CHAPTER I.

[Illustration: KOSCIUSZKO.

_Born in Poland A.D. 1756. Died the 15th. October 1817 near Solothurn

in Switzerland. He and G'al. Lafayette were the only two Europeans who

wore the Cross of the Order of Cincinnatus._

_Dedicated to the American people._

_Entered according to Act Congress by Paulin Miedzielsky, N.-York,

1833._]

HISTORY

OF THE

LATE POLISH REVOLUTION,

AND THE

EVENTS OF THE CAMPAIGN.

BY JOSEPH HORDYNSKI,

MAJOR OF THE LATE TENTH REGIMENT OF LITHUANIAN LANCERS.

Fourth Edition.

BOSTON:

PRINTED FOR SUBSCRIBERS.

1833.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1833,

By Joseph Hordynski,

In the Clerk's Office of the District of Massachusetts.

TO

THE GREAT AND FREE NATION

OF THE

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

Liberated from prison, and from the prospect of a more gloomy future,

by some of your fellow citizens, I have been so fortunate as to reach

these happy shores. Providence has granted me to behold that fair

country, and that nation, which every lover of freedom desires to see

with his own eyes, and every freeman of Poland is wont to think of with

love and esteem. Your land, long since the asylum of the persecuted,

has welcomed me with hearty benevolence. From the first moment of my

arrival to the present time, I have received daily proofs of your

sympathy. Full of gratitude, and in the hope of doing you an acceptable

service, I cannot better employ the moments allowed me during my stay

among you, than by giving you a faithful account of our revolution, and

of its true causes and motives, as well as of the events of the war by

which it was followed. By a brief statement of the circumstances which

brought about that revolution, I wish to inform you of the injustice

and outrages, which my nation was compelled to endure, during fourteen

years, in which both its natural rights, and the constitution solemnly

guarantied to it, were trampled under foot. By a true account of the

events of the ensuing war, you will be enabled to convince yourselves

of the means by which small forces became victorious over a colossal

power, as well as of the causes of the final catastrophe to which

Poland has been doomed.

I am convinced that in many respects my narrative will be entirely

opposed to the representations given in the public papers; for our

land, like most countries struggling for liberty, was surrounded by

enemies rather than friends. The sources from which these accounts have

been drawn, are, first, my own recollections of events of which I was

an eye-witness; secondly, the reports of my friends and comrades who

were present; and lastly, (particularly as to the operations of the

detached corps) the official reports of the army, which have not yet

escaped my memory. The same course I have followed in the design of

the plans, which have been traced partly from my own recollections of

positions and scenes at which I was present, partly from the accurate

reports of friends, and partly from public reports, assisted by my

personal knowledge of localities.

Americans! I am neither an author nor a scholar by profession, but a

simple republican and soldier. In such a one you will forgive faults in

the form and style of writing. Do not then judge me as a writer, but

see in me an unhappy Pole, who presents to your sympathies the picture

of the fatal disasters of his unfortunate country, and of the manner

in which it strove to regain its liberty, that first and greatest of

national blessings. In this hope of your indulgence, I beg you to

accept this work as a token of my gratitude and as a memorial of my

short stay among you, as well as an expression of the great esteem,

with which I shall always remain,

Americans, your devoted servant,

JOSEPH HORDYNSKI.

To the gentlemen who have aided me, by the translation, the execution

of the plates, and the publication of the work, I offer the only

recompense which they will permit me to make--my heartfelt thanks; and

I assure them that in the feelings which prompt this acknowledgment,

all my comrades will participate.

J.H.

PRONUNCIATION.--_To the Reader._ There are difficulties in the way

of accurate rules for the pronunciation of Polish words arising from

the circumstance that some letters have varieties of sound which

are indicated by signs in the Polish alphabet, and which cannot be

represented in the English. Thus, the letter _Z_ has, in addition

to that of the English _Z_ the sounds of _jet_ and _zet_; the first

indicated by a short line and the second by a dot placed over the

letter. It has therefore been thought more for the convenience of

readers, who may wish to know the English pronunciation of the names

which occur in this work, to subjoin an alphabetical list of them and

their pronunciation, than to give rules which must necessarily be

imperfect. This list will be found at the end of the Volume.

[Illustration: CASIMIR PULASKI,

_the undaunted Chief of the Poles during the Confederacy of Bar from

1768 to 1772. Born in 1746 & killed before Savannah in 1779 while

fighting for the Liberty & Independence of these U.S._

_Dedicated to the American people._

_Entered according to Act of Congress by Paulin Miedzielsky, N.-York,

1833._]

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

Geographical extent, population, and political importance of Poland,

as anciently constituted.--Conduct of Napoleon in 1812.--Congress

of Vienna.--Grand-duchy of Warsaw erected into a kingdom.--Dispositions

of Alexander.--Zajaczek appointed Viceroy,

and Constantine commander of the army.--Constantine encroaches

upon the civil administration.--Acts of tyranny.--Meeting

of the Diet.--Public debates suppressed.--The Polish Conspiracy

of 1821.--The Russian Conspiracy of 1824.--Union of the

Patriotic Associations.--Death of Alexander.--The Revolt at St

Petersburgh.--Punishment of the Patriots.--Coronation of

Nicholas.--Constantine appointed Viceroy of Poland.--Oppressions

of the Government.--Patriotic Club.--Influence of the French

and Belgic Revolutions.--The Quartering-tax.--Excitement in

Warsaw.--Arrest of the students at Praga.--Day of the Revolution

fixed upon. Page 5

CHAPTER II.

Principles of the Revolution.--THE FIRST NIGHT.--Attack on the

Barracks of the Russian Cavalry.--Their Dispersion.--Attempt

to secure the person of the Grand Duke.--Capture of Russian

general officers and spies.--Actions with detached bodies of Russian

cavalry.--Two companies of Polish light-infantry join the

patriots.--Death of Potocki and Trembicki.--The Russian infantry

attacked and dispersed.--Armament and assembling of

the people.--Detachments sent to Praga. 30

CHAPTER III.

THE FIRST DAY.--Expulsion of the Russians from Warsaw.--Choice

of Chlopicki as Commander in Chief.--Provisional Government,

under the Presidency of prince Adam Czartoryski.--Deputation

sent to the Grand Duke.--Propositions and answer.--Abolition

of the Bureau of Police.--Establishment of the National

Guard.--Proclamations addressed to the inhabitants of the provinces

and the distant troops.--Provision for the Russian prisoners.--The

Academical Legions formed.--Arrival of detachments from the

provinces.--The Grand Duke consents to leave the kingdom, and

addresses a proclamation to the Poles. 47

CHAPTER IV.

The Patriotic Club commences its sessions.--Character of that

association.--The Grand Duke departs for the frontier.--Particulars

of his march.--The Polish regiments which had remained

with him return to Warsaw.--Their reception.--Krasynski and

Kornatowski.--Deputation to St Petersburgh.--Demands to be

laid before the Emperor.--Sierawski made Governor of Warsaw,

and Wasowiez chief of the staff.--Order respecting the army.--Arrival

of volunteers from the interior.--Opening of the theatre.--Religious

solemnities at Praga.--Chlopicki nominated and proclaimed

Dictator. Page 59

CHAPTER V.

