the Polish army and the detached corps.--Russian
position.
After the memorable battle of Grochow, fought on the 25th of February,
before the walls of Warsaw, a day on which we had defeated a force
three times superior to our own, the prince Radziwil made the passage
of the Vistula to Warsaw and the left bank. The objects which he had
in view in that movement we have already detailed. Two battalions of
infantry, with thirty-six pieces of artillery, were left to defend the
fortifications of Praga, on the right bank of the Vistula opposite to
and separated by a bridge from Warsaw, and which were in the form of a
horn-work, supported on each wing by the river.
The army was disposed in the following manner upon the left bank. The
cavalry were posted in positions a few miles above and below Warsaw.
The infantry and the artillery were either concentrated in Warsaw,
or were encamped near the city. Upon receiving the resignation of
prince Radziwil, the national government proceeded to the choice of his
successor, and on the 27th of February, 1831, elected, by an unanimous
voice, to the chief command of all the national forces, the hero of
Dobre, general John Skrzynecki, a man of the most devoted patriotism,
of great decision of character, and uncommon military talent. He was,
above all, eminently possessed of that rapidity of _coup d'oeil_,
that capacity of seizing conjunctures, which enabled him, in the
midst of the most complicated movements, to perceive, and instantly
to profit by, every advantage which offered itself. This general was,
in the time of the Russian government, and at the commencement of our
revolution, colonel of the 8th regiment of infantry of the line, a
regiment by which he was regarded with an almost filial attachment. On
the enrollment of new forces, after the revolution had taken place,
he was made general of brigade. In the month of January, before the
commencement of the campaign, he was advanced to the rank of general of
a division, and the command of the 3d division of infantry was confided
to him, at the head of which division, as the reader already knows, he
gained laurels in several brilliant actions.
On the 27th, at mid-day, proclamation was made of the abdication of
the prince Radzivil, and the appointment of general Skrzynecki, as
commander in chief of the army. The nation to whom the great merit of
this officer was already so well known, received this annunciation
with the greatest satisfaction. No dissentient voice was heard. Even
the oldest generals in the service warmly applauded the choice. General
Skrzynecki, on receiving the chief command, addressed to the army, on
the 28th of February, the following proclamation:--
'Soldiers and brethren! God has willed that, through your choice, I
should be made the instrument of his providence in the important trust
to which I have been designated. The Senate, the Chamber of Deputies,
and the National Government have honored me with a difficult task,
which I cannot worthily execute, but as your valor and constancy shall
second me. Soldiers! we have before us an enemy, proud of his former
successes, of his strength in numbers, and of the influence which he
exercises in Europe. But if, in one point of view, his power appears
formidable, on the other hand, the outrages with which the Russian
government have oppressed us, render that enemy so guilty in the eyes
of God and of man, that, full of confidence in Providence and the
sacredness of our cause, we can boldly measure our strength with him.
We have only to swear in our hearts that we will be faithful to that
motto which we so often repeat, "To conquer or die for our country,"
and we shall surely serve as an example, in the annals of the world,
of encouragement to the defenders of the sacred rights of the people.
If we do not succeed in conquering our powerful enemy, we will not
live to submit to him--to him who has violated in regard to us every
obligation of good faith. There is enough of glory in the sacrifice
which I call on you to make; and in this heroic career, and so full of
danger, I offer you crowns of laurel. We shall be sure to gain them,
if you will support me by your valor, your union, your subordination,
and your promptitude in performing the orders which will be given you.'
The first object upon which the attention of the general in chief
was fixed, was the state of the army. Even from the first hour of
his investiture with the chief command, prompt and energetic orders
and instructions were issued, to form new forces, to complete those
which were already in a state of formation, and to fill up the ranks
of the regiments which had suffered in the late engagements. During
the dictatorship of Chlopicki, and under the command of the prince
Radziwil, all the arrangements of the military administration were
sluggishly attended to, as the reader is well aware. At the time of
the battle of Grochow there had been only ten thousand new infantry
levied, and even this infantry was neither well organized nor armed;
the only armament of the greater part of them consisted of pikes
or pitchforks. It was the same with the new cavalry, of which the
number at the time of that battle did not amount to more than three
thousand six hundred: and even these forces were not formed by the
exertions of the government, but were volunteers. In the arsenals
the works were not conducted with promptitude. This department of
the military administration had been made great account of on paper,
but was in reality neglected. As we have before remarked, the time
was occupied in useless diplomatic discussions, while the subject of
the greatest importance--the armament of our forces, was lost sight
of. General Skrzynecki was well aware of this neglect, and soon gave
a new aspect to these matters. From the 1st of March, in which he
commenced the inspection of the arsenals, he was daily occupied with
this duty, entering into all the details, (with which he was familiarly
acquainted,) and infusing a new vigor and promptitude into this
essential department of the military administration. In fact in the
several manufactories of arms, six hundred musquets per day were soon
made.
