THE LAST DAYS OF THE BRITISH OPERATIONS ON THE AISNE--THE NORTHERN
MOVE.
I spent some hours on October 1st closely examining the centre of the
enemy's position on the Aisne, and arrived at the conclusion that
troops had certainly been withdrawn and that the Germans were weaker
in strength. I was not, moreover, apprehensive of any great difficulty
in effecting our withdrawal from the Aisne front, and I prepared at
once to carry out the arrangements made with Joffre.
Operation orders were issued ordering the 2nd Corps (less the 16th
Infantry Brigade) to withdraw during the nights of October 1st-2nd and
2nd-3rd, and assemble in the area Cuiry--Housse--Oulchy-le-Chateau
with a view to moving to Pont Ste. Maxence (12 miles south-west of
Compiegne), there to entrain for the left flank; the 1st and 3rd Corps
and 1st Cavalry Division to be withdrawn when opportunity occurred;
the 2nd Cavalry Division and 19th Infantry Brigade to follow the 2nd
Corps; the 1st Corps and 16th Infantry Brigade to take over positions
at the moment held by the 3rd Division; the 3rd Corps to take over
those held by the 5th Division.
I certainly entertained sanguine hopes at this time, in spite of the
bad news received as to the condition of Antwerp, and although such
hopes were never realised I still think they were justified. These
optimistic anticipations were grounded entirely upon the
advance which the Russians were then making through Galicia, and the
splendid fights they had put up in East Prussia and Poland. We
estimated that they were not far from Cracow, and if that fortress
were taken, and the Russians maintained their position, I looked
forward to a great reduction of the German forces opposed to us on the
Western front.
The Grand Duke Nicholas had proved himself to be a commander of high
courage, energy and skill, and we all hoped for great things from his
leadership.
At this time we never had the faintest idea of the actual political
situation in Russia, and knew nothing of the terrible dissensions and
intrigues which were destined to nullify all the magnificent
self-sacrifice displayed by the Russian troops, and to ruin every
attempt made by these great armies of the East to assist and support
the Allied operations.
I feel sure that the British Army officers and men alike will ever
hold these Russian soldiers and their loyal leaders in honour and
grateful memory and admiration. Their prompt invasion of Eastern
Prussia did much to make the victory of the Marne possible.
As a matter of fact, however, in depending upon our Eastern Allies to
the extent that we subsequently did, we showed as limited a mental
prevision in the "political" as we did in the "military" outlook.
Just as we had failed during the past to read accurately the lessons
as regards the fighting of the future, which modern science and
invention should have taught us, so we had never foreseen how unstable
and unreliable a country must be whose ruler and Government are
absolutely despotic, and in no sense representative of the will
of the people. Worse than this, the governing classes in
Russia were saturated with disloyalty and intrigue in the most corrupt
form. But for their black treachery the war would have ended
successfully at the latest in the spring of 1917.
How could such a people successfully withstand the strain of so mighty
a clash of arms, especially when the immense foreign loans and the
placing of enormous contracts brought grist to the mills of that
corrupt mass of financiers whose business in life was only to fatten
on the misfortunes of their fellow creatures?
But to proceed with my narrative. Gough's Cavalry Division was moving
up towards the north next day. I saw him and discussed the situation
fully. I explained the desperate nature of the situation at Antwerp
and told him how necessary it was that he should expedite his
movements to the utmost, adding that he must, therefore, avoid being
drawn _en route_ into any local encounter in which French troops might
be engaged.
The situation will be clearer if I state the actual position of the
troops on the night of 2nd October.
1st Corps and 16th Infantry Brigade and 32nd R.F.A. Brigade holding
former positions and, in addition, the trenches round Vailly formerly
held by 3rd Division.
3rd Corps holding former positions and, in addition, the trenches
round Missy formerly held by the 5th Division.
1st Cavalry Division as before, but 1st Cavalry Brigade holding
trenches covering Conde Bridge.
2nd Cavalry Division moved to area
Silly-sur-Ourcq--Hartennes--Ambrief.