The Dictator enters upon his duties.--Plans for the enrollment of

new forces.--System of officering them.--Want of energy in the

execution of his plans.--Fortifications neglected.--The people

supply the deficiencies of the administration.--Discovery of the

correspondence between the ministers Grabowski and Lubecki.--The

march of the army delayed.--Answer of the Emperor

Nicholas to the deputies.--His proclamation.--Its effect on the

nation.--The Diet demand of the Dictator an account of his trust.--The

result of their investigations.--Chlopicki deprived of the

Dictatorial power.--The civil administration entrusted to Prince

Adam Czartoryski, and the command of the army to Prince

Michael Radziwil, each subordinate to the Diet. 71

CHAPTER VI.

Remarks on the policy of the late Dictator.--System of operations

adopted.--The army leaves Warsaw.--Statement of the

existing forces.--Of the forces proposed to be raised.--Unfortunate

consequences of the delay in the preparation of the forces.--Statement

of the force with which the war was actually commenced. 87

CHAPTER VII.

Entrance of the Russian forces into the Kingdom.--Proclamations

of Marshal Diebitsch.--Their effect.--Disposition of the Russian

and Polish forces.--Plan of operations of the Poles. 98

CHAPTER VIII.

The opening fire.--Affairs of the 10th and 11th February.--Combat

of Stoczek.--Disposition in consequence of that battle.--Battle of

Boimie.--Retrograde movement to Dobre.--Combat of Makowiec.--Passage

of the Orsyca.--Combat of Dobre.--Attack on

the right wing at Minsk. 109

CHAPTER IX.

Retrograde movement of the 18th of February.--Details of this

movement, and of the actions which took place.--The army

reaches the field of Praga.--Its reception at Warsaw.--Position

of the army.--Battle of Wawr and Bialolenka.--Operations of

general Dwernicki against the corps of Prince Wirtemberg.--Defeat

of that corps by general Dwernicki at Swierza.--Renewal

of the enemy's attack on the main army on the 20th.--Its

successful resistance.--Review of the events of the preceding

days.--Examination of the plan of operations of the Polish

army. Page 126

CHAPTER X.

Proceedings of the National Government.--Marshal Diebitsch continues

in a state of inactivity.--Negotiations are opened by him.--His

propositions are declined.--Position of the army on the

24th, and battle of Bialolenka.--Position on the 25th.--Great

battle of Grochow.--Details.--State of the Russian army after

its defeat.--Examination of the plan of the battle of Grochow.--Remarks

upon the course adopted by prince Radziwil after that

victory.--The Polish army crosses the Vistula to Warsaw.--Its

reception by the national government and the citizens.--Resignation

of prince Radziwil. 148

CHAPTER XI.

Passage of the Vistula to Warsaw.--Disposition of the Polish forces

on its left bank.--Appointment of general John Skrzynecki to

the chief command.--Proclamation.--Prompt attention is given

to the re-organization of the army, the arsenals and manufactories

of arms, the fortifications, &c.--Deportment of the commander

in chief towards the army.--General enthusiasm of the nation.--The

Patriotic offers of the Polish women.--New regulations established

for conferring orders of merit.--Disorderly state of the

Russian army.--Attempt of Diebitsch to bribe the Polish soldiery.

--General view of the encouraging circumstances of this epoch.--The

insurrection in Russia under Yermolow.--View of the

state of the Polish forces when general Skrzynecki took the chief

command.--He presses the organization of the new forces.--Their

distribution and that of the general forces.--Positions of

the Polish army and the detached corps.--Russian position. 175

CHAPTER XII.

Operations of the corps of general Dwernicki against the Russian

corps under the prince of Wirtemberg, in the Palatinate of Lublin.

--Battle of Pulawy, and defeat of Wirtemberg.--Atrocities of that

prince at Pulawy.--Pursuit of the enemy.--Battle of Kurow,

and annihilation of Wirtemberg's corps.--Operations of colonel

Valentin, between Modlin and Pultusk.--A detachment of the

enemy is surprised at Nasielsk.--Transports of provisions for the

enemy from Prussia taken.--Successful skirmishes.--Marshal

Diebitsch demands the capitulation of the fortress of Modlin.

Reply of colonel Leduchowski.--A detachment from the garrison

of Modlin attacks and defeats a Russian force at Serock.--General

Skrzynecki makes an offer of pacification on the basis of

the concessions originally demanded by the Poles.--This proposition

is rejected and hostilities are recommenced.--Reconnoissance

upon the right bank of the Vistula under Jankowski and

Gielgud.--A Russian corps under general Witt is sent against

Dwernicki.--General Uminski is sent against the Russian guard.--First

encounter.--The Russian guard is compelled to leave

their position for Ostrolenka.--The guard evacuates Ostrolenka to

join the grand army. 195

CHAPTER XIII.

Plan of general Skrzynecki to act upon the isolated corps of Rosen

and Gaismer.--Battle of Wawr.--Various detachments of the enemy

are taken after that battle, and a great number of prisoners.--Battle

of Dembe-Wielkie.--Destructive pursuit of the enemy

by our cavalry.--View of the Russian losses in the preceding

days.--Marshal Diebitsch abandons his plan of crossing the Vistula,

and marches to the rescue of the remains of the corps of Rosen

and Gaismer, and the Imperial Guard.--View of the position of

the two armies, after the second repulse of the enemy from

before Warsaw.--Operations of general Dwernicki.--Successes

of a reconnoissance under colonel Russyian at Uscilog.--Effect

of Dwernicki's victories on the inhabitants of the

provinces.--Acknowledgment of general Dwernicki's services by the

National Government.--The instructions for his future operations. 213

CHAPTER XIV.

The insurrection in Lithuania.--Dispositions of the Lithuanians at

the breaking out of our revolution.--Their offers of co-operation

were rejected by the dictator.--View of the condition of Lithuania

under the Russian sway.--Scheme of the Russian government

to destroy all Polish national feeling in that province.--The

insurrection is brought about by the massacre of the patriots

at Osmiany.--Capture of numerous towns by the insurgents,

and dispersion of their garrisons.--Storm of Wilno, and delivery

of prisoners.--Several partizan corps are formed.--Their destination

and successes. 229

CHAPTER XV.

Plan of operation against the two corps of Rosen and Kreutz.--Battle

of Iganie.--Reflections on the state of the Polish cause after

the victory of Iganie.--Review of the course of the campaign.--Condition

of the Russian army.--Discontents in Russia.--Representations

of the Senate at St Petersburgh to the Emperor.--Comparative

view of the forces of the two armies at the

present stage of the conflict. 238

CHAPTER XVI.

