Philippus Dei gratia Francorum rex seneschallo Tholosano vel ejus

locumtenenti salutem. Ex parte dilecti et fidelis noster episcopi

Albiensis nobis fuit expositum quod super incursibus et faidimentis

condemnatorum de heresi, inter Sanctum Ludovicum avum nostrum et

dictum episcopum quedam ordinatio facta fuit, quod nos medietatem

bonorum immobilium ipsorum condemnatorum ad manum nostram

devenientium tenemur extra manum nostram ponere infra annum, et si

infra primum et secundum annum dicta bona non fuerint vendita, idem

episcopus in tertio anno dictorum bonorum fructus facit suos, et si

bona hujusmodi condemnatorum in tertio anno vendita non fuerint, in

quarto anno tam in possessione quam in proprietate dictus episcopus

bonorum ipsorum efficitur dominus in solidum, et habet idem

episcopus electionem dicta bona retinendi pro pretio pro quo alii

venderentur, prout in litteris inde confectis et sigillo regio in

cera viridi sigillatis dicitur plenius contineri, et quod gentes et

nonnulli officiarii vestri seneschallie vestre et quidam alii

dictam ordinationem que retroactis temporibus servata fuit,

infringunt et infringere ac contra eam venire nituntur indebite et

de novo; quare mandamus vobis quatinus si, vocatis procuratore

nostro et aliis evocandis, vobis constiterit ita esse, dictam

ordinationem juxta dictarum litterarum continentiam faciatis

ratione previa firmiter observari, ea que contra ipsius

ordinationis tenorem in dicti episcopi prejudicium indebite et de

novo facta fuisse inveneritis ad statum debitam taliter reducentes

quod super hoc ad nos non reperitur querela. Actum apud Novum

Mercatum, die decima septima Augusti, anno Domini MCCCVI.

(Doat, XXXV. fol. 94.)

Philippus Dei gratia Francorum rex, Tholose et Carcassone

Seneschallis aut eorum locumtenentibus salutem. Exposuerunt nobis

nostri super incursibus heresis senescalli Carcassone et episcopi

Albiensis procuratores quod, cum incursus heresis civitatis Albie

et districtus ejusdem ad nos et ad dictum episcopum equis partibus

pertineant, nonnullique dicte civitatis pro heresis crimine fuerint

condempnati, et per hujusmodi condempnationem bona ipsorum nobis et

dicto episcopo confiscata; nihilominus tamen nostri et episcopi

procuratores predicti debita que per nonnullas personas diversorum

locorum dictis condempnatis debebantur, quorum obligationes in

dicta civitate celebrate fuerunt et ibidem exsolvi promisse,

voluerunt exigere et nostris et episcopi, ut decet, rationibus

applicare, quidam barones, nobiles et prelati quibus dicti

debitores sunt subditi, nitentes dicta debita per dictos suos

subditos contracta, sibi applicare, dicentes quod ad eos pertinet

confiscatio ipsorum debitorum, dictos procuratores in exactione

debitorum hujusmodi impedire nituntur indebite, cum in dicta

civitate contracta et solvi promissa, ut predicitur, fuerint, sicut

dicunt: quare mandamus vobis et vestrum cuilibet, ut pertinebit ad

eum, quatinus, si vocatis evocandis, summarie et de plano

constiterit de premissis, dictos barones nobiles et prelatos ab

impedimento predicto opportunis remediis desistere compellentes,

predicta talia debita per dictos procuratores pro nobis et dicto

episcopo levari et exigi, et debitores ad ea solvendum compelli

permittatis et faciatis, ac ipsa exacta nobis et dicti episcopi

rationibus applicari; et cum vos propter debatum hujusmodi de

predictis debitis plura per manum nostram ut superiorem, levari et

exigi fecisse dicamini, de quibus ipse episcopus partem ipsum

contingentem non habuit, ut dicit; si premissa vera sint, de hac

parte episcopum ipsum contingente, eidem expeditionem fieri

faciatis. Datum Parisius, decima sexta die Martii, anno Domini

MCCCXXIX.

XIX.

GIFT TO INQUISITOR FROM THE CONFISCATIONS.

(Doat, XXXI. fol. 171.)

Alfonsus filius regis Franciæ, Pictavensis et Tholosanus comes,

universis presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Notum

facimus quod nos libere et pie concedimus et donamus Egidio

clerico, inquisitori de heresi in partibus Tholose de cujus

servitio nos laudamus, intuitu pietatis, centum solidos Tholosanos

annui redditus, in terra Raimundi de Vaure, militis, diocesis

tholosane, sita in territorio Sancti Felicis et in feodo, que terra

devenit ad nos incursa pro crimine heretice pravitatis, tenenda ab

eodem et etiam possidenda quamdiu vixerit pacifice et quiete ita

tamen quod post ejus decessum ad nos seu successores nostros libere

revertatur, et si inveniretur quod plus valeret tempore date

presentium litterarum, illud non intelligimus concessisse nec

donasse, ita tamen quod illam terram vel redditum alienare non

possit sine nostra licentia speciali. In cujus rei testimonium

presentibus litteris sigillum nostrum duximus apponendum, salvo

jure quolibet alieno. Actum apud hospitale juxta Corbolium, anno

Domini MCCLI., mense Julii.

XX.

CHARLES OF ANJOU'S INSISTENCE AS TO CONFISCATED PROPERTY.

(Archivio di Napoli, Anno 1272, Reg. 15, Lettera C, fol. 77.)

Scriptum est seneschallo Provincie etc. Olim vicario et subvicario

quandam Massilie dedisse dicimur in mandatis ut cum maria Roberta

de Massilia mulier accusata de crimine heresis antequam ad carcerem

occasione predicte criminis finaliter condempnaretur quamdam domum

suam predicti criminis occasione ad nostram curiam legitime

devolvendam vendiderit fraudulenter, ipsi vel eorum alter

inquirerent de premissis diligentius veritatem, et si rem

invenirent ita esse dictam domum ad opus nostre curie revocantes

facerent ipsam publice subastari, rescripturi nobis quantum de ea

poterat inveniri: ipsi vero mandatum nostrum in hac parte ducentes

penitus in contemptum id facere non curarunt. Unde nos presenti

vicario et subvicario Massilie sub obtentu gratie nostre districte

precipimus ut ipsi vel alter eorum super premissis inquisita

diligenter veritate si eamdem domum invenerint ad nostram curiam

occasione hujusmodi pertinere ipsam ad opus ipsius curie nostre

revocantes ipsam subastari faciant rescripturi nobis quantum de ea

poterit inveniri. Quia tamen ipsum negotium plurimum nobis cordi

existit, volumus et fidelitati tue precipiendo mandamus quatenus in

premissis committi non patiatis negligentiam vel defectum, et si

forsan procurator curie nostre in provincia occupatus aliis hiis

interesse nequiverit alium qui degat Massilie statuas ut executioni

predictorum omnium intersit prout de jure fuerit et utilitati

nostre curie videatur expedire. Datum Capue XIIII. Januarii prime

indictionis.

* * * * *

(On the next following folio is a similar letter addressed to the

viguier and sous-viguier.)

END OF VOL. I.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. lib. IV. cap. iii.--Honor. Augustod.

Summ. Glor. de Apost. cap. v., viii.--Innocent PP. III. Regest. de

Negot. Rom. Imp. xviii.; Ejusd. Serm. de Sanctis vii.; Serm. de Diversis

iii.--Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. Ed. Venet. 1607, p. 353.

[2] Gratiani P. I. Dist. LXII.--Concil Lateran. IV. c.

xxiii.-xxv.--Isambert, Anciennes Loix Françaises, I. 145.--P. Damiani

Lib. I. Epist. ii.

[3] Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 261.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap.

cv.--Alex. PP. III. Epist. 395.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. VI.

c. 5.--Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1050 c. 2.--Rodolphi Glabri Hist. Lib. v.

c. 5.--Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 2.--Joann.

Saresberiens. Polycrat. Lib. VII. c. 19.--Hist. Monast. Andaginens. c.

81.--Ruperti Tuitens. Chron. S. Laurent. c. 28, 45.--Hist. Monast. S.

Laurent. Leodiens. Lib. v. c. 62, 121-3.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann.

1305.

A story very similar to that of Philip Augustus is told of the

Chancellor of Roger of Sicily and three competitors for the see of

Avellana--Joann. Saresberiens. ubi sup.

[4] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. xxxvi.--Chron. Turon. ann.

1097.--Ivon. Carnotens. Lib. I. Epp. lxvi., lxvii.

[5] Chron. Senonens. Lib. v. cap. xiii.-xv.--Chron. S. Trudon. Lib.

v.--Fulbert. Carnotens. Epist. 112.--Metzleri de Viris Illust. S.

Gallens. Lib. ii. cap. 28, 30, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 45, 49, 53, 54,

56, 57, 60.--Martene Collect. Ampliss. I. 1188-9.--Vaissette, Hist. Gén.

de Languedoc. T. IV. p. 7 (Ed. 1742).--Gerhohi Reichersperg. Exposit. in

Psalm lxiv. cap. 34.--Ejusd. Lib. de Ædificio Dei cap. 5.--Cæsar.

Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. II. cap. 9.--Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl.

ann. 1196.--Rog. Hovedens. ann. 1197.--Benedicti Gesta Henrici II. ann

1188.--Baggiolini, Dolcino e i Patarini, p. 53 (Novara, 1838).--Martene

Thesaur. II. 90-93, 99, 100, 150, 151, 192.

A clerical rhymer of the thirteenth century describes the prelates of

the day--

"Episcopi cornuti

conticuere muti;

ad prædam sunt parati

et indecenter coronati,

pro virga ferunt lanceam

pro infula galeam.

"sicut fortes incedunt

et a Deo discedunt.

ut leones feroces

et ut aquilæ veloces,

ut apri frendentes

exacuere dentes."

Carmina Burana, p. 15 (Breslau. 1883).

[6] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. liv.--Pet. Blesens. Epist.

ccxl.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. II. c. 27, 28; Dist. VI. c.

20.--Varior. ad Alex. PP. III. Epist. xxi. (Migne, Patrolog. CC.

1379).--Pet. Blesens. Tract. quales sunt P. II. IV.

[7] Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 277; XIV. 125; XVI. 63, 158.--II. 34;

VII. 84.--III. 24; VII. 75, 76; VIII. 106; IX. 66; X. 68; XIII. 88; XV.

93. See also II. 236; VI. 216; X. 182, 194; XI. 142; XII. 24, 25; XV.

186, 235; XVI. 12.--Gollut, République Séquanoise (Ed. Duvernoy, Arbois,

1846, pp. 80, 1724).--La Porte du Theil (Académie des Inscriptions,

Notices des MSS. III. 617 sqq.).--Opusc. Tripartiti P. III. cap. iv.

(Fasciculi Rer. Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, II. 225, Ed. 1690).

In May, 1212, Legate Arnauld is addressed as Archbishop-elect of

Narbonne (Innocent. PP. III. Regest. XV. 93, 101), but in the necrology

of the Abbey of Saint-Just of Narbonne, Berenger, at his death, Aug. 11,

1213, is qualified as archbishop (Chron. de S. Just, Vaissette, Ed.

Privat, VIII. 218).

[8] P. Cantor. Verb, abbrev. cap. 71.--S. Bernardi Tract, de Mor. et

Offic. Episc. c. vii. No. 25.--Gesta Treviror. Archiep. cap. 92.--Prutz,

Malteser Urkunden und Registen, München, 1883, p. 38.--Guillel. Nangiac.

Contin. ann. 1305.--Hist. Prior. Grandimont. (Martene Ampliss. Coll. VI.

122, 135-137).--Matt. Paris Hist. Angl. ann. 1245, 1248, 1250, 1252,

1255, 1256.--Hincmari Epist. xxxii. 20.--Hildeberti Cenoman. Epist. Lib.

ii. No. 41, 47.--S. Bernard. de Consideratione Lib. i. cap.

4.--Innocent. PP. III. Gesta xli.--Ejusd. Regest. I. 330; II. 265; v.

33, 34; X. 188.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. _Desiderantes plurimum_ (Potthast

Regesta, I. 673).--Chron. Augustan, ann. 1260.--Stephani Tornacens.

Epist. 43.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. II. cap. VII.

[9] Can. 43, Extra Lib. I. tit. iii.--Petri Exoniens. Summula Exigendi

Confessionis (Harduin. VII. 1126).--Concil. Herbipolens. ann. 1187 c.

37.--Concil. apud Campinacum ann. 1238 c. 1, 2, 7.--Concil. apud Castrum

Gonterii ann. 1253 can. unic.--C. Nugariolens. ann. 1290 c. 3.--C.

Avenionens. ann. 1326 c. 49; ann. 1337 c. 59.--C. Bituricens. ann. 1336

c. 5.--C. Vaurens. ann. 1368 c. 10, 11.--Lucii. PP. III. Epist.

252.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. Lib. I. Epist. 235, 349, 405, 456, 536,

540; II. 29; III. 37; VI. 120, 233, 234; VII. 26; X. 15, 79, 93; XI.

144, 161, 275; XV. 218, 223; Supplem. 234.--Berger, Registre d'Innocent.

IV. pp. lxxvi-lxxvii., No. 2591, 3214, 3812, 4086.--Theiner Vet.

Monument. Hibern. et Scotor. No. 196, p. 75.--De Reiffenberg, Chron. de

Ph. Mouskes, I. ccxxv.

When the comprehensive annual curse, known as the Bull in Cæna Domini,

came in fashion, falsifiers of papal letters were included in its

anathemas, until the abrogation of the custom in 1773.

[10] Fascic. Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum II. 7, 254-255 (Ed.

1690).

[11] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 24.--Cf. Petri. Blesensis Epist. 23;

Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. Lib. VII. cap. 21, Lib. VIII. cap. 17.

[12] Concil. Juliobonens. ann. 1080 c. 3, 5.--Concil. Bremens. ann.

1266.--Eadmer. Hist. Novor. Lib. IV.--Concil. Melfitan. ann. 1284 c.

5.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 24, 79.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. X.

85; XII. 37.--Pet. Blesensis Epist. 209.

[13] Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231 c. 48.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap.

23.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 376.--Chron. Andres. Monast.--Narrat.

Restaur. Abbat. S. Mart. Tornacens. cap. 113, 114.--Joann. Saresberiens.

Polycrat. Lib. v. cap. 15. Cf. Lib. VI. cap. 24.

[14] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 86.

[15] Concil. Lemovicens. ann. 1031.--Concil. Avenionens. ann. 1209 c.

1.--Concil. Lateranens. ann. 1215 c. 10.--Millot, Hist. Litt. des

Troubadours, II. 61.

[16] S. Bernard. Epistt. 271, 274, 276.--Can. 2, 3, Extra Lib. i. Tit.

xiii.--Thomassin, Discip. de l'Église. P. IV. Lib. ii. cap.

38.--Gaufridi Vosiensis Chron. ann. 1181.--Concil. Turon. ann. 1231. c.