The soldiers, who before had but rarely seen their commander, and to
the greater part of whom indeed the former commander was personally
unknown, were elated to meet their chief often among them, and their
enthusiasm was augmented by the frequent words of encouragement with
which he took every occasion to address them. General Skrzynecki
established a new regulation in respect to the conferring of orders
of merit, which was, that none should be given either to the officers
or the soldiers, but upon the expressed consent and approbation of
the latter. By thus submitting the conferring of these honors to the
judgment of the soldier, he encouraged his self-respect, destroyed the
power of the personal influence of the generals, and added much to the
value of those honors as a motive for exertion.[40]
The time at which Skrzynecki received the chief command, was indeed
a happy period with us, and enthusiasm was then at the very greatest
height. No stronger evidence of this could be given, than the fact
that the women of Poland actually formed three companies of infantry,
composed from their own sex.[41]
Our army was victorious and full of energy, and being then at Warsaw,
it enjoyed all the conveniences which could be required by an army
in a state of war. Their arms of every kind were well constructed,
and in good order. The Russian army, on the other hand, was in a most
disadvantageous situation. Their number had been sensibly diminished,
and was diminishing every day, from the difficulty of subsistence and
shelter, situated as they were in the environs of Praga which had been
sacked and burnt by themselves.
Marshal Diebitsch and his army began to be convinced, by the victories
which had been gained over them, and the firm resistance which they had
uniformly met, that they were fighting with a nation which had resolved
to sacrifice every thing for liberty and independence, and that this
war, which Diebitsch expected, and even promised, to finish in a few
weeks, would be long protracted, and presented to him as yet no hope
of a fortunate issue. A certain degree of disorder also began to take
place in the Russian army, caused by the physical wants and the severe
treatment to which the soldiers were subjected. Their wounded and sick
were left neglected, and were accumulated in great numbers in the
ruined buildings of the half-burnt villages, exposed to the open air in
the severe month of February. Desertions too began to take place. Every
day, indeed, small parties of deserters, and among them even officers,
arrived at Warsaw. Those men assured us that a smothered discontent
pervaded the army. They stated that the soldiers had marched under the
expectation that they were to act against the French and Belgians,
and not against the Poles, whose revolution had been represented to
them as merely the revolt of one or two regiments; and that, seeing the
true state of things, great numbers of them desired even to unite with
us, when a favorable moment should offer. These unfortunate men, who
were in the most deplorable state, with tears in their eyes, addressed
themselves to our soldiers in terms like these: 'Dear Poles, do you
think that we willingly fight against you? what could we do? We were
compelled to march against you by the force of blows. Many of our
brethren gave out, and, falling from exhaustion on the road, have died
under the blows of the knout.' These deserters stated also that such
a severity was exercised in the regulations of the camp, that some
officers were shot, merely for having spoken on political subjects;
and that it was strictly forbidden to any persons to assemble together
to the number of three or four. Such information satisfied us, that,
although the Russian army was strong in numbers, morally speaking, it
was weak. Our own army began soon to conceive high hopes, and to dream
of victory under its brave chief.[42]
At this period, with the exception of Prussia, who had publicly
manifested her hostility to our cause, none of the great powers had
directly injured us. Austria was occupied with Italy. From France
and England the Poles had even cherished hopes of a favorable
interposition. From the former, especially, after the intelligence
derived from the correspondence of the two ministers, Lubecki and
Grabowski, found among the papers of Constantine, which has been
presented to the reader, (giving satisfactory evidence that Russia was
in preparation for a campaign against her, and showing that our cause
was the cause of France,) we had certainly the right to cherish the
strongest hopes. But more important still than all these circumstances,
was the intelligence received of a revolution which had broken out in
the Russian department of Orenburg, under the famous Yermolow, and the
point of concentration of which was to have been the town of Samara,
situated on the frontier of Europe and Asia. The highest expectations
were entertained of the results of this movement, from our knowledge of
the character of this celebrated general, and of his great influence,
as one of that distinguished family of Yermolow, perhaps the most
influential in the empire, (which, in fact, cherishes pretensions to
the throne,) and of the distinction which he had acquired as a bold and
firm leader, in a service of many years.