2nd Corps. 3rd Division in area Oulchy-le-Chateau--Grand Rozoy, with
7th Brigade at Cerseuil; two battalions 9th Brigade still in
trenches at Vailly to be withdrawn this night (October 2nd).
5th Division in area Couvrelles--Ciry--Nampteuil-sous-Muret.
On the 3rd, General Sir James Willcocks, commanding the Indian
contingent, arrived and reported himself. Of the Indian troops, one
cavalry regiment (15th Lancers), one brigade of artillery and two
brigades of infantry had reached Orleans, which was the Indian advance
base. I fully discussed the situation with him.
Much has been said and written about the work of the Indian troops in
France, and various opinions have been expressed. For my part I can
only say that, from first to last, so long as they were under my
command, they maintained and probably surpassed even the magnificent
traditions of the Indian Army. In a country and climate to which they
were totally unaccustomed, the exigencies of the moment required that
they should be thrown into action successively by smaller or greater
units before they could be properly concentrated.
I shall always gratefully remember the invaluable assistance they and
their Commander, Sir James Willcocks, rendered under these difficult
conditions in the most critical hours of the First Battle of Ypres,
especially the Lahore Division, commanded by General Watkins.
Just after the appearance of the Indian troops in our trenches, we
intercepted a German wireless message sent to the enemy commanders on
the Indians' front, directing them to take prisoner as many unwounded
Indians as possible, to treat them with all possible courtesy and
consideration and send them in to Headquarters. It was a cunning
attempt to undermine the loyalty of the Indian contingents, but it
never met with the slightest success.
I received news on this day that the 21st French Corps had
commenced to detrain 3 miles west of Lille. This Corps formed the left
of the French Army under de Maud'huy, which was concentrating to the
north of de Castelnau, in order to carry on the great attempted
outflanking movement.
The Armies under de Castelnau and de Maud'huy, with some cavalry
divisions, formed a "group" under the supreme command of General Foch,
who was directed also to exercise general control over all the French
Armies operating in the northern theatre.
No personal record of my share in the war would be satisfactory to me
did it not include special mention of this remarkable man and eminent
soldier. Like his great friend Henry Wilson in England, he was at one
time head of the Staff College in France. Shortly before the war he
paid several visits to England. It was on the occasion of one of these
that I first made his acquaintance. All the world knows the splendid
work he did in the first weeks of the war, and it gave me the greatest
pleasure and satisfaction to find myself so closely associated with
him in the northern theatre. I hope it is not too much to say that,
during this time, our acquaintance ripened into a fast and firm
friendship, which has increased and expanded ever since.
I regard General Foch as one of the finest soldiers and most capable
leaders I have ever known. In appearance he is slight and small of
stature, albeit with a most wiry and active frame. It is in his eyes
and the expression of his face that one sees his extraordinary power.
He appreciates a military situation like lightning, with marvellous
accuracy, and evinces wonderful skill and versatility in dealing with
it. Animated by a consuming energy his constant exclamation
"_Attaque! Attaque! Attaque!_" reflected his state of mind, and there
can be no doubt that he imbued his troops with much of his spirit. Of
all the generals in this great struggle he most resembled in audacious
strategy his great master--Napoleon.
Personally I owe a great deal to his invaluable help and cordial
co-operation. In the darkest hours of our work together--and there
were many such--I never knew him anything but what I have
described--bold, hopeful, and cheery; but ever vigilant, wary, and
full of resource.
Several local attacks were delivered against the 1st Corps which were
repulsed with loss, and I saw little reason to fear that the temporary
weakening of our line would have any ill-effects.
The 1st Cavalry Division was now also _en route_ for the northern
theatre.
On the 5th reports had reached me from Bridges, in Antwerp. He was
certainly pessimistic as to the possibility of the fortress holding
out until we could relieve it. He told me that the Germans had 16-in.
howitzers in position against the forts.
There were indications to-day that considerable German forces were
collecting against Foch's left, near Lille, and the flanking movement
was making very little progress. German cavalry were reported to be in
Hazebrouck.
At Fere-en-Tardenois I received a visit from President Poincare. He
thanked me for all the work the British Army had done in France, and
spoke a great deal about the situation at Antwerp. He told me he
thought the action of the British War Office in sending troops into
Antwerp was a mistake, and expressed great surprise that the control
and direction of all the British troops in France was not
left entirely in the hands of one Commander-in-Chief.