16.--Concil. Lugdun. ann. 1274 c. 12.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 55,

60, 61.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. XI. 142.--Even a pontiff such us

Innocent III. was not above intruding his dependants upon the churches

everywhere. His registers are full of such missives.

[17] Concil. Lateran. III. ann. 1179 c. 13, 14; IV. ann. 1215 c.

29.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 82, 191, 471.--P. Cantor. Verb.

abbrev. cap. 31, 32, 34. 80.--Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep.

Bituricens. ann. 1219.--Urbani. PP. V. Constit. 1367 (Harduin. Concil.

VII. 1767).--Isambert. Anc. Loix Franç. I. 252.--Matt. Paris. Hist.

Angl. ann. 1246 (Ed. 1644 p. 483)--Wadding. Annal. Minor, ann. 1238, No.

8.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judicior. de Nov. Error. I. I. 143.

The correspondence of the papal chancery under Innocent IV., as

preserved in the official register, for the first three months of 1245,

embraces three hundred and thirty-two letters, and of these about one

fifth are dispensations to sixty-five persons to hold pluralities

(Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. t. I.). A considerable proportion of the

remainder are licenses for violations of canon law, showing how

exhaustless were the vices of the clergy as a source of profit to the

curia. For the rapacity with which the benefices of the dying were

sought and disputed, see ibid. No. 1611.

[18] Clement. PP. IV. Epist. 456. (Martene Thesaur. II. 461).--Alcuini

Epist. i. ad Arnon. Salisburg. (Pez Thesaur. II. i. 4).--Decreti P. II.

Caus. XIII. Gratiani Comment, in Q. I. cap. i; Caus. XVI. Q. i. cap. 42,

43, 45-47, 56, 57; Caus. XVI. Q. vii. cap. 1-8.--Extra Lib. III. tit.

xxx.--Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1189 c. 23.--Concil. Wigorn. ann. 1240 c.

44, 45.--Concil Mertonens. ann. 1300.--Concil. apud Pennam Fidelem ann.

1302 c. 7.--Concil. Maghfeldens. ann. 1332.--Concil. Londin. ann. 1342

c. 4, 5.--Concil. Nimociens. ann. 1298 c. 16.--Concil. Nicosiens. ann.

1340 c. 1.--Concil. Marciac. ann. 1326 c. 30.--Concil. Vaurens. ann.

1368 c. 68-70.--Gerhohi Reichersperg. Lib. de Ædificio Dei c. 46.

[19] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. iii. cap. 40, 41.--Hist.

Monast. S. Laurent. Leodiens. Lib. v. cap. 39.--Innocent. PP. III.

Regest. I. 220; II. 104.--Pet. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 27-29,

38-40.--Grandjean, Registre de Benoit XI. No. 975.--Concil. Lateran. IV.

ann. 1215, c. 63-66.--Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231, c. 14.--Teulet,

Layettes II. 306, No. 2428.--Const. Provin. S. Edmund. Cantuar. ann.

1236, c. 8.--Synod. Wigorn. ann. 1240, c. 16, 26, 29.--Concil. Turon.

ann. 1239, c. 4, 17.

[20] Synod. Andegav. ann. 1294, c. 3.--Capit. Car. Mag. II. ann. 811,

cap. 5.--Concil. Cabillon. II. ann. 813, c. 6.--Concil. Turonens. III.

ann. 813, c. 51.--Concil. Remens. ann. 813.--Concil. Mogunt. ann. 813,

c. 6.--Can. 10, Extra Lib. III. tit. xxvi.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1227,

c. 5.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1228, c. 5; ann. 1229, c. 16.--Concil.

Rotomag. ann. 1231. c. 23.--Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1234, c. 21; ann.

1275, c. 8.--Constit. Provin. S. Edmund. Cantuar. ann. 1236, c.

33.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254, c. 11.--Concil. Andegav. ann. 1206;

1300.--Respons. Episc. Carcassonn. ann. 1275 (Martene Thesaur. I.

1151).--Concil. Nemausiens. ann. 1284, c. 8.--Concil. Reatinens. ann.

1303, c. 8.--Concil. Cameracens. ann. 1317.

[21] Decreti. II. Caus. xiii. Q. 2.--Can. 1-10, Sexto Lib. III. Tit.

xxviii.--Anon Zwetlens. Hist. Rom. Pontif. No. 155 (Pez Thesaur. I. iii.

383).--Narrat. Restaur. Abbat. S. Martini Tornacens. cap. 86-89.--Synod.

Wigorn. ann. 1240, c. 50.--Ripoll Bullar. Ord. Prædic. VII.

5.--Grandjean, Registre de Benoit XI. No. 974.--Innocent. PP. III.

Regest. VII. 165.--G.B. de Lagrèze, La Navarre, t. II. p. 165.--Concil.

Avenion. ann. 1326, c. 27; ann. 1237, c. 32.--Teulet, Layettes II. 306,

No. 2428.--Concil. Nimociens. ann. 1296, c. 17.--Constit. Joann. Arch.

Nicosiens. ann. 1321, c. 10.--Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368, c. 63, 64.

[22] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 27.--P. Cantor.

Verb. abbrev. cap. 138.--Löwenfeld Epistt. Pont. Rom. ined. No. 92, 114

(Lipsiæ, 1885).--See the Author's "Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal

Celibacy," 2d edition, 1884.

[23] Stephani Tornacens. Epist. XII.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. VI.

183; VIII. 192-193; X. 209-210, 215; XV. 202. For the subsequent career

of Waldemar of Sleswick, see Regest. XI. 10, 173; XII. 63; XIII. 158;

XV. 3; Supplement. 187, 224, 228, 243. Cf. Arnold. Lubecens. VI. 18;

VII. 12, 13; and Vaissette, Hist. Gén. de Languedoc, IV. 80 (ed. 1742).

For details of clerical immunity, see the author's "Studies in Church

History," 2d edition, 1883.

[24] Concil. ap. Campinacum ann. 1238, c. 1, 6.

[25] Varior. ad Alex. PP. III. Epist. XCV. (Migne, Patrolog. CC. 1457).

Cf. Pet. Blesens. Epist. XC.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 386, 476,

483, 499; V. 159; VIII. 12; IX. 209; XIII. 132; XV. 105.--Pet. Cantor.

Verb. abbrev. cap. 44.--Gerhohi Lib. de Ædificio Dei cap. 33; Ejusd.

Exposit. in Psalm. lxiv. cap. 35.--Chron. S. Trudon. Libb. III., IV.,

V.--Hist. Vezeliacens. Libb. II.-IV.--Chron. Senoniens. Libb. IV.,

V.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. IV. cap. 65-67. For ample

details as to the immorality of the monasteries, see the author's

"History of Celibacy."

[26] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. I. cap. 3, 24, 31.--Hist

Monast. Andaginens. cap. 34.

[27] Gregor. PP. I. Dialog. IV. 55.--D'Achery Spicileg. III.

382.--Chron. S. Trudon. Lib. VI.

[28] Augustin. de Op. Monachor. ii. 3.--Cassiani. de Cœnob. Instit. ii.

3.--Hieron. Epistt. XXXIX.; CXXV. 16.--Regul. S. Benedicti. cap. 1.--S.

Isidor. Hispal. de Eccles. Offic. II. xvi. 3, 7.--Ludov. Pii de Reform.

Eccles. cap. 100.--Smaragd. Comment. in Regul. Benedict. c. 1.--Ripoll

Bull. Ord. FF. Prædic. I. 38.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. VI.

cap. 20.--Catalog. Varior. Hæreticor. (Bib. Max. Patrum. Ed. 1618, t.

XIII. p. 309).

[29] Brevis Hist. Prior. Grandimont.--Stephani Tornacens. Epistt. 115,

152, 153, 156, 162.

Prior Peter's fear that the convent would be converted into a

market-place and a fair is illustrated by the complaint of the Council

of Béziers in 1233, that many religious houses were in the habit of

retailing their wine within the sacred enclosure, and attracting

consumers by having jugglers, actors, gamblers, and strumpets

there.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1233, c. 23.

[30] Giberti Gemblac. Epistt. v. vi.

[31] Petri Exoniens. Summ. Exigendi Confess. ann. 1287 (Harduin. VII.

1128).--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 45.--Martene

Ampliss. Coll. I. 357.

[32] P. Damiani Opusc. V.--Concil. Trident. Sess. vi. Decret. de

Justific. c. 16, 30.--Migne, Encyclopédic Theologique. t. XXVII. pp.

59-63, 118.--Abælardi Ethica, cap. 25.--Cap. 14 Extra Lib. v. tit.

iii.--Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 72.--Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib.

II. cap. xi.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. 29 Apr. 1228; 18 Jul. 1237 (Potthast

Regesta, I. 705, 884).--Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dict. s. v.

_Portiuncula_.--Lib. Conformitatum S. Fran. Lib. II. tract. ii. (fol.

135-138. Ed. 1513).--Bonifacii PP. VIII. Bull. _Antiquorum

habet_.--Concil. Claromont. ann. 1195, c. 2.--Urbani PP. II. Synodalis

Concio.--Concil. Lateran. IV. can. ult.--Le Grand d'Aussy, Fabliaux, I.

379, 392.--Prediche del B. Frà Giordano da Rivalto (Firenze, 1831, I.

253).--Nicolai PP. IV. Bull. _Illuminit_, ann. 1291.--Gregor. PP. XI.

Bull. _Dudum_, 23 Apr. 1372.

The mediæval doctrine of indulgence is truly expressed by Alonso, Bishop

of Avila, in 1443, when disculpating himself to Eugenius IV. from an

accusation of doubting the papal power: "Papa etiam potest absolvere ab

omnibus peccatis et potest dare plenariam indulgentiam, liberando homine

a tota pœna Purgatorii, scilicet faciendo quod non veniet in illum

etiamsi multa pœna (peccata) commiserit" (D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de

novis Error. I. ii. 241). Yet when an enthusiastic Franciscan taught at

Tournay, in 1482, that the pope at will could empty purgatory, the

University of Paris qualified the proposition as doubtful and scandalous

(Ibid. I. ii. 305). The same year the University again interfered, when

the church of Saintes, having procured a bull of indulgence from Sixtus

IV., announced publicly that, no matter how long a period of punishment

had been assigned by divine justice to a soul, it would fly from

purgatory to heaven as soon as three sols were paid in its behalf to be

expended in repairing the church (Ibid. 307). In 1518 the university was

obliged to repeat its condemnation of the same promises made to those

who would contribute a _teston_ for the crusade which was always under

way and never attempted (Ib. 355). Yet the doctrine thus condemned by

the university was pronounced to be unquestionable Catholic truth by the

Dominican Silvestro Mozzolino, in his refutation of Luther's Theses,

dedicated to Leo X. (F. Silvest. Prieriatis Dialogus, No. 27). As

Silvestro was made general of his order and master of the sacred palace,

it is evident that no exceptions to his teaching were taken at Rome.

Those who doubt that the abuses of the system were the proximate cause

of the Reformation can consult Van Espen, Jur. Eccles. Universi P. II.

tit. vii. cap. 3 No. 9-12. Cf. Ibid. P. II. tit. xxxvii. cap. 6 No.

43-46, for their continuance into the eighteenth century.

The modern commercial spirit has not failed to take advantage of the

indulgence. The Libreria Religiosa of Barcelona is enabled to advertise

that various Spanish prelates have granted an indulgence of 2320 days

(fifty-eight quarantaines) to every one who will read or hear read a

chapter or even a single page of any of its publications.

[33] Concil. Turon. ann. 1236, c. 1.--Établissements de S. Louis, Liv.

i. cap. 84.--Berger, Les Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 2230.

[34] Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1251 (p. 553, Ed. 1644).--Chron.

Turon. ann. 1226.--Joannis PP. XXII. Regest. IV. 73, 74, 76, 77, 95, 97,

99.--Baluz. et Mansi Miscell. III. 242.--Concil. Ravennat. ann. 1314, c.

20.

[35] Concil. Avenion. ann. 1326, c. 3.--Concil. Marciacens. ann. 1326,

c. 45.--Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368, c. 127.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1374,

c. 27.

The magic character attributed to these formulas of devotion is well

illustrated by the story of Thierry d'Avesnes, who, during a raid into

the territories of Baldwin of Mons, burned the convents of St. Waltruda

of Mons, and St. Aldegonda of Maubeuge. Thereupon a holy hermit had a

vision in which he saw the two angry saints demanding from the Virgin

satisfaction for their injuries. This the Virgin refused, because Ada,

the wife of Thierry, rendered to her the most grateful service by

repeating the Ave Maria sixty times a day--twenty standing, twenty on

her knees, and twenty prostrate. The saints still insisted on their

wrongs, and the Virgin at length promised them revenge, when it could be

inflicted without injury to Ada. Some years afterwards Thierry

incautiously procured a divorce from her on the plea of consanguinity,

because she remained barren after twenty years of marriage, and in a

short time, while hunting, he was ambushed and slain by an enemy. His

nephew and successor, Joscelin, took warning by this, and was very

particular in constantly repeating the Ave Maria, and forcing his

troopers to do likewise, so that, although he wrought much evil, yet he

made a good ending.--Narrat. Restaur. S. Martini Tornacens. cap. 57.

Somewhat similar is the story of the knight, who, though cruel and

revengeful, had such veneration for the cross that he never passed one

without descending from his horse and adoring it. Once, when riding

alone through a dense forest, he was assailed by the kinsmen of a noble

whom he had slain, and was forced to seek safety in flight. Coming to a

cross-road, where stood a cross, he dismounted and knelt before it, when

his enemies, coming up, were struck with sudden blindness, and groped

vainly around, while he rode quietly away.--Lucæ Tudensis de Altera Vita

Lib. III. cap. 6.

[36] Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 62.--P. de Pilichdorf contr. Waldenses cap.

xxx.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, c. 5.--Concil. Cenomanens. ann.

1248.--Concil. Burdegalens. ann. 1255, c. 2.--Concil. Vienn. ann. 1311

(Clementin. Lib. v. tit. ix. c. 2).--Concil. Remens. ann. 1303.--Concil.

Carnotens. ann. 1325, c. 18.--Martene Thesaur. IV. 858.--Martene

Ampliss. Collect. VII. 197, etc.--Concil. Moguntin. ann. 1261, c.

48.--La Secchia Rapita, xii. 1. For the repression of these abuses after

the Reformation see cap. 1, 2 in Septimo iii. 15.

[37] Gesta. Consulum. Andegavens. iii. 23.--Roger. Hoveden. ann.

1177.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. IX. 243.--Cæesar. Heisterbac. Dial.

Mirac. Dist. VIII. cap. 53.--Muratori. Antiq. Med. Ævi Dissert.

lviii.--Anon. Passaviens. adv. Waldens. cap. 5 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII.

301).

[38] Hartzheim. Concil. German. III. 543.--Campana, Storia di San Piero

Martire Lib. II. cap. 3.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. IX. cap.