His proclamations to the Russians, of which a few copies were found
on the persons of their officers who were killed in the battle of
Grochow, were full of energy, and breathed the sentiments of a true
republican--of one who calmly and dispassionately aims at the good of
his country. These proclamations were published in all the gazettes of
Warsaw on the first of March.[43]
This general was for a long while governor of the provinces beyond the
Caucasus, Abassia, Migretia, Imiretia, and Georgia, provinces which
were conquered from Persia and Turkey. Besides possessing a great
degree of military knowledge, Yermolow was familiar with the duties
of the civil administration. Those provinces were happy under his
government. He ameliorated the state of the commerce by which they
were enriched. The city of Tiflis, under him, rapidly increased to
a great extent. That city became in fact a general depot of all the
trade of Armenia, Persia, and Turkey in Asia. This general, who could
have held a post of greater distinction, and nearer the throne, asked
for this situation with the view to be removed as far as possible from
that court which he despised, and the intrigues of which excited his
abhorrence. Out of the reach of its influence, he could follow the
impulses of his heart, and labor for the happiness of his fellow men.
But this separation was not enough; those intrigues passed the barrier
of the Caucasus to interrupt him in his benevolent labors. Several
commissions were sent to make inquiries into his administration in
various departments. Yermolow, to avoid these persecutions, sent in
his resignation. General, now marshal Paszkewiczh, filled his place.
Yermolow, on quitting his post, retired to his own estates in the
government of Orenburg, and lived there quietly in the bosom of his
family. The breaking out of the revolutions of France, Belgium, and
at last that of Poland, filled his heart with joy. He hoped that the
time was near at hand, when the people would have security for their
rights, and would emerge from the darkness into which despotism had
plunged them. He commenced the revolution in his part of the empire,
and (as we learnt at Warsaw) sustained himself for a long while against
the superior forces which were sent against him. He was not, however,
sufficiently supported by the people, and was too isolated to continue
hostilities. It is to be regretted, that he did not commence this
movement in the provinces which border upon Poland.
A VIEW OF THE STATE OF THE POLISH FORCES AT THE PERIOD OF SKRZYNECKI'S
APPOINTMENT TO THE CHIEF COMMAND.
After the battle of Grochow, the Polish grand army was composed, as
at the commencement of the war, of nine regiments of infantry, each
consisting of three battalions. They amounted, after deducting the
losses sustained during the campaign, to about 25,000. The newly formed
infantry, which was in the battle of Grochow, amounted to about 6,000;
from which are to be deducted about 500, lost in that battle. The whole
force of infantry, then, amounted to 30,500 men. The cavalry was also
composed of nine regiments, each comprising four squadrons; making,
after the deduction of the losses by that battle, about 6,000 in all.
The newly-formed cavalry, consisting of eighteen squadrons, can also
be estimated, after the losses at Grochow, at about 3,000; making, in
all, 9,000 cavalry. The artillery was composed of ninety-six pieces of
cannon.
Total of the grand army:--_Infantry_, 30,500. _Cavalry_, 9,000.
_Artillery_, 96 pieces.
The detached corps of general Dwernicki consisted, at the beginning
of the campaign, of one regiment of infantry, composed of three
battalions, numbering, after the losses of the campaign, 2,800 men. The
cavalry consisted of six squadrons, making, in all, about 1,000. The
artillery, consisting at first of but three pieces, augmented by seven
pieces taken from the Russians, amounted then to 10 pieces.
The small partizan corps under the command of colonel Valentin,
operating in the environs of Pultusk, consisted of 600 infantry and 100
cavalry.
The garrison of Zamosc consisted of 3,000 infantry and eighty-four
pieces of cannon. That of Modlin, of 3,500 infantry and seventy-two
pieces of cannon; and that of Praga, of 2,000 infantry and thirty-six
pieces of cannon.