On the 8th, General Headquarters moved to Abbeville, at which place
the 2nd Corps had nearly completed their detrainment. They were
concentrating north-east of Abbeville, and their leading troops were
on the line Oneux--Nouvion-en-Ponthieu.
The 3rd Corps had been relieved on the Aisne by French troops, and
their entrainment at Compiegne was proceeding.
We left Fere-en-Tardenois at 8.30 on the morning of the 8th, and
reached General de Castelnau's Headquarters at Breteuil about one. He
told me that his 4th Corps was again being very hard pressed, and that
the enemy was attacking violently all along his front. The General had
just heard that two of his sons had been killed in action, and was
naturally in a very sad and depressed frame of mind.
I then went on to General Foch's Headquarters at Doullens, which I
reached about four in the afternoon. He gave me a great reception with
a guard of honour.
He took a very optimistic view of the situation, said that the enemy
was making no headway anywhere, and that he was gradually getting
round the German flank on the north. It gave me a great hope for the
future to find him so confident of success.
I explained my plans to him briefly as follows:--
The 2nd Corps, having completed its detrainment north of Abbeville,
was to march to the line Aire--Bethune. The Corps should arrive there
on the 11th; the 3rd Corps was to detrain at St. Omer about the 12th;
the cavalry was to move in advance of the 2nd Corps to sweep round by
the front and northern flank to clear the ground.
I returned to Abbeville that evening. I found that an officer
had arrived from Ostend by motor with a letter from Rawlinson, in
which he explained the situation in the north, the details of which we
know.
I remained at Abbeville and its neighbourhood on the 9th.
The British move to the north was now in full swing. Abbeville is an
important railway junction, and as I looked down from some high ground
commanding a view of all the lines of railway, it was as though every
set of metals had its procession of trains as far as the eye could
reach. That a flank movement of some magnitude was proceeding must
have been apparent to any observer. Some enemy aircraft flew over the
ground on which I stood, and I felt sure that the Germans must have
had warning of our approach to the north. But if the movement was ever
properly reported, very little attention was paid to it, for the
subsequent activities of the cavalry and the 3rd Corps were most
certainly a surprise to the enemy.
Spiers, too, came in and told me that the left of Foch's Army (de
Maud'huy's Corps) was holding its own well.
That day I had a long interview with Allenby, and arranged with him to
form the cavalry into two divisions, the 1st under de Lisle, the 2nd
under Gough. The two, forming the Cavalry Corps, to be, of course,
under Allenby's command. I directed him to make Aire by the 10th with
the 2nd Cavalry Division, the 1st to follow in support.
I told him that his _role_ in the immediate future would be to clear
the country to the north and north-east, reconnoitring woods, etc.,
and securing passages over waterways. I warned him that he must be
prepared to turn round and support the 2nd Corps if it became
necessary, but added that I hoped not to have to call upon
him for this.
An air officer (not, however, Sykes) whom I had sent towards Antwerp
returned and reported the fall of the fortress. He told me of the
great difficulty which had been experienced in withdrawing the Naval
Brigade.
On this afternoon (October 9th) I had a message from Rawlinson. He
told me that 8,000 French were holding Ghent. He was sending two
brigades under Capper to the place in order to cover the retreat of
the Belgians to Bruges, and, with the same object, he was directing a
brigade of Byng's cavalry on the Lys towards Courtrai.
A wire having arrived from Kitchener putting Rawlinson under my
command, I sent the latter instructions.
He was told to hold the line of the Lys if he could, but not to risk a
big fight. If he could hold on to these positions I promised to
connect up with him by the 13th or 14th. If, however, he were forced
to retire, he was directed to do so in the direction of St. Omer,
where the 3rd Corps was now detraining.
On the afternoon of the 9th, the 2nd Corps were approaching the line
Bethune--Aire, the infantry travelling in motor lorries lent by
General Foch. These lorries and motor omnibuses were much used in the
ensuing operations, and proved of great value in adding to the
mobility of the troops.
