THE SAILING OF THE EXPEDITIONARY FORCE.
I left Charing Cross by special train at 2 p.m. on Friday, August
14th, and embarked at Dover in His Majesty's cruiser "Sentinel." Sir
Maurice FitzGerald and a few other friends were at the station to see
me off, and I was accompanied by Murray, Wilson, Robertson, Lambton,
Wake, Huguet and Brinsley FitzGerald (my private secretary). The day
was dark, dull and gloomy, and rather chilly for August. Dover had
ceased to be the cheery seaside resort of peace days, and had assumed
the appearance of a fortress expecting momentary attack. Very few
people were about, and the place was prepared for immediate action.
The fine harbour was crowded with destroyers, submarines, and a few
cruisers; booms barred all the entrances and mines were laid down.
It was the first time since war had been declared that I witnessed the
outward and visible signs of the great struggle for which we were
girding our loins. Not the least evidence of this was the appearance
of the officers and men of the "Sentinel." All showed in their faces
that strained, eager, watchful look which told of the severe and
continual daily and nightly vigil. This was very marked, and much
impressed me.
We sailed a little before 4 and landed at Boulogne about 5.30 in the
evening. I was met by the Governor, the Commandant, and the port
officials, and we had a very hearty reception. There were several rest
camps at Boulogne, and I was able to visit them. Officers
and men looked fit and well, and were full of enthusiasm and cheer.
Boulogne was only a secondary port of embarkation, but I can vividly
recall the scene. Everyone knows the curious and interesting old town,
with its picturesque citadel, situated on a lofty hill. On all sides
were evidences of great activity and excitement. Soldiers and sailors,
both British and French, were everywhere. All were being warmly
welcomed and cheered by the townspeople.
The declining August sun lit up sinuous columns of infantry ascending
the high ground to their rest camps on the plateau to the sound of
military bands. From the heights above the town, the quays and
wharves, where the landing of troops and stores was unceasingly going
forward, looked like human beehives. Looking out to sea, one could
distinguish approaching transports here and there between the ever
wary and watchful scout, destroyer and submarine, which were jealously
guarding the route.
Over all towered the monument to the greatest world-soldier--the
warrior Emperor who, more than a hundred years before, had from that
spot contemplated the invasion of England. Could he have now revisited
"the glimpses of the moon," would he not have rejoiced at this
friendly invasion of France by England's "good yeomen," who were now
offering their lives to save France from possible destruction as a
Power of the first class? It was a wonderful and never to be forgotten
scene in the setting sun; and, as I walked round camps and bivouacs, I
could not but think of the many fine fellows around me who had said
good-bye to Old England for ever.
We left Boulogne at 7.20 the same evening, and reached Amiens at 9.
There I was met by General Robert (Military Governor) and his staff,
the Prefect and officials. Amiens was the Headquarters of
General Robb, the Commander of our Line of Communications, and it was
also the first point of concentration for our aircraft, which David
Henderson commanded, with Sykes as his chief assistant. Whilst at
Amiens I was able to hold important discussions with Robb and
Henderson as to their respective commands.
I left Amiens for Paris on the morning of the 15th and we reached the
Nord Terminus at 12.45 p.m., where I was met by the British Ambassador
(now Lord Bertie) and the Military Governor of Paris. Large crowds had
assembled in the streets on the way to the Embassy, and we were
received with tremendous greetings by the people. Their welcome was
cordial in the extreme. The day is particularly memorable to me,
because my previous acquaintance with Lord Bertie ripened from that
time into an intimate friendship to which I attach the greatest value.
I trust that, when the real history of this war is written, the
splendid part played by this great Ambassador may be thoroughly
understood and appreciated by his countrymen. Throughout the year and
a half that I commanded in France, his help and counsel were
invaluable to me.
We drove to the Embassy and lunched there. In the afternoon,
accompanied by the Ambassador, I visited M. Poincare. The President
was attended by M. Viviani, Prime Minister, and M. Messimy, Minister
for War. The situation was fully discussed, and I was much impressed
by the optimistic spirit of the President. I am sure he had formed
great hopes of a victorious advance by the Allies from the line they
had taken up, and he discoursed playfully with me on the possibility
of another battle being fought by the British on the old field of
Waterloo. He said the attitude of the French nation was admirable,
that they were very calm and determined.
After leaving the President I went to the War Office. Maps
were produced; the whole situation was again discussed, and
arrangements were made for me to meet General Joffre at his
Headquarters the next day.
In the evening I dined quietly with Brinsley FitzGerald at the Ritz,
and here it was curious to observe how Paris, like Dover, had put on a
sombre garb of war. The buoyant, optimistic nature of the French
people was apparent in the few we met; but there was no bombastic,
over-confident tone in the conversation around us; only a quiet, but
grim, determination which fully appreciated the tremendous
difficulties and gigantic issues at stake. The false optimism of "A
Berlin" associated with 1870 was conspicuously absent. In its place, a
silent determination to fight to the last franc and to the last man.