The total amount then, of disposable forces, (excluding, of course, the
garrisons,) on the 1st of March, the day on which Skrzynecki took the
command, was,--_Infantry_, 33,900. _Cavalry_, 10,100. _Artillery_, 106
pieces.
General Skrzynecki renewed the arrangements of the dictator Chlopicki,
in regard to the organization of new forces. These were, that each
department should furnish from 6 to 8,000 infantry and 1,000 cavalry.
When this arrangement was first made, four departments on the right
bank of the Vistula, were occupied by the enemy; viz. Augustow,
Podlasia, Lublin, and Plock. Besides the forces which these departments
should furnish, general Skrzynecki proposed to the nation, that in
the other departments, on the left bank of the Vistula, viz. Mazovia,
Kalisz, Sandomierz, and Cracovia, a general levy should be made. These
arrangements were executed with such promptitude, that six regiments
of two battalions each, the formation of which had begun in December,
and were but half formed on the 1st of March, were, by the 10th, in a
complete state for service. Those regiments were distributed among the
four divisions of the grand army. In addition to these, four regiments
of cavalry, of four squadrons each, were also formed; and in this
manner, the army received a reinforcement of 12,000 infantry, among
which were 2,000 volunteer chasseurs, and of 3,200 cavalry. These newly
levied forces, besides being well equipped and in fine condition, were
full of spirit and energy. When Skrzynecki made the inspection of these
new troops, they entreated of him to be led to the first fire.
In addition to the above forces, general Skrzynecki ordered the
formation of eight regiments of infantry and four of cavalry, to be
kept as a reserve to fill the ranks of the army as they should be
wasted by the campaign. From this last body, was afterwards, (on the
1st of May,) formed a fifth division. The infantry of the grand army
was distributed into four divisions. They were formed and commanded as
follows:--
The 1st division, under general Rybinski, consisted of four regiments.
The 2d division, under general Gielgud, three regiments. The 3d
division, under general Malachowski, four regiments. The 4th division,
under general Muhlberg, four regiments. The total of the four divisions
was about 45,000 men.
In this number are included the different small detachments of
volunteers, who acted with the army.
Besides this infantry, was the National Guard of Warsaw, amounting to
10,000 men.
The cavalry were also formed into four divisions, as follows. The 1st
division, under the command of general Uminski, 16 squadrons. The 2d,
under general Lubinski, 16 squadrons. The 3d, under general Stryinski,
16 squadrons. The 4th, which formed the reserve of 19 squadrons, was
under general Pac. The whole force of cavalry amounted to about 14,000.
The construction and completion of the fortifications at Warsaw and
Praga were not less actively pressed than the administration of
the army; and, as the left bank of the Vistula, on which Warsaw is
situated, commands the right, with Praga and its environs, general
Skrzynecki placed on the left bank twelve pieces of cannon of 24 pound
calibre, on the heights of Dynasow and Zoliborz. This battery covered
with its fire the neighboring plain, to the extent of a circle of three
miles in diameter, and could overpower any battery which the enemy
might open against Praga. That town is divided into two parts, the
first of which borders on the Vistula, and formed the bridge-head of
the position; the other part, which is more distant, was not fortified.
This latter part was taken possession of by the Russians, after the
battle of Grochow, and was burnt by them. To the inhabitants this was
a disaster; but for our defence it was a most favorable circumstance,
as it left the enemy's approach unprotected, and opened a range for our
fire.
General Krukowiecki, who was appointed governor of Warsaw, continued
the works in the city and its suburbs with great activity. The rampart,
which surrounds the city beyond the walls, had been constructed for
a defence against musquetry only; but at several points, it was now
made defensible against artillery. The ditch was considerably widened
and deepened. Beyond the ramparts, the city was surrounded by a chain
of _lunettes_, placed in two lines, so as to alternate with each
other, and afford a mutual support. The city itself was divided into
six parts; each part being susceptible of an independent defence. The
barricades in the streets were constructed with openings for the fire
of the artillery, above which platforms were raised for the infantry.
Mines were also prepared in different parts of the city.[44]
The positions of the army, and of the different detached corps were as
follows:--The infantry, the artillery, and the 4th division of cavalry
of the grand army, were at Warsaw and its environs. Three divisions
of cavalry were posted above and below the city, on the left bank of
the Vistula, whose duty it was to patrol the river, and to guard the
communications between the fortress of Modlin and Kozienice. This chain
of patrols, by watching the movements of the enemy, kept the grand army
continually advised of his intentions, and in constant readiness to
act against him, at any point which he might choose for attempting the
passage of the Vistula.