6, 8, 24, 25.

[39] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. X. cap. 56.--Wibaldi Abbat.

Corbeiens. Epist. 157.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 29.

[40] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 2, 3, 6; Dist. v.

cap. 3.

[41] S. Bernardi Serm. de Conversione cap. 19, 20.--Ejusd. Serm. 77 in

Cantica cap. 1.--Cf. Ejusd. Serm. 33 in Cantica cap. 16; Tract. de

Moribus et Offic. Episc. cap. vii. No. 25, 27, 28.--De Consideratione

Lib. III. cap. 4, 5.--Pothon. Prumiens. de Statu Domus Dei Lib. I.

[42] Cod. Diplom. Viennens. No. 163.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 57,

59--Guiberti Abbat. Gemblacens. Epist. 1.--S. Hildegardæ Revelat. Vis.

X. cap. 16.

[43] Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep. Bituricens. (Martene Collect.

Amplis. I. 1149-1151; Thesaur. Anecdot. I. 875-877).--Fascic. Rer.

Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, II. 251 (Ed. 1690).--W. Preger, Beiträge

zur Geschichte der Waldesier, München, 1875, pp. 64-67.

[44] Guill. Pod. Laurent. Chron. Proœm.--Narrat. Restaur. Abbat S.

Martini Tornacens. cap. 38.--Panniers Walthers von der Vogelweide

sämmtliche Gedichte, No. 110, p. 118. Cf. No. 85, 111-113.

[45] From "La Gesta de Fra Peyre Cardinal," Raynouard, Lexique Roman, I.

464. See also pp. 446, 451. Cardinal was of noble birth and high

consideration at the courts of Aragon and Toulouse; he was born in 1206,

and is said to have lived until 1306. He was no heretic, although "los

fals clerques reprendia molt."--(Miquel de la Tor, Vie de Peire

Cardinal, ap. Meyer, Anciens Textes p. 100.)--See also his Sirvente, "Un

sirventes vuelh for dels autz glotos" (Raynouard, Lexique Roman, I.

447).

[46] Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles I. 405 (Madrid, 1880).--Petri

Venerab. Opp. pp. 650 sqq. (Ed. Migne).--F. Francisci Pipini Chron. cap.

16.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.--Concil. Paris. ann.

1210.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. _Cum salutem_, 29 Apr. 1231.--S. Bernardi

de Consideratione Lib. i. cap. 4.

For the adoration paid to Aristotle by the schoolmen of the twelfth

century see John of Salisbury's Metalogicus Lib. ii. c. 16.

[47] Reinerii contra Waldenses cap. 3.--Tractatus de Modo procedendi

contra Hæreticos (MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat XXX. 185 sqq.).--Lucæ

Tudensis de Altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 7-10.--P. de Pilichdorf contra

Waldenses cap. 16.--Passaviens. Anon. (Preger, Beiträge, pp.

64-67).--Raynouard, Lexique Roman, V. 471.

[48] Concil. Roman. ann. 1059, can. 3.--Lambert. Hersfeld. ann.

1074.--Gregor. PP. VII. Epist. Extrav. 4; Regist. Lib. IV. Ep.

20.--Concil. Remens. ann. 1131, c. 5.--Concil. Lateran. II. ann. 1139,

c. 7.--c. 5, 6, Decret. I. xxxii.; c. 15; I. lxxxi.--Gerhohi Dial. de

Different. Cleri. Cf. Ejusd. Lib. contr. duas Hæreses c. 3, 6; Dialogus

de Clericis Sæcul. et Regular.--Anon. Libell. adv. Errores Alberonis

(Martene Ampliss. Collect. IX. 1251-1270).--Can. 10 Extra Lib. III. tit.

ii.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Erroribus, I. ii.

154.--Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 62 _b_ (Ed. 1494). The importance of the

question in the twelfth century is shown by the number of canons devoted

to it by Gratian.

[49] Hartzheim Concil. German. III. 763-766.--Meyeri Annal. Flandriæ

Lib. IV. ann. 1113-1115.--Sigeberti Gemblacens. Contin. Valcellens. ann.

1115.--P. Abælardi Introd. ad Theolog. Lib. II. cap. 4.--Trithem. Chron.

Hirsaug. ann. 1127.--Vit. S. Norbert. Archiep. Magdeburg, cap. iii. No.

79, 80.

[50] Sigibert. Gemblac. Continuat. Gemblac. ann. 1146.--Ejusd.

Continuat. Præmonstrat. ann. 1148.--Roberti de Monte Chron. ann.

1148.--Guillel. de Newburg. Lib. I. cap. 19.--Otton. Frising. de Gest.

Frid. I. Lib. I. cap. 54, 55.--Hugon. Rothomag. contr. Hæret. Lib. III.

cap. 6.--Schmidt, Histoire des Cathares, I. 49.

[51] Saige, Les Juifs du Languedoc. P. I. ch. ii.; P. II. ch. ii.

(Paris, 1881). The same causes were at work in Spain, where the faithful

complained that they were not allowed to persecute the Jew (Lucæ Tudens.

de altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 3), and missionary work among the slaves

of Jews was rendered costly by forcing the bishop of the diocese to pay

to the master an extortionate price for every slave converted to

Christianity and thus set free, for Jews could not hold Christian

slaves. They were also relieved from the oppressive tax of the tithe

(Innocent. III. Regest. VIII. 50; IX. 150). Even until late in the

thirteenth century we find Jews freely holding real estate in Languedoc.

See MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat. T. XXXVII. fol. 20, 146, 148, 149, 151,

152.

For the independence of the communes, see Fauriel's edition of William

of Tudela, Introd. pp. lv. sq., and Mazure et Hatoulet, Fors de Béarn,

p. xliii.

[52] Jonæ. Aureliens. de Cultu Imaginum.--Petri Venerab. Tract. contra

Petrobrusianos.--P. Abælardi Introd. ad Theolog. Lib. II. cap.

4.--Alphonsi a Castro adv. Hæreses Lib. III. p. 163 (Ed.

1571).--Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Embrun, p. 848.

[53] S. Bernardi Epistt. 241, 242.--Gesta Pontif. Cenomanens. (D.

Bouquet T. XII. pp. 547-551, 554).--Hildebert. Cenoman. Epistt. 23,

24.--S. Bernardi Vit. Prim. Lib. III. cap. 6; Lib. VII. p. iii. ad

calcem; Lib. VII. cap. 17.--Guill. de Podio-Laurent. cap. 1.--Alberic.

Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1148.

[54] Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1151.--S. Bernardi Epist.

472.--Hereberti Monachi Epist. (D. Bouquet. XII. 550-551).

[55] S. Bernardi Epistt. 189, 195, 196, 243, 244.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis

Curialium Dist. I. cap. xxiv.--Otton. Frisingens. de Gestis Frid. I.

Lib. I. cap. 27; Lib. II. cap. 20.--Harduin. Concil. VI. ii.

1224.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. II. 554-558.--Guntheri Ligurin. Lib.

III. 262-348.--Gerhohi Reichersperg. de Investigat. Antichristi

I.--Baronii Annal. ann. 1148, No. 38.--Jaffé Regesta, No. 6445.--Vit.

Adriani PP. III. (Muratori III. 441, 442).--Sächsische Weltchronik, No.

301.--Cantù, Eretici d'Italia, I. 61-63.--Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo,

pp. 242, 243.--Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 193, 194.--Bonghi,

Arnaldo da Brescia, Città di Castello, 1885.

[56] Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Bonacursi Vit. Hæreticor. (D'Achery

T.I. 214, 215).--Constit. General. Frid. II. ann. 1220 § 5.--Ejusd.

Constit. Ravennat. ann. 1232.--Conrad. Urspergens. ann. 1210.--Pauli

Æmilii de Rebus. Gest. Fran. Lib. VI. p. 316 (Ed. 1569).--Nicolai PP.

III. Bull. _Noverit Universitas_, 5 Mart. 1280.--Julii PP. II. Bull

_Consueverunt_, 1 Mart. 1511.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. II.

228.--Joann. Andreæ Gloss. super cap. Excommunicamus (Eymerici Direct.

Inquisit. p. 182). The name of the Poor Men of Lyons was likewise

forgotten, for Andreas's only remark with respect to them is that

poverty is not a crime in itself.

The differences between the Italian and French Waldenses are set forth

in a very interesting letter from the former to the German brethren,

subsequently to a conference held at Bergamo in 1218. This was

discovered about twelve years ago by Wilhelm Preger in a MS. of the

Royal Library of Munich, and is printed in his Beiträge zur Geschichte

der Waldesier im Mittelalter, 1875.

[57] Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1173 (Bouquet XIII. 680).--Steph. de

Borbone s. Bellavilla Lib. de Sept. Donis Spiritus, P. IV. Tit. vii.

cap. 3 (D'Argentré Coll. Judicior. de Nov. Error. I. i. 85

sqq.)--Richard. Cluniacens. Vit. Alex. PP. III. (Muratori III.

447).--David Augustens. Tract. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V.

1778).--Monetæ adv. Cath. et Waldens. Lib. v. cap. 1 § 4.--Pet. Sarnens.

cap. 2.--Passaviens. Anon. ap. Gretser (Mag. Bib. Pat. Ed. 1618, T.

XIII. p. 300).--Petri de Pilichdorf contr. Hæres. Waldens. cap.

1.--Pegnæ Comment. 39 in Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. 280.

The pretension of the Waldenses to descend from the primitive Church

through the Leonistæ and Claudius of Turin is, I believe, now generally

abandoned. See Edouard Montet, Histoire Litt. des Vaudois, Paris, 1885,

pp. 32, 33; Prof. Emilio Comba, in the Rivista Christiana, Giugno, 1882,

pp. 200-206, and his Riforma in Italia, I. 233 sqq.--Bernard Gui, in his

Practica, P. v. (MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat. T. XXX. fol. 185 sqq.),

following Richard of Cluny and Stephen of Bourbon, places the rise of

Peter Waldo about 1170, and the Canon of Laon gives the date of 1173.

The time and place of Peter Waldo's death are unknown. His French

disciples affectionately revered his memory and that of his assistant

Vivet, to the extent of asserting, as a point of belief, that they were

in Paradise with God; the Lombard branch, however, would only prudently

admit that they might be saved if they had satisfied God before death;

both sides were obstinate, and at the Conference of Bergamo, in 1218,

this promised to make a schism (Rescript. Paup. Lombard. 15.--W. Preger,

Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier, pp. 58, 59).

Waldensian literature long retained the impress given to it by Waldo of

stringing together extracts from the Fathers of the Church. The

slavishness with which these were followed is curiously exemplified in

an exposition of Canticles analyzed by M. Montet (op. cit. p. 66). The

verse "Take us the little foxes, the little foxes that spoil the vines"

(Cant. ii. 15) in mediæval exegesis was traditionally explained by the

ravages of heretics in the Church. In the papal bulls urging the

Inquisition to redoubled activity the heretics are habitually alluded to

as the foxes which ravage the vineyard of the Lord. If any originality

could be looked for in Waldensian exposition, we might expect it in this

passage, and yet Angelomus, Bruno, and Bernard are duly quoted by the

Waldensian teacher to show that the foxes are heretics and the vines are

the Church.

[58] Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1177, 1178 (Bouquet XIII.

682).--Stephani de Borbone 1. c.--Richard. Cluniac. 1. c.--David

Augustens. 1. c.--Monetæ 1. c.--Gault. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. 1.

cap. xxxi.--Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Conrad. Ursperg. ann.

1210--Bernardi Fontis Calidi adv. Waldenses Liber.

[59] Alani de Insulis contra Hæreticos Lib. II.--Disputat. inter Cathol.

et Paterin. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1754).--Rescript. Pauperum Lombard. 21,

22 (W. Preger, Beiträge, pp. 60, 61).--Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. ii.

q. 14. (pp. 278, 279).--Petri Sarnaii Hist. Albigens. cap. 2.--In 1321,

a man and wife brought before the Inquisition of Toulouse both refused

to swear, and they alleged as a reason, in addition to the sinful nature

of the oath, the man that it would subject him to falling sickness, the

woman that she would have an abortion (Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. Ed.

Limborch, p. 289).

In the persecution of the Waldenses of Piedmont towards the close of the

fourteenth century, one of the crucial questions of the inquisitors was

as to belief in the validity of the sacraments of sinful

priests.--Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865,

No. 39, p. 48).

[60] Rivista Cristiana, Marzo, 1887, p. 92.--Pegnæ Comment. 39 in

Eymerici Director. p. 281.--Steph. de Borbone 1. c.--Concil. Gerundens.

ann. 1197 (Aguirre, V. 102, 103).--Marca Hispanica, p. 1384.

[61] See the Sentences of Pierre Cella in Doat, XXII--Montet, Hist.

Litt. des Vaudois, pp. 116 sq.

[62] Tract. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1792).--Wadding.

Annal. Minor. Ann. 1332, No. 6.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat,

XXX.).--Montet Hist. Litt. pp. 38, 44, 45, 89, 142.--Haupt, Zeitschrift

für Kirchengeschichte, 1885 p. 551.--Pet. Cœlest. (Preger, Beiträge, pp.

68, 69).--Kaltner, Konrad von Marburg, pp. 69-71.--Rescript. Paup.

Lombard. §§ 4, 5, 17, 19, 22, 23.--Nobla Leyczon, 409-413; cf. Montet.

pp. 49, 50, 103, 104, 143.--Passaviens. Anon. cap. 5 (Mag. Bib. Pat.

XIII. 300).--Disput. inter Cath. et Paterin. (Martene Thesaur. V.

1754).--David Augustens. (ibid. p. 1778).--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita

Lib. I. cap. 4-7.--Tract. de modo procedendi contra Hæret. (Doat

XXX.).--Index Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 340).--P. de

Pilichdorf contra Waldens. cap. 34.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp.

200, 201.--Nobla Leyczon, 17-24, 387-405, 416-423.

Yet it was impossible to resist the contagion of superstition. The

Pomeranian Waldenses, in 1394, are described as believing that if a man

died within a year after confession and absolution, he went directly to

heaven. Even speaking with a minister preserved one from damnation for a

year. There is even a case of a legacy of eight marks for prayers for

the soul of the deceased.--Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss.

Akad. 1886, pp. 51, 52.

[63] Passaviens. Anon. cap. 5.--Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v.--David

Augustens. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1786).--Steph. de Borbone, l.

c.--Wattenbach, ubi sup.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 352.

[64] Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss. Akad. 1886, p. 51.--Lib.

Sentt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 367.--Anon. Passaviens. cap. 7, 8.--Refutat.

Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 336).--David Augustens. (Martene

Thesaur. V. 1771-1772).--Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 38, pp.

39, 40.--Rorengo, Memorie Istoriche, Torino 1649, p. 12.--Even as late

as the end of the fourteenth century, in the extensive inquisitions of

the Celestinian Peter, from Styria to Pomerania, there is no allusion to

immoral practices. (Preger, Beiträge, pp. 68-72; Wattenbach, ubi sup.).