We left Paris by motor early on the 16th, and arrived at Joffre's
Headquarters at Vitry-le-Francois at noon. A few minutes before our
arrival a captured German flag (the first visible trophy of war I had
seen) had been brought in, and the impression of General Joffre which
was left on my mind was that he possessed a fund of human
understanding and sympathy.
I had heard of the French Commander-in-Chief for years, but had never
before seen him. He struck me at once as a man of strong will and
determination, very courteous and considerate, but firm and steadfast
of mind and purpose, and not easily turned or persuaded. He appeared
to me to be capable of exercising a powerful influence over the troops
he commanded and as likely to enjoy their confidence.
These were all "first impressions"; but I may say here that everything
I then thought of General Joffre was far more than confirmed
throughout the year and a half of fierce struggle during
which I was associated with him. His steadfastness and determination,
his courage and patience, were tried to the utmost and never found
wanting. History will rank him as one of the supremely great leaders.
The immediate task before him was stupendous, and nobly did he arise
to it.
I was quite favourably impressed by General Berthelot (Joffre's Chief
of Staff) and all the Staff Officers I met, and was much struck by
their attitude and bearing. There was a complete absence of fuss, and
a calm, deliberate confidence was manifest everywhere. I had a long
conversation with the Commander-in-Chief, at which General Berthelot
was present. He certainly never gave me the slightest reason to
suppose that any idea of "retirement" was in his mind. He discussed
possible alternatives of action depending upon the information
received of the enemy's plans and dispositions; but his main intention
was always to attack.
There were two special points in this conversation which recur to my
mind.
As the British Army was posted on the left, or exposed flank, I asked
Joffre to place the French Cavalry Division, and two Reserve Divisions
which were echeloned in reserve behind, directly under my orders. This
the Commander-in-Chief found himself unable to concede.
The second point I recall is the high esteem in which the General
Commanding the 5th French Army, General Lanrezac, which was posted on
my immediate right, was held by Joffre and his Staff. He was
represented to me as the best Commander in the French Army, on whose
complete support and skilful co-operation I could thoroughly rely.
Before leaving, the Commander-in-Chief handed me a written
memorandum setting forth his views as he had stated them to me,
accompanied by a short appreciation of the situation made by the Chief
of the General Staff.
We motored to Rheims, where we slept that night. Throughout this long
motor journey we passed through great areas of cultivated country. All
work, it seemed, had ceased; the crops were half cut, and stooks of
corn were lying about everywhere. It was difficult to imagine how the
harvest would be saved; but one of my most extraordinary experiences
in France was to watch the farming and agriculture going on as if by
magic. When, how, or by whom it was done, has always been an enigma to
me. There can be no doubt that the women and children proved an
enormous help to their country in these directions. Their share of the
victory should never be forgotten. It has been distilled from their
sweat and tears.
On the morning of the 17th I went to Rethel, which was the
Headquarters of the General Commanding the 5th French Army. Having
heard such eulogies of him at French G.H.Q., my first impressions of
General Lanrezac were probably coloured and modified in his favour;
but, looking back, I remember that his personality did not convey to
me the idea of a great leader. He was a big man with a loud voice, and
his manner did not strike me as being very courteous.
When he was discussing the situation, his attitude might have made a
casual observer credit him with practical powers of command and
determination of character; but, for my own part, I seemed to detect,
from the first time my eyes fell upon him, a certain over-confidence
which appeared to ignore the necessity for any consideration of
alternatives. Although we arrived at a mutual understanding which
included no idea or thought of "retreat," I left General
Lanrezac's Headquarters believing that the Commander-in-Chief had
over-rated his ability; and I was therefore not surprised when he
afterwards turned out to be the most complete example, amongst the
many this War has afforded, of the Staff College "pedant," whose
"superior education" had given him little idea of how to conduct war.
On leaving Rethel, I motored to Vervins, where I interviewed the
Commanders of the French Reserve Divisions in my immediate
neighbourhood, and reached my Headquarters at Le Cateau late in the
afternoon.
The first news I got was of the sudden death of my dear old friend and
comrade, Jimmie Grierson (General Sir James Grierson, Commanding the
2nd Army Corps). He was taken ill quite suddenly in the train on his
way to his own Corps Headquarters, and died in a few minutes. I had
known him for many years, but since 1906 had been quite closely
associated with him; for he had taken a leading part in the
preparation of the Army for war throughout that time. He possessed a
wonderful personality, and was justly beloved by officers and men
alike. He was able to get the best work out of them, and they would
follow him anywhere. He had been British Military Attache in Berlin
for some years, and had thus acquired an intimate knowledge of the
German Army. An excellent linguist, he spoke French with ease and
fluency, and he used to astonish French soldiers by his intimate
knowledge of the history of their regiments, which was often far in
excess of what they knew themselves. His military acquirements were
brilliant, and in every respect thoroughly up-to-date. Apart from the
real affection I always felt for him, I regarded his loss as a great
calamity in the conduct of the campaign.