Position of the two armies after the battle of Iganie.--Plan of a

simultaneous attack upon the Russian forces upon opposite

sides.--Instructions to the different corps.--Operations on the

enemy's front.--Unfortunate operations of general Sierawski, and the

_first defeat_.--Details of those operations.--Operations of general

Dwernicki.--He defeats Rudiger; but by a false operation exposes

himself to be attacked disadvantageously by two Russian

corps.--In the course of the action the Austrian frontier is passed

by the combatants.--An Austrian force interposes, and general

Dwernicki consents to go into camp.--His arms and prisoners

are taken from him, while the enemy is permitted to leave the

territory freely.--Reflections on the conduct of Austria.--Consequences

of the loss of Dwernicki's corps.--The cholera makes

its appearance in the two armies. 254

CHAPTER XVII.

The Russian commander resumes offensive operations.--Object of

the attack of the 25th of April.--Combat of Kuflew.--General

Dembinski evacuates the position of Kuflew and awaits the enemy

at Bady.--Battle of Minsk.--The enemy suddenly evacuates

his position.--Reflections on this stage of the conflict.--Positions

of the two armies. 271

CHAPTER XVIII.

General Skrzynecki resumes the offensive.--He decides to adopt an

enlarged plan of operations, and to make the revolutionized provinces

supply the place of a corps d'armee.--The corps of Chrzanowski

is sent to occupy the Russian corps of Witt and Kreutz.--Admirable

execution of this enterprise.--Attack on Kock.--Attack

of Rudiger's camp.--Plan of operations by the main army

against the Russian guard.--Forced march from Kaluszyn by

Praga to Serock.--Advanced post of the guard attacked and defeated.--The

corps of Saken is cut off.--The 2d division under

Gielgud sent into Lithuania.--The imperial guard are driven

with great loss beyond the frontier.--Retrograde movement. 283

CHAPTER XIX.

The Lithuanians compel two Russian corps to evacuate

Samogitia.--Operations of general Chlapowski in the department of

Bialystok.--Capture of Bielsk.--Defeat of a Russian force at Narewka

and expulsion of the enemy from the department.--Recapitulation

of the forces which had been sent into Lithuania.--Operations of

the main army.--Attempt of marshal Diebitsch to intercept Skrzynecki

on his retrograde march, by a diversion to Ostrolenka.--General

Lubinski surprises the Russian advanced guard at Czyzew.--Marshal

Diebitsch attacks the Polish rear-guard at Kleczkowo.--The

rear-guard quits its position at night, and joins the

main army at Ostrolenka.--Battle of Ostrolenka. 298

CHAPTER XX.

Operations of the Lithuanian corps.--Battle of Raygrod and defeat

of the Russian corps of Saken.--Importance of this first success

in Lithuania.--General Gielgud neglects to follow up his advantages.--He

loses time by passing the Niemen at Gielgudyszki,

and enables the enemy to concentrate his forces in Wilno.--Entrance

into Lithuania and reception by the inhabitants.--Position

of the two main armies.--The Russian forces remain inactive and

receive supplies from Prussia.--Death of marshal Diebitsch. 313

CHAPTER XXI.

General Gielgud advances into Lithuania.--Allows a Russian corps

to pass within a league of him unperceived.--Operations on

Wilno.--Enumeration of our present force.--Plan of a simultaneous

attack upon Wilno on opposite sides by the corps in two

divisions.--General Dembinski engages the enemy with the

smaller part of the corps.--Being unsupported by Gielgud, is

forced to retreat.--General Gielgud attacks Wilno.--Battle of

Wilno.--A retreat is commenced.--Prodigious efforts of the Polish

cavalry in protecting this retreat.--Consequences of the repulse

from Wilno.--The removal of general Gielgud is called for.--General

Chlapowski consents to take the virtual command of

the corps, in the post of chef d'etat major.--Consideration on

the state of things consequent to the battle of Wilno.--Details

of the admirable plan of operations proposed by colonel Valentin. 328

CHAPTER XXII.

Operations of the main army.--Expedition under Jankowski.--General

Chrzanowski having driven Rudiger from his position, crosses

the Vistula, but returns to act in concert with general Jankowski

against the enemy near Kock.--Details of general Jankowski's

movement.--He remains inactive within sight of the fire of the

corps with which he was to co-operate.--Other evidences of

treason.--Generals Jankowski and Bukowski are arrested and

ordered for trial.--View of the advantages that were sacrificed

by this misconduct.--Discovery of a plot to liberate and arm the

Russian prisoners at Warsaw, and to deliver the city to the enemy.

--State of the public mind induced by these events. 342

CHAPTER XXIII.

General Chlapowski arrives at Keydany, having ordered general

Dembinski to withdraw to Wilkomierz.--The position of the two

forces and their line of operations.--Examination of these

arrangements.--Neglect of the important position of Kowno.--General

Chlapowski, at Keydany, proposes to form a provisional government,

and obtain a levy of troops.--Dispositions of the Lithuanians,

as effected by the mismanagement of our leaders.--Advantages

offered to the enemy by the delay at Keydany.--Brave

defence of Kowno, by the small force left there.--Skirmish at

Wilkomierz.--The opportunity of concentrating all the forces at

Keydany, and repassing the Niemen, is neglected.--The enemy

presses his pursuit.--Battle of Rosseyny.--Attack on Szawla.--Loss

of the ammunition and baggage of the corps.--The corps

retreats in order to Kurzany, protected by a rear guard of cavalry

and light artillery.--At Kurzany the corps is subdivided into

three parts.--Destination and strength of each.--Examination of

this plan. 350

CHAPTER XXIV.

The three subdivisions of the Lithuanian corps take their respective

destinations.--Details of the operations of that of general Rohland.--He

meets alone the attack of the whole Russian force.--Battle

of Powenduny and Worna.--General Rohland, on his way

to Polonga, learns that general Chlapowski had marched towards

the Prussian frontier.--He presses his march to overtake and form

a junction with him.--The greater part of the corps of Gielgud

and Chlapowski were found to have passed the frontier, when

that of Rohland came in sight.--Indignation of the soldiery.--Death

of general Gielgud.--General Rohland, joined by a portion

of the corps of Gielgud which had not yet passed the frontier,

continues his march to Nowe-Miasto.--He declines a proposition

from general Kreutz, to surrender.--Successful skirmish

with the enemy's cavalry.--General Rohland takes a position at

Nowe-Miasto, and awaits the enemy.--The Russian forces, however,

do not continue their pursuit, but go into camp.--Propositions

to pass the frontier are sent to general Rohland by the Prussian

authorities.--They are submitted to the corps and accepted. 367

CHAPTER XXV.

Effect of the news of the Lithuanian disasters on the minds of the

people.--Distrust of the National Government.--The Russian

army resumes the offensive under general Paszkiewicz.--He decides

to pass the Vistula.--Examination of the merits of this plan.--Plan

of general Skrzynecki to act on the different detached

corps of the enemy.--Advantages of general Chrzanowski over

the corps of Rudiger.--The Russian forces execute the passage

of the Vistula.--General Skrzynecki crosses the Vistula at Warsaw

to operate against the enemy on the left bank.--An inquiry

into the conduct of general Skrzynecki, and the appointment of

a Council of War is demanded by the nation.--Arrival of the

corps of general Dembinski at Warsaw. 384

CHAPTER XXVI.