For the ascetic tendency of the Waldenses, recognizing vows of chastity,

and the seduction of nuns as incest, see Montet, pp. 97, 98, 108-110.

For the merit of fasting, see p. 99.

[65] Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolosan. p. 367.--Anon. Passaviens. cap. 1,

3, 7, 8.--Refutat. Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 336).--David

Augustens. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1771, 1772, 1782, 1794).--P. de

Pilichdorf contra Error. Waldens. cap. 1.--Innocent PP. III. Regest. II.

141.--La Nobla Leyczon, 368-373.--Frat. Jordani Chron. (Analecta

Franciscana, T. I. p. 4. Quaracchi, 1885).

[66] MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Moreau, 1274, fol. 72.

[67] Bonacursi Vit. Hæreticorum (D'Achery I. 211, 212).--Lucii PP. III.

Epist. 171.--Muratori Antiquitat. Dissert. LX.--Constit. General. Frid.

II. ann. 1220, § 5.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. cap.

3.--Anon. Passaviens. contra Waldens. cap. 6.--P. de Pilichdorf contra

Waldens. cap. 12.--Hoffman, Geschichte der Inquisition, II.

371.--Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, II. 284.

[68] Mosaic. et Roman. Legg. Collat. tit. XV. § 3 (Hugo, 1465).--Const.

11, 12, Cod. I. v.--P. Siculi Hist, de Manichæis.--Zonara Annal. tom.

III. pp. 126, 241, 242 (Ed. 1557).--Findlay's Hist. of Greece, 2d Ed.

III. 65.

The Bogomili (Friends of God), another Manichæan sect, whose name

betrays their Slav or Bulgarian origin, have been cited as a link

connecting the Paulicians and the Cathari, but incorrectly, although

they may have had some influence in producing the moderated Dualism of a

portion of the latter. Their leader, Demetrius, was burned alive by

Alexis Comnenus in 1118 after a series of investigations more creditable

to the zeal of the emperor than to his good faith. They continued to

enjoy a limited toleration until the thirteenth century, when they

disappeared.--See Annæ Comnenæ Alexiados Lib. XV.--Georgii Cedreni Hist.

Comp. sub ann. 20 Constant.--Zonaræ Annal. t. III. p. 238.--Balsamon.

Schol. in Nomocanon tit. X. cap. 8.--Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I.

13-15; II. 265.

About the middle of the eleventh century Psellus describes another

Manichæan sect named Euchitæ, who believed in a father ruling the

supramundane regions and committing to the younger of his two sons the

heavens and to the elder the earth. The latter was worshipped under the

name of Satanaki--(Pselli de Operat. Dæmon. Dial.).

[69] P. Siculi op. cit.--Bleek's Avesta, III. 4.--Haug's Essays, 2d ed.

pp. 244, 249, 286, 367.--Yajnavalkya, I. 37.

For the corresponding tenets of the Cathari, see Radulf. Ardent. T. I.

p. II. Hom. xix.--Ermengaudi contra Hæret. Opusc.--Epist. Leodiens. ad

Lucium PP. III. (Martene. Ampl. Collect. I. 776-778).--Ecberti Schonaug.

Serm. contra Catharos, Serm. I. viii. xi.--Gregor. Episc. Fanens.

Disput. Catholici contra Hæret.--Monetæ adv. Catharos Lib. I. cap.

1.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Coll. Doat, XXXII. f. 93).--Rainerii

Saccon. Summa.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. cap. 21.--Lib.

Sentt. Inquis. Tolosan. pp. 92, 93, 249 (Limborch).--Lib. Confess. Inq.

Albiens. (MSS. Bib. Nat. fonds latin 11847).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug.

ann. 1163.

In a MS. controversial tract against the Cathari, dating from the end of

the thirteenth century, the writer, following Moneta, states that their

objections to the Old Testament sprang from four roots: first, the

contradiction which seemed to exist between the Old and New Testaments;

second, the changefulness of God himself, manifest in Scripture; third,

the cruel attributes of God in Scripture; fourth, the falsehood ascribed

to God. A single example will suffice of the arguments which the

heretics advanced in support of their position. "They quote Genesis iii.

'Behold, Adam has become as one of us.' Now God says this of Adam after

he had sinned, and he must have spoken truth or falsehood. If truth,

then Adam had become like him who spoke and those to whom he spoke; but

Adam after the fall had become a sinner, and therefore evil. If

falsehood, then he is a liar; he sinned in so saying and thus was evil."

To this logic the orthodox polemic contents himself with the answer that

God spoke ironically. Throughout the tract the reasoning ascribed to the

Cathari shows them to possess a thorough acquaintance with Scripture,

and the use which they made of it explains the prohibition of the Bible

to the laity by the Church.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne, Coll.

Doat, XXXVI. 91. (See Appendix.)

Yet the Catharan ritual published by Cunitz quotes Isaiah and Solomon.

(Beiträge zu den theolog. Wissenschaften, B. IV. 1852, pp. 16, 26.)

[70] Tract. de Modo Procedendi contra Hæreticos (MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll.

Doat, XXX. fol. 185 sqq.).--Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--E. Cunitz in

Beiträge zu den theol. Wissenschaften, 1852, B. IV. pp. 30, 36, 85.

[71] Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--Lib. Confess. Inquis. Albiens. (MSS. Bib.

Nat. fonds latin, 11847).--Coll. Doat, XXII. 208, 209; XXIV. 174; XXVI.

197, 259, 272.--Lib. Sentt. Inquis. Tolosan. pp. 10, 33, 37, 70, 71, 76,

84, 94, 125, 126, 137-139, 143, 160, 173, 179, 199.--Bern. Guidon.

Practica P. IV. V. (MSS. Bib. Nat. Collect. Doat. T. XXX.).--Landulf.

Senior Hist. Mediolan. ii. 27.--Anon. Passaviens. contra Waldens. cap.

7.--Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 39,

p. 57). The description in the text of the form of heretication, by

Rainerio Saccone, is confirmed in its details by the depositions of

witnesses before the Inquisition of Toulouse, showing that the form was

essentially the same throughout the churches.--Doat, XXII. 224, 237

sqq.; XXIII. 272, 344; XXIV. 71. See also Vaissette III. Preuves, 386,

and Cunitz, Beiträge zu den theolog. Wissenschaften, 1852, B. IV. pp.

12-14, 21-28, 33, 60.

The practice of the Endura among the Cathari of Languedoc has been

investigated with his customary thoroughness by M. Charles Molinier

(Annales de la Faculté des Lettres de Bordeaux, 1881, No. 3). It was not

always limited to three days, and its rigor may be guessed by a single

example. Blanche, the mother of Vital Gilbert, caused her infant

grandchild to be "consoled" while sick, and then prevented the mother,

Guillelma, from giving it milk till it died (Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos.

p. 104). Molinier's theory that the custom was of comparatively late

introduction is confirmed by the absence of any allusion to it in the

ritual published by Cunitz (loc. cit.), but that it was not confined to

Languedoc is shown by the Anon. Passaviens. and the evidence in the

Piedmontese trials of 1388 (Arch. Storico, ubi sup.).

A case in which the Consolamentum was administered to an insensible

patient who subsequently recovered is recorded in the sentences of

Pierre Cella (Doat, XXI. 295), and also several instances in which young

girls were "perfected" at a very early age, and wore the vestments for

limited periods of two or three years (ibid. 241. 244).

[72] S. Bernardi Serm. lxvi. in Cantica, cap. 3-7.--Ecberti Schonaug.

Serm. i. v. vi. contra Catharos.--Bonacursi Vit. Hæreticor.--Gregor.

Fanens. Disput. Cathol. contra Hæreticos cap. 1, 2, 11, 14.--Monetæ adv.

Catharos Lib. I. cap. 1.--Cunitz (Beiträge zu den theol. Wissenschaften,

1852, p. 14).--Radulf. Coggeshall. Chron. Anglic. (D. Bouquet, XVIII.

92, 93).--Evervini Steinfeldens. Epist. ad S. Bernard, cap. 3.--Concil.

Lombariens. ann. 1165.--Radulf. Ardent. T. I. p. II. Hom.

xix.--Ermengaudi contra Hæret. Opusc.--Bonacursus contra Catharos

(Baluz. et Mansi, II. 581-586).--Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib.

I.--Monet adv. Catharos. Lib. IV. cap. vii. § 3.--Rainerii Saccon.

Summa.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 111, 115.--Coll. Doat, T. XXX.

fol. 185 sqq.; XXXII. fol. 93 sqq.--Stephan. de Borbone (D'Argentré,

Coll. Judic. de novis Error. I. I. 91).--Archiv. Fiorent. Prov. S. Maria

Novella, Giugno 26, 1229.

In the early days of the Inquisition a certain Jean Teisseire, summoned

before the tribunal of Toulouse, defended himself by exclaiming, "I am

not a heretic, for I have a wife and I lie with her, and have children,

and I eat flesh, and lie, and swear, and am a faithful

Christian."--(Guillel. Pelisso Chron. Ed. Molinier, Anicii 1880, p. 17).

See also the Sentences of Pierre Cella, Coll. Doat, XXI. 223.

[73] Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, p.

75.--Gregor. Fanens. Disput. cap. iv.--Monetæ adv. Catharos Lib. I. cap.

1, 2, 4, 6.--Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib. I.--Ecberti Schonaug.

Serm. i., xiii. contra Catharos.--Ermengaudi contra Hæret. Opusc. cap.

14.--Millot, Hist. Litt. des Troubadours, II. 64.--Lib. Sententt. Inq.

Tolosan, p. 84.--Gest. Episcop. Leodiens. Lib. II. cap. 60,

61.--Stephan, de Borbone (D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de nov. Error. I.

I. 90).--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Diss. lx.

Among the early Christians there was a strong tendency to adopt the

theory of transmigration as an explanation of the apparent injustice of

the judgments of God. See Hieron. Epist CXXX. ad Demetriadem, 16.

[74] Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. cap. ii.

Before ridiculing the Catharan theory of Dualism, we must bear in mind

how strong is the tendency in this direction of sensitive and ardent

souls, who keenly feel the imperfections of man's nature and its

contrast with the possibilities of an ideal. Thus Flacius Illyricus, the

fervid reformer, about 1560, came perilously near to the Catharan myths,

and gave rise to a warm controversy by maintaining that original sin was

not an accident, but the substance in man; that the original image of

God was, through the Fall, not replaced, but metamorphosed into an image

of Satan, a transformation of absolute good into absolute evil; a theory

which, as he was warned by his friends Musæus and Judex, must

necessarily lead to Manichæism.--See Herzog, Abriss der gesammten

Kirchengeschichte, III. 313.

Orthodox asceticism also trenches closely on Manichæism in its

denunciation of the flesh, which it treats as the antagonist and enemy

of the soul. Thus, St. Francis of Assisi says, "Many, when they sin or

are injured, blame their enemy or neighbor. This should not be so, for

every one has his enemy in his power, namely, the body through which he

sins. Thus blessed is that servant who always holds captive and guards

himself against that enemy delivered to him, for when he does thus no

other visible enemy can hurt him" (S. Francisci Admonit. ad Fratres No.

9). And in another passage (Apoph. xxvii.) he describes his body as the

most cruel enemy and worst adversary, whom he would willingly abandon to

the demon.

According to the Dominican Tauler, the leader of the German mystics in

the fourteenth century, man in himself is but a mass of impurity, a

being sprung from evil and corrupt matter, only fit to inspire horror;

and this opinion was fully shared by his followers even though they were

overflowing with love and charity (Jundt, les Amis de Dieu, Paris, 1879,

pp. 77, 229).

Jean-Jacques Olier, the founder of the great theological seminary of St.

Sulpice, in his "Catechisme Chrétien pour la vie interieure," which I

believe is still in use there as a text-book, goes as far as Manes or

Buddha in his detestation of the flesh as the cause of man's sinful

nature--"Je ne m'étonne plus si vous dites qu'il faut haïr sa chair, que

l'on doit avoir horreur de soi même, et que l'homme, dans son état

actuel, doit étre maudit ... En verité, il n'y a aucune sorte de maux et

de malheurs qui ne doivent tomber sur lui à cause de sa chair."--See

Renan, Souvenirs de l'enfance et de jeunesse, p. 206.

With such views it is simply a question of words whether the creator of

such an abomination as the crowning work of the terrestrial universe is

to be called God or Satan; he certainly cannot be the Good Principle.

[75] Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, Nos.

38, 39).--S. Bernardi Serm. in Cantica lxv. cap. 5; lxvi. cap.

1.--Gregor. Fanens Disputat. cap. 17.--Anon. Passaviens. contra Waldens.

cap. 7.--Radulf. Coggeshall. Chron. Anglic. (D. Bouquet, XVIII.

93).--Concil. Remens. ann. 1157, c. 1.--Ecberti Schonaug. contra

Catharos Serm. i. cap. 1.--Cunitz, Beiträge zu den theol.

Wissenschaften, 1852, B. IV. pp. 4, 12-14.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita

Lib. II. cap. 9; Lib. III. cap. 5.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 550.

The Cathari probably had Romance versions of the New Testament as early

as 1178, when we find the cardinal legate disputing at Toulouse with two

Catharan bishops whose ignorance of Latin was a subject of ridicule,

while they seem to have been ready enough with Scripture.--Roger.

Hoveden. Annal. ann. 1178. See also Molinier, Annales de la Faculté des

lettres de Bordeaux, 1883, No. 3.

Abbot Joachim bears testimony to the external virtues of the Cathari of

Calabria, and the advantage which they derived from the vices of the

clergy.--Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, p. 403.

The story of the sacrament made from the bodies of children born of

promiscuous intercourse was widely circulated and variously applied. It

was related in the eleventh century of the Euchitæ by Psellus (De

Operat. Dæmon.) and continued to be told of successive heretics--even of

the Templars.

[76] Ecberti Schonaug. contra Catharos Serm. I. cap. 2.--Cæsar.

Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. cap. 18.--Lucæ Tudensis de altera Vita

Lib. II. cap. 9; Lib. III. cap. 9, 18.

[77] Anon. Passaviens. c. 6.--Processus contra Valdenses (Arch. Storico

Ital. 1865, No. 39, p. 57).

[78] Radulpli Glabri Lib. III. c. 8.--Landulf. Senior. Mediolan. Hist.

II. 27.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. V. c. 19.--Trithem.

Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.--Guill. de Newburg. Hist. Anglic. Lib. II. c.

13.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1210.--Chron. Turon. ann. 1210.--Radulf.

Coggeshall Chron. Anglic. (D. Bouquet. XVIII. 93).--Bernard. Guidon.

Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--S. Bernardi Serm. in Cantic. LXV. c.

13.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. c. 21.--Constitt. Sicular.

Lib. I. tit. i.

The story of the young girl of Cologne assumes a somewhat mythical air

when we find it repeated by Moneta as occurring in Lombardy (Cantù,

Eretici d'Italia, I. 88); but this only enforces the universal tribute

to the marvellous constancy of the heretics.