His place was taken by Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien, although I
asked that Sir Herbert Plumer might be sent out to me to succeed
Grierson in command of the 2nd Corps. As a matter of fact, the
question of Sir James Grierson's successor was not referred to me at
all. The appointment was made at home. Although I knew Sir Horace to
be a soldier who had done good service and possessed a fine record, I
had asked for Sir Herbert Plumer because I felt he was the right man
for this command.
Lord Kitchener had asked me to send him a statement of the French
dispositions west of the Meuse. I sent him this in the following
letter:--
"Headquarters,
"Le Cateau,
"August 17th, 1914.
"My Dear Lord K.
"With reference to your wire asking for information as to the position
of French troops west of the line Givet--Dinant--Namur--Brussels, I
have already replied by wire in general terms. I now send full
details.
"A Corps of Cavalry (three divisions less one brigade), supported by
some Infantry, is north of the River Sambre between Charleroi and
Namur. This is the nearest French force to the Belgian Army, and I do
not know if and where they have established communication with them,
nor do the French.
"One French Corps, with an added Infantry Brigade and a Cavalry
Brigade, is guarding the River Meuse from Givet to Namur. The bridges
are mined and ready to be blown up.
"In rear of this corps, two more corps are moving--one on
Philippeville, the other on Beaumont. Each of these two corps is
composed of three divisions. In rear of them a fourth corps assembles
to-morrow west of Beaumont. Three Reserve divisions are already in
waiting between Vervins and Hirson. Another Reserve division is
guarding the almost impassable country between Givet and Mezieres.
"Finally, other Reserve formations are guarding the frontier between
Maubeuge and Lille.
"I left Paris on Sunday morning (16th) by motor, and reached the
Headquarters of General Joffre (French Commander-in-Chief) at 12. They
are at Vitry-le-Francois. He quite realises the importance and value
of adopting a waiting attitude. In the event of a forward movement by
the German Corps in the Ardennes and Luxemburg, he is anxious that I
should act in echelon on the left of the 5th French Army, whose
present disposition I have stated above. The French Cavalry Corps now
north of the Sambre will operate on my left front and keep touch with
the Belgians.
"I spent the night at Rheims and motored this morning to Rethel, the
Headquarters of General Lanrezac, Commander 5th French Army. I had a
long talk with him and arranged for co-operation in all alternative
circumstances.
"I then came on to my Headquarters at this place where I found
everything proceeding satisfactorily and up to time. I was much
shocked to hear of Grierson's sudden death near Amiens when I arrived
here. I had already wired asking you to appoint Plumer in his place,
when your wire reached me and also that of Ian Hamilton, forwarded--as
I understand--by you. I very much hope you will send me Plumer;
Hamilton is too senior to command an Army Corps and is already engaged
in an important command at home.
"Please do as I ask you in this matter? I needn't assure you there was
no 'promise' of any kind.
"Yours sincerely,
"(Signed) J. D. P. FRENCH.
"P.S.--I am much impressed by all I have seen of the French General
Staff. They are very deliberate, calm, and confident. There was a
total absence of fuss and confusion, and a determination to give only
a just and proper value to any reported successes. So far there has
been no conflict of first-rate importance, but there has been enough
fighting to justify a hope that the French artillery is superior to
the German."
It was on Tuesday, August 18th, that I was first able to assemble the
Corps Commanders and their Staffs. Their reports as to the transport
of their troops from their mobilising stations to France were highly
satisfactory.
The nation owes a deep debt of gratitude to the Naval Transport
Service and to all concerned in the embarking and disembarking of the
Expeditionary Force. Every move was carried out exactly to time, and
the concentration of the British Army on the left of the French was
effected in such a manner as to enable every unit to obtain the
requisite time to familiarise troops with active service conditions,
before it became necessary to make severe demands upon their strength
and endurance.
My discussion with the Corps Commanders was based upon the following
brief appreciation of the situation on that day. This was as
follows:--
"Between Tirlemont (to the east of Louvain) and Metz, the enemy has
some 13 to 15 Army Corps and seven Cavalry Divisions. A certain number
of reserve troops are said to be engaged in the offensive of Liege,
the forts of which place are believed to be still intact, although
some of the enemy's troops hold the town.
"These German Corps are in two main groups, seven to eight Corps and
four Cavalry Divisions being between Tirlemont and Givet. Six to seven
Corps and three Cavalry Divisions are in Belgian Luxemburg.