Operation of general Dembinski's corps.--He traverses the country

between Szawla and the Niemen without being observed by the

enemy.--Attacks and disperses a brigade of Russian infantry.--Passes

the Niemen and throws himself into the forest of Bialystok.--After

leaving that forest, is joined by the corps of general

Rozycki.--Reaches Warsaw.--His reception at Warsaw.--View

of the exposed situation of Paszkiewicz after his passage of the

Vistula.--Examination of the plan of operations of the Polish

commander.--Morbid state of the public mind at Warsaw.--Skrzynecki

and Czartoriski deprived of their trust.--Capture of

the city.--Documents showing the influence exercised by the

cabinets in discouraging active operations.--Conclusion. 394

APPENDIX. 409

POLISH REVOLUTION.

CHAPTER I.

Geographical extent, population, and political importance of Poland,

as anciently constituted.--Conduct of Napoleon in 1812.--Congress of

Vienna.--Grand-duchy of Warsaw erected into a Kingdom.--Dispositions

of Alexander.--Zajaczek appointed Viceroy, and Constantine

Commander of the Army.--Constantine encroaches upon the civil

administration.--Acts of tyranny.--Meeting of the Diet.--Public

debates suppressed.--The Polish Conspiracy of 1821.--The Russian

Conspiracy of 1824.--Union of the Patriotic Associations.--Death

of Alexander.--The Revolt at St Petersburgh.--Punishment of the

Patriots.--Coronation of Nicholas.--Constantine appointed Viceroy of

Poland.--Oppressions of the Government.--Patriotic Club.--Influence of

the French and Belgic Revolutions.--The Quartering-tax.--Excitement in

Warsaw.--Arrest of the Students at Praga.--Day of the Revolution fixed

upon.

In the early part of July, 1812, when the victorious armies of Napoleon

had occupied Wilna, and threatened to annihilate the throne of the

Czars, the Polish nation cherished the hope of recovering its former

grandeur. The destiny of Poland was then in the hands of Napoleon, and

it may be said with truth that on the destiny of Poland depended the

security and peace of Europe.

Poland, as is well known to the reader, viewed in regard to its

geographical situation and extent, as formerly constituted, forms a

strong outwork against the Russian Colossus. Its territories extend to

the eastward as far as the Dneiper, and westward as far as the Oder.

Toward the north, they reach the Baltic and the government of Skoff,

and their southern frontiers are the Carpathian Mountains and the Black

Sea. This vast region, composed of the present Kingdom of Poland,

the Grand-duchy of Posen, of Samogitia, Lithuania, Livonia, White

Russia and Black Russia, Volhynia, Podolia, Ukraine, and Gallicia, is

inhabited by twenty-two millions of Poles of the same descent, the same

manners and customs, and the same language and religion. According to

its ancient limits, the kingdom of Poland is among the first in Europe

with regard to population and geographical extent.

The deputies, who, at the period above named, were sent from Warsaw to

the Emperor Napoleon, laid before him the most earnest solicitations

for the restoration of this state, and endeavoured to direct his

views to the future, in order to convince him of its necessity. They

concluded with the following words;--'Dites, Sire, que le royaume de

Pologne existe, et ce décret sera pour le monde l'equivalent de la

réalité.' To this he answered;--'Dans ma situation, j'ai beaucoup

d'interêts à concilier, beaucoup de devoirs à remplir. Si j'avais

regné pendant le premier, le second, ou le troisiême partage de la

Pologne, j'aurais armé mes peuples pour la defendre. J'aime votre

nation, j'autorise les efforts que vous voulez faire. C'est entièrment

dans l'unanimité de sa population, que vous pourez trouver l'éspoir

de succes. Je dois ajouter que j'ai guaranti a l'empereur d'Autriche

l'intégrité de ses domaines.'[1]

Such a reply from Napoleon, the Poles could never have expected. For,

who accompanied him so faithfully in all his expeditions as the sons

of Poland? Thousands of Poles lie buried in Italy, Egypt, St Domingo,

Spain, and Russia, who had fought for the integrity of the French

Republic and for the aggrandizement of Napoleon. His cold reception

of the deputies of Poland filled all patriots with sadness. They were

now convinced, that the good wishes of Napoleon for Poland were not

sincere, and that, through his marriage with Maria Louisa, he had come

under Austrian influence. Thus the hope of territorial enlargement and

national existence vanished away, and Napoleon, by his indifference

to the interests of Poland, accelerated his own fall. The burning of

Moscow, which was a chance that did not enter into his calculations,

became the turning point of his fate. The Poles, who had contributed

to his greatness, did not desert him in his distress; they were his

companions to the very last. Half a squadron of them followed him to

Elba, at his own request. The disasters of France decided the fate of

Poland. By the Congress of Vienna, the Grand-duchy of Warsaw was made

into a kingdom, and subjected to the iron sceptre of Russia.

At the first moment of entering upon the government of the kingdom,

the Emperor Alexander seemed disposed to load Poland with benefits.

On his return from Paris he was received by the inhabitants of Warsaw

with the most unfeigned good will, and his stay in that city was

marked by acts of beneficence. The words with which he then addressed

the representatives of the nation, are still in the memory of every

Pole.--'Gentlemen, I respect and love your nation. To these feelings

on my part, in which all Europe partakes, you are entitled by your

continual and disinterested sacrifices for the prosperity of other

nations. I swear to maintain your constitution with all the privileges

guarantied by it; and this same constitution I promise to grant to

your brethren in the provinces, which are to be united with you in one

kingdom.' The nation believed in these promises the more readily as the

affectionate deportment of the monarch seemed to confirm them. During

his stay in Warsaw, he paid visits to several of the most popular and

patriotic families and individuals, and every where expressed himself

in terms of the highest esteem for the Polish nation.

This show of benevolence, and the dreams of happiness with which it

inspired the people, were not, however of long duration. Before his

departure from Warsaw, the Emperor named as viceroy of Poland, the

old general Zajaczek,[2] raising him to the dignity of a prince, and

his own brother, the Grand Duke Constantine, as commander in chief of

the Polish army. The appointment of these persons to the supreme power

was already in direct opposition to all the promises he had made. For

Zajaczek, through the infirmities of his advanced age, was unfit for

the post of viceroy, and could be but an instrument in Russian hands;

while in Constantine, the commander in chief of their army, the Poles

received a tyrant.

Not long after the departure of Alexander, the encroachments of the

Russian cabinet began to be felt. Removals of officers took place

in all the branches of government, in particular of those known as

patriots, who were supplanted by minions of Russia, men full of

ambition and intrigue. In the first year of the Russian government,

the bureau of Police was enlarged, and filled with persons whom the

nation despised. The Polish army, which had gathered laurels in so

many countries of the three continents, and which was held in such

high estimation by the first monarch and general in Europe, was

exposed, on the very first days of the new government, to the insults

of Constantine. There was not an officer, but was grossly offended by

the Grand Duke, and more than all, those who wore military decorations

for their merits. No past services were valued; they only exposed those

who were distinguished by them to greater persecution. In the first six

months, many officers, among whom was the renowned general Sokolnicki,

committed suicide; and nearly one half the officers and generals asked

their dismission, among whom was General, the late Dictator, Chlopicki,

who preferred poverty and want to such an ignominious service. The

Polish army, those soldiers animated by feelings of honor and the love

of distinction, were to be transformed into the machines of despotism.