On the 10th, orders were sent to Rawlinson to the effect that the
troops under his command (namely, the 7th Division and the 3rd Cavalry
Division) were to form the 4th Corps, and that, as soon as the 8th
Division came out it would go to him, and Byng's cavalry would be
withdrawn.
I was much perturbed at hearing that there was delay on the
part of the French in relieving the 1st Corps on the Aisne; Joffre,
however, assured me that all Haig's troops should reach St. Omer so as
to enable me to get them into line by the 17th or the 19th, and with
this I had to be content.
When I visited Smith-Dorrien at his Headquarters at Hesdin, I found
that he would not be able to reach the line assigned to him on this
night, as the motor lorries were late, and his mounted troops and
horses were very tired. I directed him to rest for the night and march
at 9 a.m. next morning.
After leaving the 2nd Corps I went to St. Pol and had a long talk with
General de Maud'huy (commanding the 10th Army). I learnt from him that
things were not going so well north of Loos. He had been obliged to
fall back before the attack of the XIXth German Corps, which had come
up from Valenciennes. He expected to be forced further west, but
promised me to hold a line extending from Bethune to the south-east up
to 12 noon on the 12th, if by then the 2nd Corps could have arrived at
Bethune.
De Maud'huy was among the best Army Commanders that France had
produced in the war. I look back with much pleasure and gratification
to my long association with him. He was of a most cheerful and buoyant
temperament and a _bon camarade_ in every sense of the word. His skill
and dash as a leader are well known.
On leaving him I returned again to Smith-Dorrien, and begged him to
hasten his move. He promised to deploy into his new position as early
as possible on the following morning.
On this day (October 10th) instructions were sent to Allenby to take
the 1st Cavalry Division to join the 2nd near Aire early the next day,
and to act on the left front and flank of the 2nd Corps. The
Foret de Nieppe was said to be occupied by German cavalry in some
strength.
After a long interview with Foch, we concerted together plans of which
the following is a brief outline.
It was agreed that, by the 13th, the British and French troops would
be in a position to make a combined advance east. On that day we were
to make the line Lille--Courtrai.
The French left was to secure the passage of the Scheldt at Lille; the
British centre was to be directed on Courtrai, and was to make good
the passage of the Lys at that place.
The road Bethune--Lille--Tournai was to be used by the French, and all
roads north of it by the British.
The 4th Corps and Belgians were to be on the left of the advance.
On the evening of the 11th the cavalry had cleared the Foret de Nieppe
(south of Hazebrouck), and were in touch with the Divisional Cavalry
of the 6th Division east of that place. They extended thence
south-east to the left of the 2nd Corps.
The 2nd Corps had reached the line of the canal, and I directed
Smith-Dorrien to wheel up his left the next morning in the direction
of Merville and move east to the line Laventie--Lorgies, which would
bring him on the immediate left of the French 10th Army.
One division of the 3rd Corps was moving on Hazebrouck.
Rawlinson reported that Capper with two brigades was still in Ghent.
His aircraft had brought word that two divisions of the enemy were
moving on Alost--Termonde--Lokeren, and that five pontoon bridges had
been constructed by the Germans at Termonde. He said he had
received my instructions and would carry them out as far as he was
able to.
The 3rd Cavalry Division was at Thourout.
The French cavalry were very energetic on the 11th. Conneau's
Cavalry Corps pushed back the German cavalry to the line
Vermelles--Richebourg--Vieille Chapelle. De Mitry's Cavalry Corps
assembled and drove the German cavalry back to the line of the Lawe at
Vieille Chapelle and Estaires.
By the night of the 11th, the Cavalry Corps under Allenby had made
good a great deal of ground to the north, and were halting between
Wallon-Cappel (west of Hazebrouck) and Merville. Moving thence on the
morning of the 12th, they carried out invaluable work during the
subsequent two or three days. Allenby liberally interpreted his orders
and made a magnificent sweep to the north and north-east, driving the
enemy back all the way.
Of all the splendid work performed by the cavalry during the war,
little can compare (in results achieved) with this advance. It was
only surpassed by their immortal stand on the Wytschaete--Messines
ridge on those ever-memorable days and nights of October 31st and
November 1st.