[79] Radulf. Coggeshall l.c.--Pauli Carnotens. Vet. Aganon. Lib. VI. c.

iii.--Campana, Storia di San Piero Martire, Lib. II. c. 2, p.

57.--Fragment, adv. Hæret. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 341).--Cf. Trithem.

Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1315.

[80] Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I. 15-21.--Muratori Anecdota

Ambrosiana, II. 112.--Guillel. Tyrii Lib. II. c. 13.--Innocent. PP. III.

Regest. II. 176; III. 3; v. 103, 110; VI. 140, 141, 212.--See also the

curious letter of a Patarin in Matt. Paris, Hist. Angl. ann. 1243 (Ed.

1644 p. 413).

[81] Gerberti Epist. 187.--Radulphi Glabri Lib. ii. c. 11, 12.--Epist.

Leodiens. ad Lucium PP. II. (Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 776-8).

[82] Ademari S. Cibardi Hist. Lib. III. c. 49, 59.--Pauli Carnot. Vet.

Aganon. Lib. VI. c. 3.--Frag. Hist. Aquitan. et Frag. Hist. Franc.

(Pithœi Hist. Franc. Scriptt. xi. pp. 82, 84).--Radulf. Glabri Hist.

III. 8, IV. 2.--Gesta Synod. Aurel. circa 1017 (D'Achery I.

604-6).--Chron. S. Petri Vivi.--Synod. Atrebat. ann. 1025 (Labbe et

Coleti XI. 1177, 1178; Hartzheim. Concil. German. III. 68).--Landulf.

Sen. Mediol. Hist. II. 27.--Gesta Episcop. Leodiens. cap. 60,

61.--Hermann. Contract. ann. 1052.--Lambert. Hersfeldens. Annal. ann.

1053.--Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I. 37.--Radulf. Ardent. T.I.P. ii.

Hom. 19.

Bishop Wazo's complaint that pallor was considered a positive proof of

heresy was by no means a new one. In the fourth century it was regarded

as sufficient to betray the Gnostic and Manichæan asceticism of the

Priscillianists (Sulpic. Severi Dial. III. cap. xi.), and Jerome tells

us that the orthodox who were pale with fasting and maceration were

stigmatized as Manichæans (Hieron. Epist. ad Eustoch. c. 5). To the end

of the twelfth century pallor continued to be regarded as a diagnostic

symptom of Catharism (P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. c. 78).

[83] Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 17.--Schmidt, op. cit.

I. 47.--Martene Thesaur. I. 336.

[84] Epist. Leodiens. ad Lucium PP. II. (Martene Ampl. Coll. I.

776-778).--Alex. PP. III. Epist. 2 (ibid. II. 628).--Concil. Remens.

ann. 1157.--Hist. Monast. Vezeliacens. Lib. IV. ann. 1167.--Cæsar.

Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 18.--Radulf. Coggeshall ubi

sup.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. IX. 208.

[85] Alex. PP. III. Epist. 118, 122.--Varior. ad Alex. PP. III. Epist.

No. 16.--Annal. Aquiciuctens. Monast. ann. 1182, 1183.--Guillel.

Nangiac. ann. 1183.

[86] Histor. Trevirens. (D'Achery II. 221, 222).--Alberic. Trium Font.

Chron. ann. 1200.--Evervini Steinfeld. Epist. (S. Bernardi Epist.

472).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.--Ecberti Schonaug. contra

Catharos Serm. VIII.--Schmidt, I. 94-96.

[87] Guillel. de Newburg Hist. Anglic. Lib. II. c. 13.--Matt. Paris.

Hist. Anglic. ann. 1166 (p. 74).--Radulf. de Diceto ann. 1166.--Radulf.

Coggeshall (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 92).--Assize of Clarendon, Art.

21.--Petri Blesens. Epist. 113.--Schmidt, I. 99.

[88] The nomenclature of the heresy is quite extensive. The sectaries

called themselves Cathari, or the pure. The origin of the term Patarin

has been the subject of considerable dispute, but there would seem to be

no doubt that it arose in Milan about the middle of the eleventh

century, during the civil wars resulting from the papal efforts to

enforce celibacy on the Milanese married clergy. In the Romance dialects

_pates_ signifies old linen; rag-pickers in Lombardy were called Patari,

and the quarter inhabited by them in Milan was known, even up to the

last century, as Pattaria, or Contrada de' Pattari. Even to-day there

are in Italian cities quarters or streets of that name (Schmidt, II.

279). In the eleventh-century quarrels the papalists held secret

meetings in the Pattaria, and were contemptuously designated by their

antagonists as Patarins--a name which was finally recognized and

accepted by them (Arnulf. Mediolanens. Lib. III. cap. 11; Lib. IV. c. 6,

11.--Landulf. Jun. c. 1.--Willelmi Clusiens. vita Benedicti Abbat.

Clusiens. c. 33.--Benzon. Comm. de Reb. Henrici IV. Lib. VII. c. 2). As

the papal condemnation of clerical marriage was stigmatized as

Manichæan, and as the papalists were supported by the secret heretics,

followers of Gherardo di Monforte, the name was not unnaturally

transferred to the Cathari in Lombardy, when they became publicly known,

and it spread from there throughout Europe. In Italy the word Cathari,

vulgarized into Gazzari, was also commonly used, and came gradually to

designate all heretics; the officials of the Inquisition were nicknamed

Cazzagazzari (Cathari hunters), and even accepted the designation

(Muratori Antiq. Diss, LX. Tom. XII. pp. 510, 516), and the word is

still seen in the German Ketzer. The Cathari, from their Bulgarian

origin, were also known as Bulgari, Bugari, Bulgri, Bugres (Matt. Paris,

ann. 1238)--a word which has been retained with an infamous

signification in the English, French, and Italian vernaculars. We have

seen above that from the number of weavers among them they were also

known in France as Texerant, or Textores (cf. Doat, XXIII. 209-10). The

term Speronistæ was derived from Robert de Sperone, bishop of the French

Cathari in Italy (Schmidt, II. 282). The Crusaders who met the

Paulicians (Παυλικανοι) in the East brought home

the word and called them Publicani, or Popelicans. More local

designations were Piphili or Pifres (Ecbert. Schonaug. Serm. I. c. 1),

Telonarii or Deonarii (D'Achery, II. 560), and Boni Homines, or

Bonshommes. The term Albigenses, from the district of Albi, where they

were numerous, was first employed by Geoffroy of Vigeois, in 1181

(Gaufridi Vosens. Chron. ann. 1181), and became generally used during

the crusades against Raymond of Toulouse.

The various sects into which the Cathari were divided were further known

by special names, as Albanenses, Concorrezenses, Bajolenses, etc.

(Rainerii Saccon. Summa. Cf. Muratori Dissert. LX.).

In the official language of the Inquisition of the thirteenth century,

"heretic" always means Catharan, while the Vaudois are specifically

designated as such. The accused was interrogated "Super facto hæresis

vel Valdesiæ."

[89] Schmidt, I. 63-5.--Muratori Antiq. Dissert. LX. (p.

462-3).--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1199 No. 23-5; ann. 1205 No. 67; 1207 No.

3.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 491.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 298;

II. 1, 50; v. 33; VII. 37; VIII. 85, 105; IX. 7, 8, 18, 19, 166-9, 204,

213, 258; X. 54, 105, 130; XV. 189; Gesta cxxiii.

[90] Schmidt I. 38.--Chron. Episc. Albigens. (D'Achery III.

572).--Udalr. Babenb. Cod. II. 303.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1119 c.

3.--Concil. Lateran. II. ann. 1139 c. 23.--Concil. Remens. ann. 1148 c.

18.

[91] Concil. Turon. ann. 1163 c. 4.--Concil. Lombariense ann. 1165

(Harduin. VI. II. 1643-52).--Roger de Hoveden. ann. 1176.--D. Vaissette,

Hist. Gén. de Languedoc, III. 4--Löwenfeld, Epistt. Pont. Roman. inedd.

No. 247 (Lipsiæ, 1885).

[92] D. Bouquet, XIV. 448-50.--D. Vaissette, III. 4. 537.

[93] Roger. Hoveden. Annal. ann. 1178.--D. Vaissette, III. 46-7.

[94] Benedict. Petroburg. Vit. Henrici. II. ann. 1178.--Alexander. PP.

III. Epist. 395 (D. Bouquet, XV. 950-960).

[95] Roger. Hovedens. Annal. ann. 1178.--Schmidt, I. 78.--Martene

Thesaur. I. 992.--Rob. de Monte Chron. ann. 1178.--Benedict. Petroburg.

Vit. Henrici II. ann. 1178.

Roger Trencavel of Béziers was no heretic (see Vaissette, III. 49) and

his treatment of the Bishop of Albi and disregard of the missionary

bishops shows the complete contempt into which the Church had fallen,

even among the faithful.

[96] Concil. Lateran. III. ann. 1179 c. 27.

[97] Gaufridi Vosiens. Chron. ann. 1181.--Roberti Autissiodor. Chron.

ann. 1181.--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1181.--Guillel. Nangiac.

ann. 1181.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1181.--D. Vaissette, III.

57.--Guillel. de Pod.-Laurent. c. 2.

[98] Stephani Tornacens. Epist. 92.--Gaufridi Vosiens. Chron. ann.

1183.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. xxix.--Guillel.

Nangiac. ann. 1183.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1183.--Guillel.

Brito de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1183.--Ejusd. Philippidos Lib. I.

726-45.--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1183.--Du Cange s. vv. _Cotarellus,

Palearii_.

[99] Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Concil. Monspeliens. ann. 1195.

[100] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Tempore XII.--Guillem. de Tudela, c.

ii.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. xxx.--Guillel. de

Pod.-Laurent. Proœm.; cf. cap. 3, 4.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dist. v. c.

21.--Stephani Tornacens. Epist. 92.--Anon. Passaviens. (Bib. Mag. Pat.

XIII. 299).--Schmidt, I. 200.

[101] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Diversis III.

[102] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Diversis VI.; Regest. VII. 165, X.

54.--Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep. Bituricens. (Martene Ampl.

Collect. I. 1149-51).

In 1250 Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, told Innocent IV. at

Lyons that the corruption of the priesthood was the cause of the

heresies which afflicted the Church (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend.

II. 251. Ed. 1690).

[103] Roberti Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1198-1201.--Hist. Episcopp.

Autissiodor. (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 725-6, 729).--Petri Sarnens. Hist.

Albigens. c. 3.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. II. 63, 99; v. 36; VI. 63, 239;

IX. 110; X. 206.--Potthast, No. 9152.--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann.

1200.--Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1204 (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 713).

[104] Regest. II. 141, 142, 235.--Gesta Treviror. c. 104.

[105] Villani Cronica, Lib. v. c. 90.--Diez, Leben und Werke der

Troubadours, 424.--Guill. Pod. Laur. cap. 47.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat,

VIII. 558.--Petri Sarnensis Hist. Albigens, c. 1.--Vaissette, Éd. 1730,

III. 101.

[106] Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1207.--Vaissette, III. 128, 132.--Guillel.

Pod. Laurent. c. 6, 7.--Regest. VIII. 115-6.--For the condition of other

sees--Carcassonne, Vence, Agde, Ausch, Narbonne, Bordeaux--see Regest.

I. 194; III. 24; VI. 216; VII. 84; VIII. 76; XVI. 5.

For the biography of Foulques, or Folquet, of Marseilles, who, after

being favored by Raymond V., became the most bitter enemy of Raymond

VI., see Paul Meyer ap. Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VII. 444. Dante places

him in the heaven of Venus, together with Cunizza, the lascivious sister

of Ezzelin da Romano (Paradiso, IX.). It is related of him that once

when preaching against the heretics he compared them to wolves and the

faithful to sheep. A heretic whose eyes had been torn out and his nose

and lips cut off by Simon de Montfort, arose and said, "Did you ever see

sheep bite a wolf thus?" to which Foulques rejoined that de Montfort was

a good dog who had thus bitten the wolf. A more pleasing trait is seen

in the story that he gave alms to a poor heretic beggar-woman, saying

that he gave it to poverty and not to heresy.--Chabaneau (Vaissette, Éd.

Privat, X. 292).

[107] Regest. I. 92, 93, 94, 165, 395; II. 122, 123, 298; III. 24; v.

96; VII. 17, 75; VIII. 75, 106; IX. 66; X. 68; XIII. 88; XIV. 32; XVI.

5.--Vaissette, III. 117.

[108] Petri Sarnens. c. 1, 17.--Vaissette, III. 129, 134-5; Preuves,

197.--Regest. VI. 242-3.

[109] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3.--Vaissette, III. 133, 135--Guillem de Tudela

iv. My references to the poem which passes under the name of Guillem de

Tudela are to Fauriel's edition (1837). A metrical version by Mary-Lafon

appeared in 1868, since when M. Paul Meyer has issued a critical edition

with abundant apparatus.

[110] Regest. VII. 76, 77, 79, 165.

[111] Regest. VII. 210, 212; VIII. 94, 97; IX. 103.--Havet, L'Hérésie et

le bras seculier (Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, 1880, 582).

[112] Guillel. de Pod. Laurent, c. 8.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 1.

[113] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3.

[114] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3, 5.--Rob. Autissiodor. ann. 1207.--Guillel.

Nangiac. ann. 1207.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent, c. 8.--Concil. Narbonn.

ann. 1208.--Regest. IX. 185.

[115] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3, 4.

[116] Regest. X. 69.

[117] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3, 6, 7.--Regest. X. 149, 176; XI. 11.

[118] Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 557.--Hist. du Comte de Toulouse

(Vaissette, III. Pr. 3, 4).--Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 9.--Pet.

Sarnens. c. 9.--Rob. Autissiodor. ann. 1209.--Guill. Nangiac. ann.

1208.--Regest. XI. 26; XII. 106.--Guillem de Tudela, v.

[119] Regest. XI. 26, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33.--Archives Nationales de France

J, 430, No. 2.--Hist. du C. de Toul. (Vaissette, III. Pr. 4).

[120] Alberti Stadens. Chron. ann. 1212.--Chronik des Jacob v.

Königshofen (Chron. der deutschen Städte IX. 649).--Regest. XI. 234; XV.

199.

[121] Guillel. Briton. Philippidos VIII. 490-529.--Regest. XI. 156, 157,

158, 159, 180, 181, 182, 231, 234.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 4,

96.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 559, 563.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 10,

14.--Guill. de Tudela viii., lvi., cliv.--Alberti Stadens. Chron. ann.

1210.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 21.--Reineri Monach.

Leodiens. Chron. ann. 1210, 1213.--Chron. Engelhusii (Leibnitz Script.

Rer. Brunsv. II. 1113).

[122] Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 13.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 4, 5.--Regest.

XI. 232.

[123] Pet. Sarnens. c. 11, 12.--Regest. XII. post Epistt. 85, 107.

[124] Regest. ubi sup; XII. 89, 90, 106, 107.