They who had faced death in so many battles, who were covered with

wounds, and who had been called 'brethren' by the greatest leader of

his age, were now to be beaten with the Russian knout. In the first

year, few days passed in which some of the soldiers did not commit

suicide.

This prince, who appeared not to find victims enough for his cruelty

in the army, began to meddle with all the branches of administration,

and to control them. Soon the liberty of the press was prohibited,

freemasonry was interdicted, and a bureau of spies was established. The

chief in this bureau of spies were Rozniecki, the vice-president of the

city of Warsaw, Lubowidzki, a man of the name of Macrot, and Schlee.

From the documents found upon Schlee and Macrot, it was ascertained

that there were in Warsaw alone 900 spies. In the provinces their

number amounted to 2000. The expenses and salaries of these spies,

according to accounts found among their papers, drew from the public

treasury $1,000,000, or 6,000,000 Polish gilders. Thus, our poor

country, instead of employing her resources for the happiness of her

children, was forced to pay the mercenaries hired to distress them.

Soon Warsaw and the whole kingdom became one vast prison. These spies

endeavoured to steal into every company, and were present in all

public places. They tried to catch every conversation, and distorted

every word spoken, with however innocent an intention, in regard to

the policy and administration of the country. In order to extort

money, they accused some of the most respected and honest persons, who

were thrown into prison, and many of whom were never again seen by

their families, from the midst of whom they had been dragged in the

night-time, in order to conceal the crime from the eyes of the world.

Persons who did not take off their hats in the streets before the Grand

Duke, were compelled to draw barrows of mud upon the public places.

There passed hardly a month in which some students were not arrested,

and, without any trial, at the mere denunciation of a hireling spy,

thrown into prison, where they lingered for years. Thus faded away in

dungeons many fair and hopeful youths, the flower of our nation. In

Warsaw, besides the public gaols, there were, beneath almost all of

the barracks, prisons, where the victims of tyranny were tortured. The

very orangery of the Grand Duke was transformed into a prison, from

which some persons were liberated during the revolution, who had been

confined there for years. It was in this prison that Lukasinski had

been kept for a long time, though subsequently bound to a cannon and

carried into Russia. In the gaols below the barracks of the artillery

many dead bodies were found.

At the first meeting of the Diet, when the Grand Duke Constantine was

among the deputies from the city of Praga, and debates commenced on

various subjects which concerned the welfare of the country,--such as,

the liberty of the press, the abolition of the central police and the

spies, and the deposition of several of the higher officers, for which

petitions had been sent to the monarch,--a decision was promulgated

that the Diet should act in subordination to the will of the Grand

Duke, and, in order to add force to this decision, the palace and its

galleries were surrounded and filled by guards. All public debates

during the session were prohibited, and a ticket from the police was

required for admission. These tickets were distributed among Russian

generals, officers of government and their families, and creatures of

the court. Before such an auditory, discussions of the most sacred

interest to the nation were to take place. No patriot could behold,

without tears, the senators and fathers of the nations, descendants of

Tarnowski, Zamoiski, Chodkiewicz, and Kosciusko, sitting with sad and

drooping countenances, exposed to the scoffing and laughter of those

minions of the court. The sacred halls were transformed into a theatre

for Russian spectators.

In all the different bureaus, spies held important offices, and

thus those bureaus became scenes of the most detestable intrigues.

Law and right were trampled under foot, and the constitution itself

was derided. They used to express themselves in the following and

similar terms:--'What is the constitution? It is an impediment to the

administration of the government, and the course of justice. The Grand

Duke is the best constitution.'

A few years had passed away in this wretched state of the nation, when,

towards 1821, our noble patriots, Krzyzanowski, Jablonowski, Plichta,

Debek, and Soltyk, conceived the idea of emancipating their country by

a revolution. Whilst occupied with their noble scheme, they were most

agreeably surprised by receiving information, in 1824, of a similar

patriotic union in Russia for throwing off the yoke of despotism. Their

joy was increased when they received a summons from this patriotic

union in Russia, at the head of which were Pestel, Releiew, Bestuzew,

Kichelbeker, Murawiew, and Kachowski, to join hands with them. This

junction was effected in Kiow, on the day of the great fair, when

Prince Jablonowski became acquainted with some of their members, and

was initiated into their plans. The invitation was received by the

Poles with delight. Accustomed to combat for liberty, they offered with

their whole hearts their aid in the redemption of the Sarmatic nation

from the chains by which they had been so long bound down.

Soon after this, it was agreed to meet in the town of Orla, in the

province of Little Russia, where solemn oaths were sworn to sacrifice

life and property in the cause. Resolutions were taken, and the means

of their execution were devised. The Russians promised to the Poles,

in case of success, the surrender of all the provinces as far as the

frontiers which Boleslaw-Chrobry had established. This promise, as

well as that of eternal friendship between the two brother-nations,

was sanctioned by the solemnity of oaths. The day fixed upon for

the breaking out of the revolution, was the 25th anniversary of the

accession of Alexander, in the month of May, 1826; and Biala-Cerkiew

in Volhynia was the place selected for the first blow. The reason

for choosing this place, was, that the whole imperial family and the

greater part of the army were to assemble there, on the great plain

of the Dneiper, to celebrate the anniversary of the coronation. This

occasion was to be improved, to gain over all the well-disposed

generals, and at the same time to secure the imperial family. In the

meeting at Orla, it was required of the Poles, that, at the moment

of the breaking out of the revolution, they should take the life of

the Grand Duke Constantine. To this proposition, however, Prince

Jablonowski answered in these well known words: 'Russians, brother

Sarmatians, you have summoned us to co-operate in the holy work of

breaking the bonds of slavery under which our Sarmatic race has so long

pined. We come to you with sincere hearts, willing to sacrifice our

fortunes and lives. Rely, my dear friends, on this our promise. The

many struggles in which we have already fought for the sake of liberty,

may warrant our assertions. Brethren, you demand of us to murder the

Grand Duke. This we can never do. The Poles have never stained their

hands with the blood of their princes. We promise you to secure his

person in the moment of the revolution, and, as he belongs to you, we

shall deliver him into your hands.'

The patriotic associations on both sides endeavored to increase

their party, by the initiation of many brave men in the army and in

civil life. In Lithuania, the respectable president of the nobles,

Downarowicz, and the noble Rukiewicz of the Lithuanian corps, with many

other officers, were admitted into the conspiracy, and among others

Jgelstrom, Wigielin, Hoffman, and Wielkaniec. All the plans for the

approaching revolution were arranged with the utmost circumspection,

and every circumstance seemed to promise success, when the sudden death

of the Emperor Alexander, at Taganrog, in the early part of December,

1825, darkened our bright hopes.