By the evening of the 12th, Gough, with the 2nd Cavalry Division, had
attacked and captured the Mont des Cats position, which was a
strategic point of great importance lying six miles north-east of
Hazebrouck. There was great opposition by the enemy cavalry, which was
supported by jaeger and strong infantry detachments; but Gough carried
all before him in fine style.
The 1st Division under de Lisle halted before Merris, after severe
fighting which drove the enemy back many miles.
On the 13th, the cavalry made a further great advance,
driving the enemy before them, and on the evening reached the line
Mont Noir--Boeschepe--Berthen. The position of Mont Noir was
vigorously defended by the Germans, but they were finally driven out
by the 2nd Cavalry Division under Gough, who handled his troops with
great skill and determination.
On the 14th, the 1st Cavalry Division reached the area
Dranoutre--Messines and pushed advanced detachments to Warneton. The
2nd Division moved to the Kemmel--Wytschaete area, sending advanced
detachments to Werwick.
I sent instructions to Allenby to make a strong reconnaissance of the
Lys from Estaires to Menin on the 15th, and report the result as
quickly as possible to me at the Headquarters of the 3rd Corps.
Late at night on the 12th, the 3rd Corps (4th and 6th Divisions and
19th Brigade) moved to the area east and south of Hazebrouck. The
infantry were moved in motor omnibuses.
On this day General Headquarters were moved from Abbeville to St.
Omer. On my way there I went to Hazebrouck to see the Commander of the
3rd Corps. Pulteney is a very old friend and comrade of mine, to whom
I should like to devote a few lines of this story.
The keenest of soldiers from his early youth, he was Adjutant of his
battalion of the Scots Guards. Thence he sought service in Africa,
where he did excellent work, although he suffered severely from the
climate.
I had the good fortune to be closely associated with him in the South
African War, and there had experience of his fine qualities as a
soldier and leader of men. I was delighted to find him with me as one
of the three Corps Commanders who fought with the First
Expeditionary Force sent to France.
Throughout my period of Commander-in-Chief he wholly justified the
estimate which I had formed of his capacity and capability in the
field. He enjoyed the full confidence of the officers and men who
served under him. Possessed of iron nerve and indomitable courage, he
remained imperturbable and unmoved in face of the most difficult and
precarious situations. No matter how arduous the task imposed upon him
he never made difficulties, but always carried out the _role_ assigned
to him with energy and skill. It had been my hope to see him in
command of an Army, for which I feel sure he was thoroughly qualified;
but my withdrawal from France prevented my carrying out my intentions
with regard to him.
His conduct of the operations which I am just about to describe was
characterised by his customary skill, boldness and decision. The great
results which accrued from the First Battle of Ypres may be fairly
traced back to his initial leading of the 3rd Corps in the series of
successful advances which were the most prominent and important
amongst the opening phases of that great combat.
On reaching Hazebrouck, about 4 p.m. on the 13th, I was told that the
3rd Corps was engaged with the enemy some miles east of the town.
Repairing with all speed in that direction I came up with the rear of
the 6th Division, which had been heavily engaged almost up to that
moment, but now was preparing to advance. My car got hopelessly
blocked amidst ammunition wagons and all manner of traffic, and in
trying to extricate it we found ourselves badly bogged in a ploughed
field.
Leaving the motor to struggle back, I tried to see what was going on
from some high ground close by. Rain was falling heavily,
and the atmosphere was foggy and misty. I watched as best I could for
some little time what was going forward, until I felt assured that the
tide of battle was flowing very favourably for us. I then got back as
quickly as possible to Headquarters at St. Omer, where reports were
awaiting me. I learnt that the town had been heavily bombed by hostile
aircraft during the day. Much damage was done to buildings, and
several soldiers and civilians had been killed and wounded. It was a
somewhat unpleasant welcome for us, but the effect of it was
completely wiped out by the news I received from Pulteney of the
victory he had attained.