The corps of general Dwernicki was at Pulawy. The plan of operations
which had been assigned to him, and which, indeed, he had already put
in execution, was to transfer the seat of hostilities to the right bank
of the Vistula, to hang over and harass the left wing of the enemy, to
relieve the palatinate of Lublin from his presence, and, in case of
danger, to fall back to the fortress of Zamosc, and from that point
to act on the neighboring region, according as circumstances might
indicate.
Colonel Valentin was in the environs of Pultusk, with his small corps
of partizans. In concert with the garrison of Modlin, he was to act
on the right wing of the enemy, and hold in check all his manoeuvres
upon Plock. This concave line of operations, of which the extremities
were at Zamosc and Modlin, and the centre at Warsaw and Praga, was
strengthened by the Vistula, which, although frozen, would not allow
of a passage by the enemy in large bodies, or of the construction of a
bridge, as the ice of the river was momentarily expected to break up.
The position of the Russian army was as follows. The right wing was at
Nowy-dwor, opposite to Modlin. At Jablonna, which is situated half way
from Praga to Nowy-dwor, was placed a strong detachment. At Praga were
two divisions, one of infantry, and the other of cavalry, with twelve
pieces of cannon, under the command of general Giesmar. The greater
body of the Russian forces was between Wawr and Milosna; and with them
was the head-quarters of Diebitsch and Constantine. Their left wing
occupied Karczew, and their patrols extended themselves along the right
bank of the river, as far as Macieowice.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 40: This regulation led to an occasion for the exhibition
of the firmness of general Skrzynecki's character. On the very day of
the issuing of the order, the general of division, Szembek, brought
in a report, in which he presented for decorations the names of
several officers. General Skrzynecki refused his application. General
Szembek, thinking himself injured by this refusal, addressed a letter
to the general in chief, renewing his application, and adding that
if it should not be granted, he would feel obliged to surrender
his commission. General Skrzynecki, far from being moved from the
resolution which he had adopted, again promptly refused the request.
Szembek surrendered his commission. The whole nation regretted the loss
of the valuable services of this officer, and under such circumstances.
But in regretting their loss they applauded the firmness of general
Skrzynecki. The latter indeed felt this regret strongly, but on the
other hand he was satisfied that he had done his duty. The opinion of
most of the patriots was decidedly expressed against general Szembek,
who, upon such a point of personal feeling, could forget his duties to
his country, and abandon the ranks of his fellow-soldiers, by whom he
was held in high estimation. Szembek indeed more than once reproached
himself for the sacrifice which he had thus made. The following
anecdote will show the degree to which general Skrzynecki was beloved
by the army, and the influence which his appointment to the chief
command had on the minds of the soldiers. A soldier named Golembiewski,
of the 7th regiment of infantry, who had been wounded in the battle of
Boimie, had, on the 1st day of March, left the hospital convalescent,
although his wounds were not entirely healed. Skrzynecki, while
inspecting the regiment, noticed him with his head still bandaged, and
said to him, 'My dear comrade, why have you left the hospital in such
a state? You had better return immediately.' The soldier answered,
'General, I have heard of your courage and your achievements, and how
much you are beloved by the nation, and I could not refuse myself the
satisfaction of being present at the first fire under your command, and
in which I hope that the Polish army will be victorious.' Skrzynecki,
embracing him, exclaimed, 'With such soldiers to command, I need have
no fear that I shall fail to support the honor of my country.']
[Footnote 41: The Polish women, wishing to share the dangers and
sufferings, and to witness the triumphs of their brethren, proposed
to follow the example of the daughters of Sparta, and to form three
companies under the command of several ladies of the most distinguished
families. They proposed to march upon the rear of the army, and when an
action occurred, they were to advance to the aid of their countrymen.
The first company, to be composed of the young and active, were to
receive and carry off the wounded from the field of battle, thus at
the same time animating the soldiers by their presence. The second
company was to be placed near the vehicles in which the wounded were
transported, there to receive and place them, and to dress their
wounds. The third was to take charge of the provisions, the preparation
of lint and bandages, and even of the washing of the clothing of the
soldiers. These patriotic propositions, however, neither the nation
nor the general in chief were willing to accept, considering that the
fatigues of a campaign would be too trying to the female constitution.