The news of his death had, at first, a stunning effect upon the

patriotic club in Petersburgh. Nevertheless, they resolved to act. They

hoped to profit by the troubles between Constantine and Nicholas, about

the succession. On the 18th of December of the same year, the signal

for revolt was given in Petersburgh. Some regiments of the guard were

on the side of the patriots, and with them assembled great numbers of

the people ready to fight for liberty. Yet all this was done without

sufficient energy, and without good leaders. It was unfortunate,

that at the time, Colonel Pestel, acknowledged by all to be a man of

great talents and energy, happened to be absent in Moscow. The people

assembled in their holy cause, but, being without leaders, began to

fall into disorder, and a few discharges of cannon were sufficient to

disperse them.

As the Grand Duke Constantine, on account of his marriage with a noble

Polish lady, Grudzinska, in 1825, was obliged to renounce the throne

of Russia, the imperial power was, by a written document, given to the

Grand Duke Nicholas, as the eldest in succession after him.

Some days after the proclamation of Nicholas, all the prisons of the

realm were prepared to receive their new inmates. Petersburgh, Moscow,

Wilna, Kiow, Bialystok, and Warsaw, were appointed for the places

of trial. Over the whole of Poland and Russia the sword of cruel

revenge was suspended. In Petersburgh, the martyrs of liberty, Pestel,

Muraview, Releiew, Bestuzew, Kachowski, were hung on the gallows, and

more than two hundred persons of the noblest families were sent to

Siberia. In Wilna, Kiow, and Moscow, an immense number were thrown into

prison, or transported to Siberia. In Bialystok the Russian general,

Wiliaminow, was appointed an inquisitor. This infamous character

treated the wretched prisoners with the utmost cruelty. Rukiewicz,[3]

Jgelstrom, and Wigelin, were exiled to Siberia for life.

In Warsaw, the Grand Duke himself undertook the business of

establishing an inquisition over the unhappy prisoners. This court

was composed of persons in the Russian interest, a circumstance,

the melancholy consequences of which soon became manifest. Senator

Soltyk, an old man seventy years of age, was flogged with the knout.

Krzyzanowski, unable to endure the tortures inflicted upon him,

committed suicide. General Procurator Wyezechowski, that unworthy

son of Poland, sentenced all who were condemned to death, to be hung

on a gallows, and their bodies to be exposed upon the wheel. This

horrid sentence, however, was, notwithstanding all the Grand Duke's

influence, mitigated by the supreme court of the senate, which still

contained many worthy men under the presidency of the venerable

woyewode, Bilinski. The infamous Wyezechowski was unable to oppose this

virtuous old man, whose powerful eloquence was a mirror of his noble

heart. President Bilinski, fearless of the threats of the Russians,

whose briberies he was accustomed to treat with disdain, guided by the

articles of the criminal code, altered the sentence of death to a few

years imprisonment. This mitigation of the sentence was signed by all

the senators, with one exception.[4]

After Nicholas had ascended the throne over steps of blood, he was

crowned, in 1826, Emperor of Russia. Two years after this, in 1828,

he was again crowned in Warsaw as King of Poland. This monarch at

first intended not to go through with the ceremony of the coronation

in Warsaw, in order to avoid the oath of the constitution. Yet, from

fear of revolutionary scenes, he suffered himself to be persuaded to do

it, and took the oath, like his predecessor and brother, Alexander, to

maintain the constitution and the privileges guarantied by it.

Poland may have suffered under Alexander; yet he loved the nation

like a friend, as every one of my countrymen will allow. When he was

mistaken in his measures, it was, that, surrounded by bad men and

enemies of our nation, he was prevented from knowing the truth. He was

himself too much engrossed in pleasures, to visit the hut of the poor

in order to obtain information of his condition. Poland forgave him

all his faults, in the grateful recollection that he had restored her

to a separate existence, and respected the constitution. Far different

in our eyes appeared the present emperor, Nicholas. Partaking of the

errors of his predecessor, he exhibited none of his virtues. Alexander,

with a benignant countenance, permitted every one to approach him

freely, and his features were never distorted by passion. Nicholas,

on the contrary, seemed to terrify by his very look. His lowering

and overbearing eye was the true mirror of Asiatic despotism. Every

movement was that of command; and his imperious air was in true

harmony with the ruling passion of his mind. Such a sovereign, acting

through the instrumentality of a brother like himself, the Grand

Duke Constantine, must needs bring distress upon our country. Whole

volumes might be filled with the relation of the atrocities of this

government. The daily increasing host of spies in its employ, among

whom even females were found, regarded nothing as sacred, and mocked at

the most holy institutions. They lavished away millions of the public

funds. Everything was permitted to them. In short, the intention of

this government seemed to be to plunge our country into the deepest

distress, in order to force us to the abandonment of every national

feeling, and to make us slaves of the Russians. Yet in this hope they

were deceived. The more the nation was oppressed,[5] the more its

energy of character was steeled, and the more the love of country

developed itself.

Two worthy sons of Poland, Wysocki and Schlegel, mourning over

the martyrdom of Krzyzanowoski, Soltyk, Dembek, and Plichta, and

meditating on the distresses of their country, resolved to attempt

its deliverance. By these two young champions of Poland, the first

idea of the revolution was conceived. They communicated their hopes

to several other patriots, and thus was formed the Patriotic Club.

This association, nourishing in their secret breasts the holy spark

of liberty, increased it soon to a flaming light, by which the whole

nation was led to honor and glory. These heroic men fearlessly

persevered in their endeavors, during five years, exposed to the

greatest dangers and amidst thousands of spies. Witnesses of the

continually aggravated oppression of their country, they became more

and more animated to risk every thing for their holy object.

While this tyrannical government was exulting in the success of its

measures, and the honor and morals of our country were fast declining,

the revolution of France occurred, and it instantly roused every mind

to a comparison of our state with that of the French, who had thrown

off the yoke of a Machiavelian dynasty. The three days of July were

days of joy, not only to every brave son of France, but to every

patriotic heart in Poland. How much were they enraptured, who hitherto

in secret had been labouring for the redemption of their country! The

happy result of those glorious days was a peal of terror to the Grand

Duke Constantine, and to the whole swarm of agents in his tyrannical

sway. It gave them a presage of their approaching retribution. Yet,

instead of adopting milder measures, and endeavouring to propitiate the

nation, their cruelties went on as before. The government had, indeed,

advanced too far in its barbarous system to draw back. The activity of

the spies was redoubled. From the first reception of the news of the

French revolution, there did not pass a day on which some persons were

not imprisoned in Warsaw or the provinces. On the night of the 7th of

September, forty students were seized in their beds and carried to

prison.

Again, the new revolutionary eruption of Belgium cheered and encouraged

the heart of every patriotic Pole. The hour for throwing off the

yoke of tyranny was fast approaching. The leaders of the revolution

succeeded in communicating their sentiments to continually increasing

numbers. Many officers of the 4th regiment of the line and of the

sappers were initiated. Yet at this very time, when the revolution was

every moment expected to break out, the Russian despot, in concert

with Prussia and Austria, commenced his preparations for a war against

France and Belgium. The Polish army was destined to serve as the

vanguard of this expedition, and Modlin and Warsaw were stored with

large quantities of arms and ammunition from Russia. All the regiments

were completed, and the order for marching was momentarily expected.