The enemy opposed to him consisted of one or two Divisions of cavalry,
at least a Division of infantry (19th Corps) and several jaeger
battalions. Pulteney found them posted in a strong position covering
Bailleul, with their left resting on Bleu (close to Vieux Berquin) and
their right on Berthen. The British attack opened at 1.30 p.m., and by
nightfall the 6th Division had captured Bailleul and Meteren, whilst
the 4th Division captured and occupied a strong position facing east
one mile to the north of the 6th Division.
This was an excellent day's work performed by the 3rd Corps; and the
captured ground was of great value in the subsequent operations.
About noon on the 14th, the 3rd Corps continued the advance, and after
some considerable fighting secured, by 7 p.m., the line Bleu--east of
Bailleul--Neuve Eglise.
On the 15th I directed Pulteney to make good the River Lys between
Armentieres and Sailly-sur-la-Lys, and endeavour to gain touch with
the 2nd Corps.
By nightfall the 3rd Corps had made the line Sailly-Nieppe.
Between the 11th and the 15th, the 4th Corps under Rawlinson
was constantly engaged in assisting and covering the retreat of the
Belgian Army. During this time the German forces from Antwerp were
concentrating westwards in ever-increasing strength. The 7th Division
under Capper retired successively from Ghent to Aeltre, thence to
Thielt, from Thielt to Roulers, and from Roulers to the south and east
of Ypres.
The 3rd Cavalry Division under Byng was at Thourout on the 11th, at
Roulers on the 12th, at Ypres on the 13th, and on the 14th connected
up with Gough's 2nd Cavalry Division in front of Kemmel, which
position the two Cavalry Divisions captured and secured.
On the 15th the 7th Division was east of Ypres, with the 3rd Cavalry
Division well out in advance of them in the direction of Menin and
Courtrai.
The capture of the high ground about Kemmel proved to be of the utmost
importance to us throughout the Battle of Ypres.
On the 12th the Belgian Army assembled in the area
Ostend--Dixmude--Furnes--Nieuport, but on the 15th withdrew entirely
behind the Yser to the north of Ypres.
The French Naval Division and other troops which had been covering the
Belgian retreat were at Dixmude and Nieuport. A French Territorial
Division from Cassel had been moved to Ypres.
On the 14th it was reported that about 10,000 German troops from
Antwerp were moving on Bruges and Roulers, and that another German
Division from Antwerp had reached Courtrai.
On the 15th, the enemy strengthened their line on the Lys, where part
of the 19th and 12th German Corps were reported to be with their right
on Menin, and, finally, the Germans were said to be advancing in four
columns to the line Ghistelles--Roulers.
I now turn to the operations of the 2nd Corps, which, it will be
remembered, was on the right of the British forces to the east of
Bethune.
I visited Smith-Dorrien at his Headquarters almost every day between
the 11th and the 15th. On each occasion I was more and more impressed
by the exceptionally difficult nature of the country in this part of
our field of operations.
If we draw a line on the map starting from Lens on the south and
following north through Lievin, La Bassee, Fromelles, Armentieres,
almost to the valley of the River Douve on the north, the whole
_terrain_ for several miles to the east and west of that line strongly
resembles the English Black Country. North of Lievin the ground is
very flat, whilst mining works, slag heaps, factories and mining
villages completely cover the surface in all directions.
There is a large mining population whose tenements (sometimes single
houses, sometimes separate rows or cottages) cover the whole area.
There are also towns of some size, such as Bethune, Noeux-les-Mines,
Nieppe, and Armentieres.
The ground, moreover, was of such a character as to render effective
artillery support to an infantry attack most difficult. The roads were
rough, narrow, badly paved, and very slippery in wet weather, which
caused movements by motor to be a work of time and difficulty,
particularly in the case of the heavy motor transport passing between
the troops and their supply depots. This marked defect in the roads
applied, however, to the whole area over which the British operations
extended.
After some severe fighting, particularly by the 5th Division,
the 2nd Corps reached the line Annequin--Pont Fixe--Festubert--Vieille
Chapelle--Fosse on the night of the 12th.
On my way to Hazebrouck on the 13th, I saw Smith-Dorrien for a short
time. He was holding his own, and during the day his left (3rd
Division) made good progress, reaching Pont du Hem close to Laventie.