[125] Regest. XI. 230; XII. 97, 98, 99.--Guillem de Tudela,

xiii.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 10.

[126] Pet. Sarnens. c. 15.--Guillem de Tudela, xi., xiv.--Vaissette,

III. Pr. 7.

[127] Regest. XII. 108.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 16.--Vaissette, III. 168; Pr.

10, 11.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 13.--Guillem de Tudela xvi.-xxiii.,

xxv.--Roberti Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1209.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial.

Mirac. v. 21.

[128] Guillem de Tudela, xiii., xiv.--Vaissette, III. 169, 170; Pr. 9,

10.

[129] Regest. XII. 108; XV. 212.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 17.--Vaissette, III.

Pr. 11-18.--Guillem de Tudela, xxiv.-xxxiii., xl.--Guillel. Nangiac.

ann. 1209.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 14.--A. Molinier, ap. Vaissette,

Éd. Privat, VI. 296.

Dom Vaissette (III. 172) cites Cæsarius of Heisterbach as authority for

the statement that four hundred and fifty of the inhabitants of

Carcassonne refused to abjure heresy, of whom four hundred were burned

and the rest hanged. The silence of better-informed contemporaries may

well render this doubtful, especially as Cæsarius assigns the incident

to a city which he terms Pulchravallis (Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 21).

[130] Regest. VII. 229; XV. 212; XVI. 87.--Fran. Tarafæ de Reg.

Hisp.--Löwenfeld, Epistt. Pontif. ined. p. 63.--Lafuente, Hist. de Esp.

V. 492-5.--Mariana, Hist. de Esp. XII. 2.--L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb.

Hisp. Lib. X.--Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, 424.--Vaissette,

III. 124.--Gest. Com. Barcenon. c. 24.

[131] Pet. Sarnens. c. 16-18.--Joann. Iperii. Chron. ann. 1201.--Geoff.

de Villehardouin, c. 55.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1202.--Guillem de

Tudela, xxxv.

[132] Pet. Sarnens. c. 17_bis_.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 19.--Regest, XII.

108.--Pierre de Vaux-Cernay asserts that de Montfort was able to retain

but thirty knights, but this is manifestly an exaggeration.

[133] Concil. Avenion. ann. 1209.--D'Achery Spicileg I. 706.--Pet.

Sarnens. c. 20-26, 34.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 20.--Guillem de Tudela,

xxxvi.--Regest. XII. 108, 109, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 129, 132, 136,

137; XIII. 86.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 340, No. 899.

By a very curious exegetical effort, the Dominicans succeed in

convincing themselves that Innocent's letter confirming Albi to de

Montfort (XIII. 86) is an approbation of the Dominican Order and a proof

that de Montfort was a member of it (Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædicat.

T. VII. p. 1).

[134] Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 17, 18.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann.

1210.--Rob. Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1211.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 29,

35.--Guillem de Tudela, xlix., lxviii.--lxxi., lxxxiv.--Regest. XVI.

41.--Chron. Turon. ann. 1210.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 37, 52, 53.--Teulet,

Layettes, I. 371, No. 968.

[135] Vaissette, III. Pr. 20, 23, 232-3.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 33,

34.--Guillem de Tudela, xl., xlii., xliii.--Regest. XII. 152, 153, 154,

155, 156, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173, 174, 175, 176.--Teulet, Layettes, I.

368, No. 968.

[136] Vaissette, III. Pr. 24-5, 234.--Guillem de Tudela, xliv.--Teulet,

loc. cit.

[137] Pet. Sarnens. c. 39.--Regest. XIII. 188, 189; XVI. 39.--Guillem de

Tudela, lviii.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 360, No. 948.

[138] The sole authority for this extraordinary document is Guillem de

Tudela (lix., lx., lxi.), followed by the Historien du Comte de Toulouse

(Vaissette, III. Pr. 30. Cf. Text p. 204 and notes p. 561, also Hardouin

VI. II. 1998). Though generally accepted by historians, I cannot regard

it as genuine, and its only explanation seems to me that it was

manufactured by Raymond to arouse the indignation of his people.

[139] Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 16, 17.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 43, 47, 49,

53, 54, 55.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 234.

[140] Vaissette, III. Pr. 38-40, 234-5.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c.

18.--Guillem de Tudela, lxxx.-lxxxiii.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 370, No.

968; 372, No. 975.

[141] Pet. Sarnens. c. 75.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 23.

[142] Pet. Sarnens. c. 60.--Vaissette, III. 271-2.--Rod. Tolet. de Reb.

Hispan. VIII. 2, 6, 11--Rod. Santii Hist. Hispan. III. 35.

[143] Pet. Sarnens. c. 59-64.--Regest. XV. 102, 103, 167-76.

[144] Pet. Sarnens. c. 66.--Regest. XVI. 39.

[145] Pet. Sarnens. c. 65.--Regest. XV. 212.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd

Privat, VI. 407).

[146] Regest. XV. 212; XVI. 42, 47.

[147] Regest. XVI. 39, 42, 43.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 66.

[148] Regest. XVI. 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47.

[149] Pet. Sarnens. c. 66, 70.--Regest. XVI. 48.

[150] Pet. Sarnens. c. 66-8.--Regest. XVI. 87.--Raynouard, Lexique

Roman, I. 512-3.

[151] Pet. Sarnens. c. 69, 70.--Vaissette, III. Note XVII.--A. Molinier

(Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VII. 256).

[152] Pet. Sarnens. c. 70-3.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent. c.

21-22.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1213.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 52-4.--Guillem

de Tudela, CXXV.-CXL.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. II. c. 63.--De

Gestis Com. Barcenon. ann. 1213.--Bernard d'Esclot, Cronica del Rey en

Pere, c. 6.--Campana, Storia di San Piero Martire p. 44.--Tamburini,

Ist. dell' Inquisizione, I. 351-2.--Comentarios del Rey en Jacme c. 8

(Mariana, IV. 267-8).

Don Jayme himself, then a child in his sixth year, was still in the

hands of de Montfort as a hostage, and if the Catalan chroniclers speak

truth, it was with difficulty that the young king was recovered, even

after Innocent III. had ordered his release.--L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb.

Hispan. Lib. X.--Regest. XVI. 171.

[153] Pet. Sarnens. c. 74-8.--Regest. XVI. 167, 170, 171, 172.--Guill.

de Pod. Laurent. c. 24, 25.--Vaissette, III. 260-2; Pr. 239-42.--Teulet,

Layettes, I. 399-402, No. 1068-9, 1073.

[154] Pet. Sarnens. c. 80, 81, 82.--Harduin. Concil. VII. II.

2052.--Innocent. PP. III. Rubricella.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 410-16, Nos.

1099, 1113-16.--Guill. de Pod Laurent, c. 24, 25.

[155] Pet. Sarnens. c. 82.--Vaissette, III. 269; Pr. 56.

[156] Radulph. Coggeshall ann. 1213.

[157] Chron. Fossæ Novæ: ann. 1215.

[158] Guillem de Tudela, cxlii.-clii.--Vaissette, III. 280-1; Pr.

57-63.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 420, No. 1132.--Pet Sarnens. c.

83.--D'Achery I. 707.--Molinier, L'Ensevelissement du Comte de Toulouse,

Angers, 1885, p. 6.

[159] Pet. Sarnens. c. 83.

[160] Guillem de Tudela, cliii.-viii.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c.

27-8.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 64-66.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 83.

[161] Pet. Sarnens. c. 83-6.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c.

28-30.--Vaissette, III. 271-2; Pr. 66-93.--Guillem de Tudela,

clviii.-ccv.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1217 No. 52, 55-62; ann. 1218 No.

55.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 1129.--Annal. Waverliens. ann.

1218.--Bernardi Iterii Chron. ann. 1218.--Chron. Lemovicens. ann.

1218.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1218.--Chron. Turonens. ann.

1218.--Roberti Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1218.--Chron. S. Taurin.

Ebroicens. ann. 1218.--Chron. Joan Iperii ann. 1218.--Chron. Laudunens.

ann. 1218.--Chron. S. Petri Vivi Senonens. Append. ann. 1218.--Alberici

Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1218.

[162] Teulet, Layettes, I. 454, No. 1271; pp. 461-2, No. 1279-80; p.

466, No. 1301; p. 475, No. 1331; p. 511, No. 1435; p. 518, No.

1656.--Vaissette, III. 307, 316-17, 568; Pr. 98-102.--Raynald. Annal.

ann. 1218, No. 54-57; ann. 1221, No. 44, 45.--Archives Nationals de

France J. 430, No. 15, 16.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent, c.

31-33.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1219-1220.--Bernardi Iterii Chron. ann.

1219.--Robert. Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1219.--Chron. Laudunens. ann.

1219.--Chron. Andrens. ann. 1219.--Alberici Trium Font. Chron. ann.

1219.--Martene Thesaur. I 884.--Rymer, Fœdera, I. 229.

[163] Vaissette, III. 319; Pr. 275, 276.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1222, No.

44-47.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 47.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 546, No.

1537.

[164] Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 34.--Vaissette, III. 306,

321-4.--Molinier, L'Ensevelissement de Raimond VI.

[165] Vaissette, III. Pr. 276, 282.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 561, No.

1577.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1222, No. 48.--Matt. Paris ann. 1223, p.

219.

[166] Alberici Trium Font. Chron. arm. 1223.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c.

34.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 290.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1223, No.

41-45.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 24, No. 1631.

[167] Vaissette, III. Pr. 285, 291-3.--Gesta Ludovici VIII. ann. 1224.

[168] Rymer, Fœdera I. 271.--Vaissette, III. 339-40: Pr. 283.--Raynald.

Annal. ann. 1224, No. 40.--Gesta Ludovici VIII. ann. 1224.--Chron.

Turonens. ann. 1224.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1224.--Epistolæ Seculi

XIII. Tom. I. No. 240 (Monument. Hist. German.).

[169] Vaissette, III. Pr. 284, 296.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII.

804.--Baluz. Concil. Narbonn. pp. 60-64.--Gesta Ludovici VIII. ann.

1224.--Concil. Montispessulan. ann. 1224 (Harduin. VII.

131-33).--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1224.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1224.

[170] Vaissette, III. Pr. 284-5.--Schmidt I. 291.--Coll. Doat, XXIII.

269-70.--Rymer, Fœd. I. 273, 274, 281.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1225, No.

28-34.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 47, No. 1694.

[171] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1225.--Matt. Paris ann. 1225, pp. 227-9. A

poetaster of the period, in describing the council, depicts Raymond's

discomfiture with emphasis:

"Et s'i vint li quens de St. Gille,

Ki n'i fist vallant une tille

De sa besougne, quant vint là,

Qu' escuméniies s'en r'ala,

Ausi com il i fu venus,

Voire plus, s'il pot estre plus."

--Chronique de Philippe Mousket, 25385-90.

[172] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1225.--Matt. Paris ann. 1225, pp.

227-8.--Possibly the chroniclers may be guilty of exaggeration, for the

letters of Honorius only ask for a single prebend in each cathedral and

collegiate church (Martene Thesaur. I. 929). In either case the

encroachments of Rome were only postponed, for in 1385 Charles le Sage

complained that nearly all the benefices of France were practically held

by the cardinals, who carried the revenue to Italy, so that the churches

were falling to ruin, the abbeys deserted, the orphanages and hospitals

diverted from their purpose, divine service had ceased in many places,

and the lands of the Church were uncultivated. To remedy this, he seized

all such revenues and ordered them to be expended on the objects for

which they had been given to the Church (Ibid. I. 1612).

[173] Matt. Paris ann. 1226, p. 229.--Vaissette, III. 349.--Rymer, Fœd.

I. 281.--Martene Collect. Nova, p. 104; Thesaur. I. 931.

[174] Waddingi Annal. Minorum ann. 1225, No. 14.--Vaissette, III. Pr.

305, 318.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 75, No. 1758; p. 79, No. 1768; p. 90,

No. 1794.

[175] Vaissette, III. Pr. 300, 308-14.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 68-9, No.

1742-3.--Matt. Paris ann. 1226, p. 229.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1225,

1226.

[176] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1226.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 72, No. 1751.

[177] Matt. Paris ann. 1226.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 71, 78, 81, 84, 85,

87, 89, 90, 91, 648-9.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent. c. 35.--Vaissette,

III. 354, 364.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1226.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann.

1226.--Gesta Ludovici VIII. ann. 1226.

The city of Agen seems to have remained faithful to Raymond (Teulet, II.

82).

[178] Gesta Ludovici VIII. ann. 1226.--Matt. Paris ann. 1226.--Chron.

Turonens. ann. 1226.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent. c. 36, 38.--Alberti

Stadens. Chron. ann. 1226.--Vaissette, III. 363.

[179] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1226, 1227.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. I.

1210-13.--Potthast Regesta, 7897, 7920.--Vaissette, III. Pr.

323-5.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1227.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent. c.

38.--Matt. Paris ann. 1228.--Martene Thesaur. I. 940.--Concil.

Narbonnens. ann. 1227 can. 13-17.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 265.

Letters of the Archbishop of Sens and Bishop of Chartres, in 1227,

promising to pay to the king a subsidy for the crusade against the

Albigenses are preserved in the Archives Nationales de France, J. 428,

No. 8.

[180] Bernard. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori, S.R.I. III.

570-1).--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent, c. 38, 39.--Teulet, Layettes, II.

144, No. 1980.--Potthast Regesta, 8150, 8216, 8267.--Raynald. Annal.

ann. 1228, No. 20-4.--Martene Thesaur. I. 943.--Vaissette, III. 377-8;

Pr. 326-9, 335.

[181] Harduin. Concil. VII. 165-72.--Vaissette, III. 375; Pr. 329-35,

340-3.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 147-52, No. 1991-4; pp. 154-57, No.

1998-99, 2003-4.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 47.

[182] Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 1225.--Vaissette, III. 375,

412.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 155, No. 2000.--Raynald. ann. 1237, No.

31.--Rob. de Monte Chron. ann. 1238.--Potthast Regest. 10469, 10516-17,

10563, 10579, 10666, 10670, 10996.--Cf. Berger, Les Registres d'Innoc.

IV. No. 2763-69.

For the sums raised in England in 1234 by selling releases of Crusaders'

vows see Matt. Paris ann. 1234, p. 276.

[183] Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S.R.I. III. 572).

[184] Tertull. de Baptism, c. 15.--Concil. Chalced. Act. I.

[185] Augustin. Epist. 185 ad Bonifac. c. iii. § 12.--Cf. Cypriani de

Unit. Eccles.--C. 3 Extra, v. 7.

[186] Tertull. Apologet. c. xxiv.; Lib. ad Scapulam ii.; adv. Gnosticos

Scorpiaces ii, iii.--Cypriani Epist. 54 ad Maximum; de Unitate Ecclesia;

Epist. 4 ad Pomponium c. 4, 5.--Firm. Lactant. Div. Instit. v. 20.