These circumstances attracted the notice of our patriots, and they

decided to accelerate the revolution, in order to anticipate the march

of the army. The eruption was hastened by the following event. The

citizens of Warsaw were obliged to furnish quarters for the officers of

the army. To lighten this burden, and to avoid various inconveniences,

as well as to accommodate the officers,--by an understanding with the

inhabitants, it was determined, that instead of furnishing quarters, a

quartering tax should be paid. It was intended in this regulation to

proportion the tax to the size of the houses, and consequently to the

profit which the proprietors would derive from letting them. The tax

would in this way be equalized, because, wherever levied, it would be

attended by a proportionate compensation, and it was satisfactory to

the inhabitants. This regulation, however, was executed in an entirely

different manner. In many cases the heavier taxes were paid by the

poorer inhabitants, and indeed they had sometimes to provide quarters

in addition to the payment of the tax. All the persons employed by the

police as spies, and who had by vile means acquired immense fortunes

and kept the finest houses in Warsaw, were exempt both from the tax

and the providing of quarters. The money collected for the tax was

purloined by the commissioners for quartering, who thus amassed

millions of gilders.[7]

A short time before the revolution, the gross impositions of this

commission were discovered. The inhabitants of Warsaw began to murmur

against it, and addressed the government for the removal of the persons

employed, and the substitution of others in their places, who should

be deserving of the confidence of the citizens. Among others, the

deposition of the president of the city, Woyda, was demanded; and when

the government refused to comply with the request, he was publicly

insulted and flogged in the streets. The discontent of the citizens, in

particular of the poorer classes, continued to increase, and of this

discontent the patriots made use in endeavouring to propagate their

views of the necessity of a revolution. Public opinion was from day

to day expressed more boldly. Papers were pasted up in the streets,

with inscriptions such as these:--'The dwelling of the Grand Duke

will be let from next new year's day.'--'Away with the tyrants! Away

with the barbarians to Asia!' A great concourse of citizens assembled

one evening before the city hall, and demanded the punishment of the

quartering commissioner, Czarnecki, who, in his desperation, committed

suicide.

The holy moment was now fast approaching, and Warsaw was in anxious

expectation. Fear and terror was painted in the faces of the spies,

while, on the other hand, all true patriots were in raptures of joy,

and waited impatiently for the moment to strike the blow. For several

nights the whole garrison of the city had been under arms, by the

orders of the Grand Duke, who, tortured with the consciousness of so

many crimes, had no rest, and surrounded himself with large bodies

of guards. A hundred gens d'armes were on horseback for many nights,

constantly bringing in their victims. Strong patroles of Russian

soldiers traversed the streets. All was in vain. His mercenaries could

not protect the tyrant. The word was given, the oath was sworn, to

fight for our sacred rights and the freedom of our country.

An event which served to irritate all minds, and hasten the revolution,

was the arrest and imprisonment of eighty students. These brave young

men were assembled in a private house, in order to pray to God in

secret for the souls of their murdered ancestors, on the anniversary

of the storming of Praga, by the bloody Suwarrow, in 1796, when none

were spared, and Praga swam with blood, and was strewed with the

corpses of 30,000 of its inhabitants. Neither old men, women, children,

nor pregnant mothers, were spared by the barbarous Russian soldiers.

In memory of this event, the patriots had every year met for secret

prayer, since public devotions on the occasion had been forbidden

by the Grand Duke. The abovementioned students, with some priests,

were in the act of worship, praying to the Almighty, and honoring the

memory of their forefathers, when the doors were broken open with

great violence, and a number of gens d'armes, under their captain,

Jurgaszko, with a company of Russian soldiers behind them, entered

the apartment. Our brave youths continued their prayers upon their

knees about the altar, and in that position suffered themselves to be

bound, and dragged away to prison. But this was the last act of cruelty

the Russian government was permitted to perpetrate, for it exhausted

the patience of the nation. The measure was full, and the hour of

retribution was at hand. The news of this outrage was spread through

Warsaw with the quickness of lightning, and it thrilled every heart.

This was the occasion for fixing upon the 29th of November, as the day

for commencing the revolution, on which day the 4th Polish regiment,

many of the officers of which were among the initiated, were to mount

guard in Warsaw.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: 'Say, Sire, that the kingdom of Poland exists, and that

declaration will be, in the eyes of the world, the equivalent of the

reality.' To this he answered;--'In my situation, I have many interests

to conciliate, many duties to fulfil. If I had reigned during the

first, the second, or the third partition of Poland, I would have armed

my people to defend her. I love your nation; I authorize the efforts

which you wish to make. It is alone in the unanimity of your population

that you will find the hope of success. I ought to add that I have

guarantied to the Emperor of Austria the integrity of his dominions.']

[Footnote 2: Zajaczek commenced his military career in the time of

Kosciusko, continued it among the Polish legions, and accompanied

Napoleon to Egypt, where he served with distinction. He was present in

all the later campaigns of Napoleon, till 1809, when he returned, on

account of his advanced age and the loss of one of his legs.]

[Footnote 3: This nobleman (Rukiewicz) had two beautiful sisters,

Cornelia and Theresa, whose heroic behavior deserves to be recorded.

He was secretary of the Patriotic Club in Lithuania, and kept the

records and papers of the society in the village where he lived, near

Bialystok; and in order to do this business without disturbance, he

had prepared a little summer-house in the garden near his mansion.

He happened to be from home when arrested, and immediately after his

arrest, the police sent a Russian officer with gens d'armes to his

village, in order to take possession of his papers. His sisters, who

were ignorant of the event, were quietly at home when they beheld the

officer with his suite riding into the court-yard. A presaging fear

of the truth seized them, but gave place immediately to an heroic

resolution. The younger remained in the room in order to receive and

detain these agents of tyranny, whilst the elder, Cornelia, carried

in haste some combustibles to the summer-house, which was soon on

fire, and more than two hundred persons, whose names were contained in

the register, were thus saved by the presence of mind of that heroic

lady. She returned to the parlor with the noblest and most delighted

mien, and, on the officer's enquiring as to the cause of the fire,

she answered with a smile, 'Gentlemen, I only wanted to save you the

trouble of some farther brutalities. I have burnt the papers and

documents of my brother. You may be sure not to find anything left;

and now I am your prisoner. Drag me along with you, to increase the

number of your victims.' Both the ladies were carried to prison, and

treated in the most unworthy manner during three years. When these

noble sisters were dismissed from prison, they found themselves bereft

of every consolation. They had no parents left. Their only brother,

who had been both parent and brother to them, was now gone. They

could not endure the thought of leaving him to pine away so far from

them in chains, and they resolved to partake and thus to relieve his

sufferings. Regardless of the remonstrances of their friends, they left

everything, and, travelling in the humblest manner, mostly on foot

or upon the wagons of the peasantry, they undertook the journey to

Siberia. It is not known whether Providence granted them to reach their

beloved brother or not.]