But to satisfy in some degree the noble impulses of these ladies, the
three companies were distributed among the hospitals, to take care of
the sick and wounded there.]
[Footnote 42: To satisfy the reader that marshal Diebitsch had began
to be conscious of his weakness, the following trifling circumstances
will suffice. On the first day of March, two of our soldiers who had
been made prisoners by the Russians, returned to Warsaw, and presented
themselves to the general in chief. One of them, who was a Galician
volunteer, on the question being asked in what way they escaped,
answered, that general Diebitsch himself dismissed them with a present
of four ducats each, enjoining them to make it known in the army, and
to say that each soldier who should go over to the Russians, would
receive a like sum, and in addition to it a portion of land sufficient
for his maintenance; and that moreover they should not be forced to
enter the service of the army. He also assured them that if they should
return with many of their comrades, to accept these terms, they should
be made officers. 'Dear general,' the Galician added, 'we have sought
your presence, in order to apprize you of these circumstances, and to
place you upon your guard. The money which we have received, we request
you to take as a contribution to the service of our country. We have
no need of it; your care will provide for our wants, and our desires
are limited to the satisfaction of fighting for the cause of our
beloved country.' These brave soldiers were hailed with enthusiastic
expressions of respect and affection by their comrades, and the
circumstance was published in an order of the day, to the whole army.
This adoption of such a system of intrigue and espionage indicated
sufficiently the sense of weakness which marshal Diebitsch began to
feel, in the situation in which he was then placed.
One of our generals published in the Gazette some remarks upon this
conduct of general Diebitsch, from which the following is a passage.
'Marshal! such conduct is reproachful to you; and by it, you have
strengthened the current suspicions of the world, that the passage of
the Balkan, which has given you such a name in history, was made upon
a bridge of gold. But if such measures might have been successful in
Turkey, they will not do in Poland. If you do not by this time know it,
I can assure you that every Pole is willing to sacrifice his all in
the cause of his country, and your offers can therefore avail little.
I repeat to you, that the words of our motto are, "to die or conquer."
Come then, Marshal, with the sabre, and not with ducats, to the
contest!']
[Footnote 43: _Extract from the proclamation of Yermolow._ 'Brave sons
of Russia! An old man of seventy, who, the contemporary of four reigns,
knows well his nation and its sovereigns, lifts his voice towards you,
with a heart devoted to the good of his country. He wishes, in the
decline of a life which has been agitated by the storms of despotism,
to infuse into your hearts the sentiments of liberty, and to die a
freeman. Our complaints have been uttered in vain: our blood has been
shed in vain. Are these complaints the only arms worthy of the Russian
people? No! It is with the sword in hand, in the capital itself, on the
field of battle, in the north and in the south, that you should claim
your national liberty. The idols of despotism will fall before you.
The books of the divine law will be opened. The Czars will become the
fathers of their people: we shall be no longer orphans and strangers
upon our native soil. As the French and English have done, and even as
the Greeks, our brethren in Jesus Christ, have done, we will swear to
conquer our liberty, and that achievement will immortalize us. Nations
less celebrated, and less populous than ours, surrounded by monarchs
who have combined to destroy them, have arisen. Their brave men have
joined together. They hasten, at the call of their country, to defend
their national liberty, by their arms and their acts of valor. The hour
is come. God, who holds in his hands the fate of kings and people,
will bless us. Russians! break the chains of despotism! You have sworn
fidelity to the Czar, but he also has sworn to be our father. He has
perjured himself, and we are therefore released from our oaths. Respect
nevertheless the person of the Czar, for he is the anointed of the
Lord, and our sovereign. Limit yourselves to a change of the form of
the government, and demand a constitution. Rise up, and the throne will
tremble. But if the despot should attempt to arrest your enterprize
by the aid of the accomplices upon whom he lavishes all his favors,
forgetting that he is our monarch, and not theirs, and that he is the
father of the great family of Russians; it is then that it will be seen
that the autocracy must cease to exist, that the Russians long for
liberty, that they can and will be free.
Yermolow.
_Samara, 29th of January, 1831.'_]
[Footnote 44: In the construction of these works in the city and the
environs, all the citizens engaged, without distinction of age or sex.
One of the outworks received the name of the '_lunette_ of the women,'
having been constructed wholly by the hands of the fair sex.]