The French cavalry, which had been operating in advance of the 2nd
Corps, had drawn back to the northern flank of the latter and were at
Pont Rigneul. For some days subsequently they held the ground and kept
up connection between our 2nd and 3rd Corps.
On the afternoon of the 14th, I again visited Smith-Dorrien at
Bethune. He was in one of those fits of deep depression which
unfortunately visited him frequently. He complained that the 2nd Corps
had never got over what he described as the "shock" of Le Cateau, and
that the officers sent out to him to replace his tremendous losses in
officers were untrained and inexperienced; and, lastly, he expressed
himself convinced that there was no great fighting spirit throughout
the troops he commanded.
I told him that I thought he greatly exaggerated these disabilities. I
pointed out that the cavalry, the 4th Division and the 19th Brigade
were all just as heavily engaged at Le Cateau as the 2nd Corps, but
that their spirit and condition, as I had seen for myself the day
before, were excellent.
Even if, as I consider, his point of view was needlessly pessimistic,
Smith-Dorrien was certainly confronted with a difficult task. He was
on a very extended front, and the situation undoubtedly demanded
skilful handling and great determination.
I arranged with Foch that the French should extend their line
north, up to the line of the La Bassee canal. When this was done, the
Commander of the 2nd Corps was able to shorten his line and keep one
of his brigades back in reserve.
On this day General Hubert Hamilton, commanding the 3rd Division, was
killed by a shell. His loss was deeply felt by his Division, who had
the utmost confidence in him.
Hubert Hamilton was an old friend of mine, and it grieved me much to
lose him. He was a fine soldier, possessing a most attractive nature,
and I do not think he can have had an enemy in the world. I have
always looked back with admiration to his leading of the 3rd Division
in that critical period of the war.
I conclude this chapter with the arrival of the last detachment of the
1st Corps at St. Omer from the Aisne. There to the last they
maintained the fine fighting record which they had earned, for on the
11th--shortly before their departure--they once again gallantly
repulsed a heavy German attack with great loss to the enemy.
On the night of the 11th, the 2nd Division and 16th Brigade had been
withdrawn from the trenches and had begun entraining _en route_ for
St. Omer, being followed shortly by the remainder of the 1st Corps.
The following Order of the Day was issued to the troops on October
16th:--
"Special Order of the Day.
"General Headquarters,
"October 16th, 1914.
"1. Having for 25 days successfully held the line of the River Aisne
between Soissons and Villers against the most desperate endeavours of
the enemy to break through, that memorable battle has now
been brought to a conclusion, so far as the British Forces are
concerned, by the operation which has once more placed us on the left
flank of the Allied Armies.
"2. At the close of this important phase of the campaign, I wish to
express my heartfelt appreciation of the services performed throughout
this trying period by the officers, non-commissioned officers and men
of the British Field Forces in France.
"3. Throughout nearly the whole of those 25 days a most powerful and
continuous fire of artillery, from guns of a calibre never used before
in field operations, covered and supported desperate infantry attacks
made in the greatest strength and directed at all hours of the day and
night on your positions.
"Although you were thus denied adequate rest and suffered great
losses, in no case did the enemy attain the slightest success, but was
invariably thrown back with immense loss.
"4. The powerful endurance of the troops was further greatly taxed by
the cold and wet weather which prevailed during the greater part of
the time.
"5. Paragraph 2 of the Special Order of the Day, August 22nd, ran as
follows:--
"'All the regiments comprising the Expeditionary Force bear on
their colours emblems and names which constantly remind them of
glorious victories achieved by them in the past. I have the most
complete confidence that those regiments, as they stand to-day in
close proximity to the enemy, will not only uphold the
magnificent traditions of former days, but will add fresh laurels
to their standards.'
"I cannot convey what I feel with regard to the conduct of
the troops under my command better than by expressing my conviction
that they have justified that confidence well and nobly.
"6. That confidence is everywhere endorsed by their fellow-countrymen;
and, whatever may be before the British Army in France, I am sure they
will continue to follow the same, glorious path till final and
complete victory is attained.
(Signed) "J. D. P. FRENCH, Field Marshal,
"Commander-in-Chief, The British Army
in the Field."