[Footnote 4: To this court, which was called the Supreme Court of the

Diet, and which was established in order to try these prisoners of

state, was appointed general Count Vincenti Krasinski, a man of great

merit, a brave soldier as well as a good citizen, and on this account

very much beloved by the nation. The soldiers, indeed, regarded him

as a father. Yet this man could so far forget himself as to take up

the bloody pen to sign the death of his fellow citizens--the only one

of his nation. It is with painful feelings that I name him in this

narrative as the enemy of his country, after having been faithful to it

for fifty years, and after having made for it the greatest sacrifices.

Vincenti Krasinski, whom his country has erased, as a lost son, from

the register of her children, is a strong example of the great power of

Russian seduction.]

[Footnote 5: As already remarked, it would be impossible to describe

the various kinds of cruelty exercised by the Russian government. Yet,

in order to make the reader acquainted with some of them, I shall

here state a few facts.--In our country, the distilling and brewing

of spirituous liquors, and the planting of tobacco, as well as the

sale of these articles, was a privilege of the landed proprietors.

Warsaw, as the capital and the most populous city, was the best

market for these productions, and all the noblemen endeavoured to

bring their produce to Warsaw for sale. In this manner they supplied

themselves with money and enhanced the value of their grain, while

their liquors, as well as tobacco, could be sold at very low prices,

to the pecuniary benefit of all the laboring classes and the soldiery.

These advantages, however, soon became an object of attention to the

government agents. One of their number, the Jew, Nowachowiez, who, by

the greatest impositions, had acquired an immense fortune, devised a

plan for monopolizing the production and sale of every kind of liquor

and of tobacco. He obtained the exclusive right of selling them, and

all the noblemen were forbidden to dispose of these articles without

his permission, for which a duty was to be paid. For this monopoly

he paid to the government 2,000,000 of Polish gilders ($333,333 1/3)

for which he more than doubly indemnified himself by the enormous

taxes levied upon the consumers of these articles. This innovation,

so oppressive to the poorer classes, and invented merely to enrich

this Jew and his partners, irritated all the land proprietors, and

still more the laboring classes, who were suffering by it. For two

years in succession petitions were made for the reformation of these

abuses, but the government only insisted upon the prohibition with

the greater severity. Nowachowiez, indeed, employed a guard, who wore

uniforms. All the environs of Warsaw were filled with these guards,

and the greatest excesses were committed by them. A poor day-laborer,

after having purchased at some distance from the city, some brandy and

tobacco, carried these articles at evening to Warsaw. On his way he was

stopped by these men. They took all from him, and demanded a heavier

fine than the articles were worth. As the poor man was unable to pay

the fine, they abused him, and were about to carry him to prison.

He succeeded, however, in making his escape, and, as it was in the

vicinity of the residence of a nobleman by the name of Biernacki, he

sought shelter on his estate. The guards in pursuit entered the mansion

of this nobleman. Biernacki heard the tumult of the guard seizing and

roughly handling the poor man, and, ascertaining the cause of the

disturbance, he censured them for their inhumanity about such a trifle.

In order, however, to save the man from farther insults, he retained

him, with the intention of sending him the next day with a note to

Nowachowiez for his exculpation. The very moment that Biernacki was

occupied in writing the letter, an officer of the gens d'armes, with

four privates, stepped in. Biernacki inquired the cause of this visit,

and was told in answer, that he was arrested for having protected a

defrauder. Thus, surrounded by four soldiers, this man was publicly

carried through Warsaw to the prison of the Carmelites. Not satisfied

with this, Nowachowiez succeeded in obtaining from the Grand Duke, who

hated Biernacki as a patriotic Pole, a squadron of Russian Hulans,

consisting of 200 horse, to quarter for a whole week on his estate,

_in execution_, as it is termed. The Russian soldiers took possession

of all the buildings on the estate. In the apartments which they used

for barracks, they broke all the furniture, lustres, pianos, &c, and

carried in their straw for sleeping. In the court-yard they made a

fire, for which they used the pieces of furniture for fuel. They took

the wheat from the barns to feed their horses, and butchered the

cattle. In short, the most shameful depredations and excesses were

committed by officers and soldiers, regardless of the situation of

the lady of this nobleman, who was confined in childbed, and who for

a whole year was in danger of her life from the consequences of her

terror. This barbarous order of the Grand Duke ruined the fortune of

that unhappy man, and the amount of his property destroyed may be

estimated at least at from 70,000 to 80,000 gilders. Biernacki was

imprisoned for a whole year, after which he was dismissed to weep over

the sufferings of his wife, and his ruined fortune. The poor offender

was punished with 800 blows of the knout, of which he died in a few

days.

The second story perhaps surpasses the former in cruelty, and would

suit the times of Nero. General Rozniecki, and the vice president

of the City of Warsaw, Lubowiecki, had their agents, who travelled

through the country in order to superintend the services of the secret

police. Among them was a Jew, named Birnbaum, whose crimes surpass

conception. He travelled through the whole country, and every where

found pretexts for accusations against the noblemen, who had to pay

him fines to secure themselves from prison. He took up vast sums,

that were never accounted for to his superiors. They were divided

with Rozniecki, Lubowiecki, Macrot, and Schlee, with some Russian

generals, and the servants of the Grand Duke, Kochanowski and Trize,

all of whom, like this Jew, made immense fortunes, some of them to

the amount of hundreds of thousands. When, in order to encourage the

manufactures of the country, the importation of all broadcloths, cotton

and linen goods were forbidden, Birnbaum, in secret understanding with

his superiors, found out the way of drawing to himself the greatest

advantages from this decree. He persuaded two other Jews, by the

promise of a part of the gain, and of his protection, to smuggle these

articles and to sell them among the gentry of the country. A place

on the frontiers was selected for a depot of these contraband wares,

which the country noblemen purchased in ignorance of their unlawful

importation, and induced by their low prices. On a sudden, Birnbaum

visited these districts, examined the warehouses of the noblemen, found

the contraband goods, and forced them to the alternative of either

paying him a large sum of money or going to prison. Many, for the sake

of peace, paid the fines imposed; others, who refused, were imprisoned.

By such means, this Jew, as was found afterwards by the records and

documents of the police, brought to prison more than a hundred persons,

who were treated in the most barbarous manner. They had no food given

them but herrings without water, and many of these unfortunate persons

died in consequence. At last Birnbaum fell out with his accomplices, on

occasion of the division of profits. He had them, likewise, thrown into

prison to perish there. Their families, however, accused him at their

Kahal,[6] or Council of the Jews, and by means of money contrived to

have him arrested. He was poisoned in his prison, as many persons of

consequence were found to be implicated in his impositions.]

[Footnote 6: Kahal is a Jewish court of administration, composed of the

elders, who are responsible to the government for their nation, and are

of great authority.]

[Footnote 7: One man of the name of Czarnecki, a commissioner of the

quartering bureau, in a short time made by these means two millions of

gilders; and this robber of the poor carried his luxury so far as to

make use of bathing tubs lined with silver.]

History of the Late Polish Revolution and the Events of the Campaign · 第 1 / 26 章