[187] Lib. XVI. Cod. Theod. Tit. v. II. 1, 2.--Sozomen H.E. I. 21; II.

20, 22, 30; III. 5.--Socrat. II. E. I. 9; IV. 16.--Ammian. Marcell.

XXII. 5.

[188] Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacræ II. 47-51; Ejusd. Dial. III.

11-13.--Prosp. Aquitan. Chron. ann. 385-6.--St. Martin could hardly have

anticipated that a time would come when a pope would cite the murder of

Priscillian as an example to be followed in the case of Luther; and, in

spite of Maximus's excommunication by St. Ambrose, characterize him as

one of the "veteres ac pii imperatores." (Epist. Adriani PP. VI. Nov.

15, 1522 _ap._ Lutheri Opp. T. II. fol. 538 _a_.)

[189] Chrysostomi in Matthæum Homil. XLVI. c. 2. Cf. Homil. de

Anathemate c. 4.--Augustini Epist. 100 ad Donatum c. 2; Epist. 139 ad

Marcellinum; Epist. 105 c. 13; Enchirid. c. 72; Contra Litt. Petiliani

Lib. II. c. 83.

[190] Hieron. Epist. 109 ad Ripar.; Comment. in Naum I. 9.--Leonis PP.

I. Epist. 15 ad Turribium.--Lib. XVI. Cod. Theodos. Tit. v. ll. 9, 15,

34, 36, 51, 56, 64.--Constt. 11, 12 Cod. Lib. I. Tit. v.--Novell. Theod.

II. Tit. vi.--Pauli Diac. Histor. Lib. XVI.--Basilicon Lib. I. Tit.

1-33.

[191] Cod. Eccles. African. c. 67, 93.--Augustin. Epist. 185 ad Bonifac.

c. 7.--Ejusd. contra Cresconium Lib. III. c. 47.--Possidii Vit.

Augustini c. 12.--Leonis PP. I. Epist. 60.--Pelagii PP. I. Epistt. 1,

2.--Isidori Hispalens. Sententt. Lib. III. c. li. 3-6.--Balsamon. in

Photii Nomocanon Tit. ix. c. 25.--Victor. Vitens. de Persecutione

Vandalica Lib. LII.--Victor. Tunenens. Chron. ann. 479.--Sidon. Apollin.

Epistt. VII. 6.--Isidor. Hist. de Regg. Gothor. c. 50.--Pelayo,

Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 195 sqq.--Legg. Wisigoth. Lib. XII. Tit. ii.

l. 2; Tit. iii. ll. 1, 2 (cf. Fuero Juzgo cod. loc.).

[192] Mag. Biblioth. Pat. IX. II. 875.--Chron. Turonens. ann.

878.--Concil. Ratispon. ann. 792.--C. Francfortiens. ann. 794.--C.

Romanum ann. 799.--C. Aquisgran. ann. 799.--Alcuini Epistt. 108,

117.--Agobardi Lib. adv. Felicem c. 5. 6.--Nic. Anton. Bib. Vet. Hispan.

Lib. VI. c. ii. No. 42-3 (cf. Pelayo, Heterod. Españ. I. 297, 673

sqq.).--Hincmari Remens. de Prædestinat. II. c. 2.--Annal. Bertin. ann.

849.--Concil. Carisiacens. ann. 849 (cf. C. Agathens. ann. 506 c.

38).--Cap. Car. Mag. ann. 789 c. 44.--Capitul. Add. III. c. 90.

For the slenderness of the disabilities inflicted on Jews under the

Carlovingians see Reginald Lane Poole's "Illustrations of the History of

Medieval Thought," London, 1884, p. 47.

[193] Burchardi Decret. Lib. XIX. c. 133-4.--Gesta Episcopp. Leodiens.

Lib. II. c. 60, 61.--Hist. Andaginens. Monast. c. 18.--Martene Ampliss.

Collect. I. 776-8.

[194] Dom Bouquet, XI. 497-8.--Bernardi Serm. in Cantica LXIV. c. 8;

LXVI. c. 12.--Alex. PP. III. Epistt. 118, 122.--Pet. Cantor. Verb.

abbrev. c. 78, 80.

[195] Concil. Turonens. ann. 1163 c. 4.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann.

1163.--Concil. Remens. ann. 1157 c. 1.--Guillel. de Newburg Hist. Angl.

ii. 15.--Innoc. III. Regest. I. 94, 165.--Contre le Franc-Alleu sans

Tiltre, Paris, 1629, pp. 215 sqq.--H. Mutii Chron. Lib. XIX. ann.

1212.--Böhmer, Regesta Imperii V. 110.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Diss. LX.

(T. XII. p. 447).--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. II. pp. 6-8, 422-3; IV.

301; V. 201.--Constitt. Sicular. Lib. I. Tit. 1.--Treuga Henrici

(Böhlau, Nove Constit. Dom. Alberti, Weimar, 1858, p. 78, cf. Böhmer

Regest. V. 700).--Sachsenspiegel, II. xiii.--Schwabenspiegel, cap. 116

No. 29; cap. 351 No. 3 (Ed. Senckenb.).--Archivio di Venezia, Codice ex

Brera No. 277.--El Fuero real de España, Lib. IV. Tit. I. ley

1.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Françaises I. 230-33, 257.--Harduin. Concil.

VII. 203-8.--Établissements, Lib. I. ch. 85.--Livres de Jostice et de

Plet, Liv. I. Tit. iii. § 7.--Beaumanoir, Cout. du Beauvoisis, XI. 2,

XXX. 11.--2 Henry IV. c. 15 (cf. Pike, History of Crime in England I.

343-4, 489).

It is true that both Bracton (De Legibus Angliæ Lib. III. Tract ii. cap.

9 § 2) and Horne (Myrror of Justice, cap. I. § 4, cap. II. § 22, cap.

IV. § 14) describe the punishment of burning for apostasy, heresy, and

sorcery, and the former alludes to a case in which a clerk who embraced

Judaism was burned by a council of Oxford, but the penalty substantially

had no place in the common law, save under the systematizing efforts of

legal writers, enamoured of the Roman jurisprudence, and seeking to

complete their work by the comparison of treason against God with that

against the king. The silence of Britton (chap. VIII.) and of the Fleta

(Lib. I. cap. 21) shows that the question had no practical importance.

[196] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Miracular. Dist. v. c. 33.--Mosaic. et

Roman. Legg. Collat. Tit. XV. § 3 (Hugo, 1465).--Const. 3 Cod. IX.

18.--Cassiodor. Variar. IV., XXII., XXIII.--Gregor. PP. I. Dial. I.

4.--Gloss. Hostiensis in Cap. _ad abolendam_, No. 11, 13 (Eymerici

Direct. Inquisit. pp. 149-150); cf. Gloss. Joan. Andreæ (Ibid. p.

170-1).--Repertorium Inquisitorum s. v. _Comburi_ (Ed. Valent. 1494; Ed.

Venet. 1588, pp. 127-8).

[197] Concil. Autissiodor. ann. 578 c. 33.--C. Matiscon. II. ann. 585 c.

19.--C. 30 Decreti P. II. Caus. xxiii. Quæst. 8.--C. Lateran. IV. ann.

1215 c. 18.--C. Burdegalens. ann. 1255 c. 10.--C. Budens. ann. 1268 c.

11.--C. Nugaroliens. ann. 1303 c. 13.--C. Baiocens. ann. 1300 c.

34.--Lib. Sentt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 208.--Bernard. Guidonis Practica (MSS.

Bib. Nat., Coll. Doat, T. XXX. fol. 1. sqq.).

[198] Honor. Augustod. Summ. Glor. de Apost. c. 5.--Ivon. Decret. IX.

70-79.--Gratiani Decret. P. II. Caus. xxiii. q. 5.--Radevic. de Gest.

Frid. I. Lib. II. c. 56.--Concil. Lateran. II. ann. 1139 c. 23.--Concil.

Lateran. III. ann. 1179 c. 27 (cf. C. Tolosan. ann. 1119 c. 3; C.

Remens. ann. 1148 c. 18; C. Turonens. ann. 1163 c. 4).--Lucii. PP. III.

Epist. 171.

[199] Böhmer, Regest. Imp. V. 86.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. de Negot.

Rom. Imp. 189.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Dissert. III.--Hartzheim Concil.

German. III. 540.--Cod. Epist. Rodolphi I. Auct. II. pp. 375-7 (Lipsiæ

1806).--Theod. Vrie, Hist. Concil. Constant. Lib. III. Dist. 8; Lib.

VII. Dist. 7.--Thom. Aquin. de Principum Regimine Lib. I. c. xiv.; Lib.

III. c. x., xiii.-xviii.--Lib. v. Extra. Tit. vii. c. 13 § 3.--Concil.

Tolosan. ann. 1229 c. 5.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 15,

16.--Zanchini de Hæret. c. v.--Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis, XI.

27.--See also the sermon of the Bishop of Lodi at the condemnation of

Huss, Von der Hardt, III. 5.

The treatise "De principum regimine," though not wholly by St. Thomas

Aquinas, was the authoritative exponent of the ecclesiastical theory as

to the structure and duties of government. See Poole's "Illustrations of

the History of Medieval Thought," p. 240.

[200] Post. Const. 4, Cod. Lib. I. Tit. v.--Post. Libb. Feudorum.--Lib.

Juris Civilis Veronæ c. 156.--Schwabenspiegel, Ed. Senckenb. cap. 351;

Ed. Schilteri c. 308.--Potthast Regesta No. 6593.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull.

_Cum adversus_, 5 Jun. 1252; Bull. _Ad aures_, 2 Apr. 1253; 31 Oct.

1243; 7 Julii 1254.--Bull. _Cum fratres_, Maii 9 1252.--Urbani. IV.

Bull. _Licet ex omnibus_, 1262 § 12.--Wadding Annal. Minor ann. 1258,

No. 7; ann. 1260, No. 1; ann. 1261, No. 3.--c. 6 Sexto v. 2 c. 1, 2 in

Septimo v. 3.--Von der Hardt, T. IV. p. 1519.--Campana, Vita di San

Piero Martire, p. 124.--De Maistre, Lettres à un Gentilhomme Russe sur

l'Inquisition Espagnole, Ed. 1864, _pp._ 17-18, 28, 34.

A thirteenth-century writer argued the matter more directly than De

Maistre--"Papa noster non occidit, nec præcipit aliquem occidi, sed lex

occidit quos papa permittit occidi, et ipsi se occidunt qui ea faciunt

unde debeant occidi."--Gregor. Fanens. Disput. Cathol. et Patar.

(Martene Thesaur. V. 1741).

More historically true is the assertion of an enthusiastic Dominican in

1782, who, after quoting Deut. XIII. 6-10, declares that its command to

slay without mercy all who entice the faithful from the true religion is

almost literally the law of the holy Inquisition; and who proceeds to

prove from Scripture that fire is the peculiar delight of God, and the

proper means of purifying the wheat from the tares.--Lob u. Ehrenrede

auf die heilige Inquisition, Wien, 1782, pp. 19-21.

The hypocritical plea for mercy was commenced in good faith by Innocent

III. in the case of clerks guilty of forgery who were degraded and

delivered to the secular courts.--c. 27 Extra v. 40.

[201] Urbani PP. II. Epist. 256.--Zanchini de Hæret. c. xviii.--Innoc.

PP. III. Regest. XI. 26.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita II 9.

[202] S. Raymundi Summæ Lib. I. Tit. v. §§ 2, 4, 8; Tit. VI. § 1.--This

continued to be the doctrine of the Church. Zanghino Ugolini includes in

his enumeration of heresies neglect to observe the papal decretals,

being an apparent contempt for the power of the keys (Tract. de Hæret.

c. ii.). This authoritative work was printed in Rome, 1568, at the

expense of Pius V., with a commentary by Cardinal Campeggi, and was

reprinted with additions by Simancas in 1579. My references are made to

a transcript from a fifteenth-century MS. of the original in the

Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds latin, 12532.

[203] S. Thom. Aquinat. Summæ Sec. Sec. Q. XI. art. 3, 4.

[204] Cypriani Epist. I.--Chrysost. Hom. de Anathemate.--Leon PP. I.

Epist. 108 c. 2.--Gelasii PP. I. Epistt. 4, 11.--Concil. Roman. II. ann.

494.--Evagrii H.E. Lib. IV. c. 38.--Vigilii Constit. de Tribus

Capitulis.--Facundi Epist. in Defens. Trium Capitt.--Concil.

Constantinop. II. ann. 553 Collat. VII.--Concil. Hispalens. II. ann. 618

c. 5.--Concil. Constantinop. III. ann. 680 Tom. XII.-Jaffé Regesta,

303.--Synod. Roman. ann. 898 c. 1.--Chron. Turonens. (Martene Ampliss.

Collect. V. 978-80).--Ivon. Carnotens. Epist. 96; Ejusd. Panorm. Lib. v.

c. 115-123.--Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Lib. v. Extra Tit. vii. c.

13.--Gratian. Decret. II. Caus. XI. Q. iii. c. 36, 37, 38.--F. Pegnæ

Comment. in Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. 95.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest.

IX. 213.--Lib. III. Extra Tit. xxviii. c. 12.--Lib. v. in Sexto Tit. i.

c. 2.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 104.

[205] Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. Introd. pp. cdlxxxviii., cdxcvi.; II. 6-8,

422-3; IV. 409-11, 435-6; V. 459-60.--Fazelli de Reb. Siculis Decad. II.

Lib. viii.--Alberic. T. Font. Chron. ann. 1228.--Raynald. Annal. ann.

1220, No. 23.--Richard de S. Germano Chron. ann. 1233.

[206] Mr. John Fiske has developed the contrast between the military and

industrial spirit and the theory of corporate responsibility with his

accustomed admirable clearness in his "Excursions of an Evolutionist,"

Essays VIII. and IX.

The theory of solidarity is clearly expressed in Zanghino's remark "Quia

in omnes fert injuriam quod in divinam religionem committatur" (Tract.

de Hæres. c. xi.).

[207] Ademari S. Cibardi Hist. Lib. III. c. 36.--Dooms of Æthelstan,

III. vi. (Thorpe, I. 219).--Bracton. Lib. III. Tract, i. c. 6.--Legg.

Villæ de Arkes § 26. (D'Achery III. 608).--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II.

Introd. p. cxcvi.; IV. 444.--Godefrid. S. Pantal. Annal. ann.

1233.--Fazelli de Reb. Siculis Decad. II. Lib. viii. p. 442.--Isambert.

Anc. Loix Franç. I. 295.--Legg. Opstalbom. §§ 3, 4.--Treuga Henrici c.

1224 (Böhlau, Nove Constitut. Dom. Alberti, Weimar, 1858, pp.

76-77).--Registre Criminel du Châtelet de Paris, _passim_ (Paris,

1861).--Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis, c. 30, No. 12.--Antiqua

Ducum Mediolan. Decreta, pp. 187-88 (Mediolani, 1654).--Legg. Capital.

Caroli V. c. 103-197 (Goldast. Constitt. Imp. III. 537-55).--London

Athenæum, Mar. 15, 1873, p. 338.--R. Christian. V. Jur. Danic. art.

7.--Willenburgii de Except. et Pœnis Cleric, p. 41 (Jenæ, 1740).--5

Henry IV. c. 5.--Description of Britaine, Bk. III. c. 6 (Holinshed's

Chronicles Ed. 1577 I. 106).--London Athenæum, 1885 No. 3024, p. 466.

It has seemed to me, however, that a sensible increase in the severity

of punishment is traceable after the thirteenth century, and I am

inclined to attribute this to the influence exercised by the Inquisition

over the criminal jurisprudence of Europe.

[208] Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. c. 15.--T. Aquinat Summ.

Sec. Sec. Q. X. Artt. 3, 6.--Von der Hardt, T.I.P. XVI. p. 829.--Nic.

Eymerici Direct. Inquis. Præfat.

[209] Galton, Inquiries into Human Faculty, pp. 66-68.--Cæsar.

Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. IV.

As early as the fourth century the tendency of exaggerated asceticism to

affect the mind was noted, and St. Jerome had the common-sense to point

out that such cases required a physician rather than a priest (Hieron.

Epist. CXXV. c. 16).

[210] Martene Thesaur. V. 1817, 1820.--Urbani PP. IV. Bull. _Licet ex

omnibus_, 20 Mart. 1262, § 13.--Clem. PP. IV. Bull. _Prœ cunctis

mentis_, 23 Feb. 1266 (Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc., Doat, XXXII. 32).

[211] Tamburini, Storia Generale dell' Inquisizione, I. 362-5,

561.--Chron. Veronens. ann. 1233 (Muratori S.R.I. VIII. 626, 627).

[212] Gregor. PP. I. Homil. in Evangel. XL. 8.--Pet. Lomb. Sententt.

Lib. IV. Dist. 50 §§ 6, 7. Peter Lombard even presses into service a

passage from St. Jerome which had no such significance (Hieron. Comment.

in Isaiam Lib. XVIII. c. LXVI. vers. 24).--St. Bonaventuræ Pharetræ IV.

50.--S. Thomæ Aquinat. contra Impugn. Relig. cap. XVI. §§ 2, 3.

[213] S. Thomæ Aquinat. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. X. art. 8, 12.--Zanchini de

Hære. c. ii.

[214] Chron. Laudunens. ann. 1198.--Ottonis de S. Blasio Chron.

(Urstisius I. 223 sq.).--Joann. de Flissicuria (D. Bouquet, XVIII.

800).--Rob. Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1198, 1202.--Rog. Hoveden. Annal.

ann. 1198, 1202.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1195, 1198.--Guillel.

Brit. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1195.--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1195,

1198.--Jacob. Vitriens. Hist. Occident. c. 8.--Radulph. de Coggeshall

ann. 1198, 1201.--Chron. Cluniacens. ann. 1198.--Chron. Leodiens. ann.

1198, 1199.--Alberic. T. Font. Chron. ann. 1198.--Geoff. de

Villehardouin c. 1.--Annal. Aquicinctin. Monast. ann. 1198.--Joann.

Iperii Chron. ann. 1201-2.

[215] Pet. Sarnens. c. 6.--Guillel. Pod. Laur. c. 8.--Innoc. PP. III

Regest. XI. 196, 197; XII. 17.

[216] Innocent. PP. III. Regest. XI. 98; XII. 67, 69; XIII. 63, 78, 94;

XV. 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 137, 146.--Ripoll. Bull. Ord. FF. Prædic. I.

96.--Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 2752.

[217] Bremond de Guzmana Stirpe S. Dominici, Romæ, 1740, pp. 11, 12,

127, 133, 288.

[218] Bern. Guidon. Tract. Magist. Ord. Prædicat. ann. 1203-6.--Nic. de

Trivetti Chron. ann. 1203-9.

[219] Pet. Sarnens. c. 7.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. IX. 185.--Paramo de

Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. Lib. II. Tit. 1, c. 2, §§ 6, 7.--Nic. de

Trivetti Chron. ann. 1205.--Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. c. 1.--Bern.

Guidon. Hist. Fundat. Convent. (Martene Ampl. Collect. VI. 439).

[220] Lacordaire, Vie de S. Dominique. p. 124.--Nic. de Trivetti Chron.

ann. 1203.--Jac. de Voragine Legenda Aurea, Ed. 1480, fol. 88_b_, 90_a_.

As St. Francis had the distinguishing peculiarity of the Stigmata, so

the Dominicans boasted that their founder had the special characteristic

that when his tomb was opened the odor of sanctity exhaled from it was a

delicious scent from paradise hitherto unknown, so penetrating in

quality that it pervaded the whole land, and so persistent that those

who touched the holy relics had their hands perfumed for

years.--Prediche del Beato Frà Giordano da Rivalto, Firenze, 1831, I.

47.

[221] Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1215.--Bernardi Guidonis Tract, de

Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 400).--Hist. Ordin.

Prædic. c. 1 (Ib. 332).

[222] Nic. de Trivetti loc. cit.--Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. c.

1.--Bernard. Guidonis loc. cit.--Concil. Lateran. IV. c. xiii.--Harduin.

Concil. VII. 83.

[223] Hist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 1, 2, 3.--Chron. Magist. Ordin.

Prædicat. c. 1.--Bernard. Guidonis Tract. de Magist. Ord. Prædic.

(Martene Ampliss. Coll. VI. 332-4, 400).

[224] Bernard. Guidon. Tract de Ordin. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Collect.

VI. 400, 402-3).--Ejusd. Hist. Fund. Convent. Prædic. (Ib.

446-7).--Hist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 9.--Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1220,

1228.--Chron. Magist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 3.--Constit. Frat. Prædic. ann.

1228, Dist. I. c. 22; II. 26, 34 (Archiv für Literatur-und

Kirchengeschichte, 1886, pp. 209, 222, 225).

[225] Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1215, 1217, 1218.--Chron. Magist.

Ord. Prædic. c. 2.--Hist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 1, 5.--Bern. Guidon. Tract.

de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 401).--Hist. Convent.

Parisiens. Frat. Prædic. (Ib. 549-50).

[226] Bern. Guidon. Tract. de Magist. (Martene VI. 403-4).--Ejusd. Hist.

Convent. Prædic. (Ib. 459).--Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1221, 1243,

1276.--Hist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 7.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I., 73, 74, 77, 94.

An enumeration of the Dominican Order made in 1337, at the request of

Benedict XII., showed about twelve thousand members. Preger, Vorarbeiten

zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Mystik (Zeitschrift für die hist.

Theol. 1869, p. 12).

[227] Bonaventuræ Vit. S. Fran. c. I., c. II. No. 1-4.

[228] S. Bonavent. c. II., III.

This account is doubtless colored by the result and adapted

unconsciously to the successive stages of a formal religious

organization. At first, however, the brethren were not expected to

abandon their ordinary pursuits. They were required to follow their

regular handicraft, earning their livelihood, and not living on alms

except in case of necessity. See the First Rule, as reconstructed by

Prof. Karl Müller, Die Anfänge des Minoritenordens, Freiburg, i. B.,

1885, p. 186.

[229] Bonavent. Vit. Franc. c. IV. No. 10.--Frat. Jordani Chron.

(Analecta Franciscana I. 6. Quaracchi, 1885).--Waddingi Annal. Minorum

ann. 1260, No. 14.--Th. de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum Collat. 2.

[230] Frat. Jordani Chron. (Analecta Franciscana I. 3).--S. Francisci

Colloq. IX.--Liber Conformitatum, Lib. I. Fruct. 9 (Ed. 1513, fol.

77_a_).--Potthast Regesta No. 7108.

The dates and details of the successive Rules drawn up by Francis are

involved in considerable obscurity. The subject has been discussed with

much acuteness by Karl Müller, op. cit.

[231] B. Francisci Regul. II.

[232] Lib. Conformitatum Lib. II. Fruct. 5, fol. 155_b_.

[233] Bonavent. Vit. Francis, c. 8.--Lib. Conformitatum Lib. I. Fruct.

1, fol. 13_a_; Lib. III. Fruct. 3, fol. 210_a_.--Thomæ de Eccleston de

Adventu Minorum Collat. XII.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. _Quia longum_ ann.

1259--Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 19.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 79,

108.--Potthast Regesta No. 10308.--See also Mr. J.S. Brewer's eloquent

tribute to the Franciscans in his preface to the Monumenta Franciscana

(M.R. Series).

In 1496 the University of Paris condemned as scandalous and savoring of

heresy the attempts of the Franciscans to assimilate their patron to

Christ.--(D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. de nov. Error. I. ii. 318.)

When the Dominicans claimed for St. Catharine of Siena the honor of the

Stigmata, Sixtus IV., in 1475, issued a bull prohibiting her being

represented with them, as they were reserved for St. Francis (Martene

Ampliss. Collect. VI. 1386). They had not as yet been vulgarized by La

Cadière and Louise Lateau.

[234] S. Francis. de Perfecta Lætitia; Ejusd. Epistt. xi., xv.--Waddingi

Annal. ann. 1298, No. 24-40.--Cantù, Eretici d'Italia, I. 128.

[235] Lib. Conform. Lib. I. Fruct. 8, fol. 47.--Thom. de Eccleston

Collat. I.--Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 27 (Analecta Franciscana I. 10).--S.

Francis. Collat. Monasticæ, Collat. 20.

[236] Waddingi Annal. ann. 1262, No. 3, 4, 8; ann. 1273, No. 12.

[237] S. Francis. Collat. Monast. Collat. 5.--Ejusd. pro Paupertate

obtinenda Oratio.--Lib. Conform. Lib. III. Fruct. 4, fol. 215_a_.

[238] S. Francis. Colloq. 27.--Th. de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum

Collat. 1, 2.

[239] Philip. Bergomat. Supplem. Chronic. Lib. XIII. ann.

1215.--Bonavent. Vit. S. Fran. c. IV. No. 5; c. XI--Regula Fratrum

Sororumque de Pœnitentia.--Potthast Regest. No. 6736, 7503,

13073.--Chron. Magist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 2, 9.--Raynald. Annal. ann.

1233, No. 40.--Nicolai PP. IV. Bull. _Supra montem_, ann. 1289.

[240] Chron. Augustens. ann. 1250.--Matt. Paris. ann. 1252.

[241] Pierre de Fontaines, Conseil, ch. xxi. art. 8.--Le Grand d'Aussy,

Fabliaux, II. 112-3.--The existence of the "droit de marquette" has been

questioned, but without reasonable ground. The authorities may be found

in the author's "Sacerdotal Celibacy," 2d Ed. p. 354.

[242] Matt. Paris ann. 1251 (pp. 550-2).--Guillel. Nangiac. ann.

1251.--Amalrici Augerii Vit. Pontif. ann. 1251.--Bern. Guidon. Flor.

Chronic. (Bouquet, XXI. 697). A similar extraordinary movement took

place in 1309 (Chron. Corn. Zanflict ann. 1309), and another, on a

larger scale, in 1320 (Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1320.--Grandes

Chroniques V. 245-6.--Amal. Auger. Vit. Pontif. ann. 1320).

[243] Monach. Paduan. Lib. III. ann. 1260.--Chron. F. Francisci Pipini

ann. 1260.--Gesta Treviror. Archiep. c. 268.--Closener's Chronik (Chron.

der deutschen Städte, VIII. 73, 104).--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p.

617.--Verri, Storia di Milano, I. 264.

[244] Potthast Regest. No. 8324, 8326, 9775, 10905, 11169, 11296, 11319,

11399, 11415.--Ripoll. I. 99.--Matt. Paris ann. 1234 (pp.

274-6).--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1295, No. 18.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I.

174.--Ripoll II. 40.

The exemption of the Mendicants from all local jurisdiction save that of

their own Orders was a source of almost inconceivable trouble in every

portion of Christendom. When, for instance, in 1435, the legates of the

Council of Basle were on their way to Brünn to settle the terms of

pacification with the Hussites, they were called upon in Vienna to

silence a Franciscan whose abusive sermons created disorder, and it was

with much trouble that they forced him to admit that, as representing a

general council, they had authority to discipline him. On their arrival

at Brünn they found the public agitated over a dreadful scandal, the

Dominican provincial having seduced a nun of his own order. The woman

had borne a child to him, and no steps had been taken against him. The

ordinary judicial machinery of the Church was utterly powerless to deal

with him, and the precautions which the legates deemed it prudent to

take before they ventured to commence proceedings show how arduous and

dangerous they felt the task to be, though when they got to work they

sentenced him to deposition and imprisonment for life on bread and

water.--Ægidii Carlerii Liber de Legationibus (Monument. Concil.

General. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 544-8, 553, 555, 557, 563-6, 572, 577, 587,

590, 595). This, however, seems to have been a mere _brutum fulmen_, as

there is no allusion to any attempt to execute the sentence.

[245] Potthast No. 11040, 11041:--The usefulness of the Mendicants in

aiding the papacy to unlimited domination is seen in the condemnation,

by the University of Paris, in 1429, of the Franciscan Jean Sarrasin for

publicly teaching that the whole jurisdiction of the Church is derived

from the pope. He was forced to admit that it was bestowed by God on the

several classes of the hierarchy, and that the authority of councils

rested, not on the pope, but on the Holy Ghost and the Church

(D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. de nov. Error. I. ii. 227).

[246] Richard, de S. Germano Chron. ann. 1229, 1239.--Potthast Regesta

No. 10725, 13360.--Ripoll I. 158, 172.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. VI.

pp. 405, 699-701, 710-11. Waddingi Annal. ann. 1246, No. 4; ann. 1253,

No. 35-6.--Martene Ampliss. Coll. II. 1192.--Barbarano de' Mironi, Hist.

Eccles. di Vicenza, II. 73.

[247] Potthast Regesta No. 7380, 8027, 8028, 10343, 10363, 10364, 10365,

10804, 10807, 10906, 10956, 10964, 11008, 11159.--Martene Thesaur. V.

1812.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. III. p. 416.--Gest. Archiep.

Trevirens. c. 190-271.

[248] Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 1146-9.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. XV.

240.--Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 2712.

[249] Constit. Frat. Prædic. ann. 1228, Dist. II. cap. 32, 33 (Archiv.

für Litt. und Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 224).--Innoc. PP. III. Regest.

IX. 185.--S. Francis. Orac. XXII.--Ejusd. Regul. Sec. c. 9.--Stephan. de

Borbone (D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de nov. Error. I. I. 90-1).--Bern.

Guidon. (Martene Ampl. Collect. VI. 530).--Potthast Regest. No. 6508,

6542, 6654, 6660, 7325, 7467, 7468, 7480, 7890, 10316, 10332, 10386,

10629, 10630, 10657, 10990, 10999, 11006, 11299, 15355, 16926,

16933.--Martene Thesaur. I. 954.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1227 c.

19.--Baluz. Concil. Gall. Narbon. App. pp. 156-9.