"Of the northern group, it is believed that the greater part--perhaps
five Corps--are either north and west of the Meuse, or being pushed
across by bridges at Huy and elsewhere.
"The general direction of the German advance is by Waremme on
Tirlemont. Two German Cavalry Divisions which crossed the Meuse some
days ago have reached Gembloux, but have been driven back to Mont
Arden by French cavalry supported by a mixed Belgian brigade.
"The German plans are still rather uncertain, but it is confidently
believed that at least five Army Corps and two or three Cavalry
Divisions will move against the French frontiers south-west, on a
great line between Brussels and Givet.
"The 1st French Corps is now at Dinant, one Infantry and one Cavalry
Brigade opposing the group of German Corps south of the Meuse.
"The 10th and 3rd Corps are on the line Rethel--Thuin, south of the
Sambre. The 18th Corps are moving up on the left of the 10th and 3rd.
"Six or seven Reserve French Divisions are entrenched on a line
reaching from Dunkirk, on the coast, through Cambrai and La Capelle,
to Hirson.
"The Belgian Army is entrenched on a line running north-east and
south-west through Louvain."
My general instructions were then communicated to Corps Commanders as
follows:--
"When our concentration is complete, it is intended that we should
operate on the left of the French 5th Army, the 18th Corps being on
our right. The French Cavalry Corps of three divisions will be on our
left and in touch with the Belgians.
"As a preliminary to this, we shall take up an area north of the
Sambre, and on Monday the heads of the Allied columns should be on the
line Mons--Givet, with the cavalry on the outer flank.
"Should the German attack develop in the manner expected, we shall
advance on the general line Mons--Dinant to meet it."
During these first days, whilst our concentration was in course of
completion, I rode about a great deal amongst the troops, which were
generally on the move to take up their billets or doing practice route
marches. I had an excellent opportunity of observing the physique and
general appearance of the men. Many of the reservists at first bore
traces of the civilian life which they had just left, and presented an
anxious, tired appearance; but it was wonderful to observe the almost
hourly improvement which took place amongst them. I knew that, under
the supervision and influence of the magnificent body of officers and
non-commissioned officers which belonged to the 1st Expeditionary
Force, all the reservists, even those who had been for years away from
the colours, would, before going under fire, regain to the full the
splendid military vigour, determination, and spirit which has at all
times been so marked a characteristic of British soldiers in the
field.
I received a pressing request from the King of the Belgians
to visit His Majesty at his Headquarters at Louvain; but the immediate
course of the operations prevented me from doing so.
The opening phases of the Battle of Mons did not commence until the
morning of Saturday, August 22nd. Up to that time, so far as the
British forces were concerned, the forwarding of offensive operations
had complete possession of our minds. During the days which
intervened, I had frequent meetings and discussions with the Corps and
Cavalry Commanders. The Intelligence Reports which constantly arrived,
and the results of cavalry and aircraft reconnaissances, only
confirmed the previous appreciation of the situation, and left no
doubt as to the direction of the German advance; but nothing came to
hand which led us to foresee the crushing superiority of strength
which actually confronted us on Sunday, August 23rd.
This was our first practical experience in the use of aircraft for
reconnaissance purposes. It cannot be said that in these early days of
the fighting the cavalry entirely abandoned that _role_. On the
contrary, they furnished me with much useful information.
The number of our aeroplanes was then limited, and their powers of
observation were not so developed or so accurate as they afterwards
became. Nevertheless, they kept close touch with the enemy, and their
reports proved of the greatest value.
Whilst at this time, as I have said, aircraft did not altogether
replace cavalry as regards the gaining and collection of information,
yet, by working together as they did, the two arms gained much more
accurate and voluminous knowledge of the situation. It was, indeed,
the timely warning they gave which chiefly enabled me to make speedy
dispositions to avert danger and disaster.
There can be no doubt indeed that, even then, the presence
and co-operation of aircraft saved the very frequent use of small
cavalry patrols and detached supports. This enabled the latter arm to
save horseflesh and concentrate their power more on actual combat and
fighting, and to this is greatly due the marked success which attended
the operations of the cavalry during the Battle of Mons and the
subsequent retreat.
At the time I am writing, however, it would appear that the duty of
collecting information and maintaining touch with an enemy in the
field will in future fall entirely upon the air service, which will
set the cavalry free for different but equally important work.
I had daily consultations with Sir William Robertson, the
Quartermaster-General. He expressed himself as well satisfied with the
condition of the transport, both horse and mechanical, although he
said the civilian drivers were giving a little trouble at first.
Munitions and supplies were well provided for, and there were at least
1,000 rounds per gun and 800 rounds per rifle. We also discussed the
arrangements for the evacuation of wounded.
The immediate despatch from home of the 4th Division was now decided
upon and had commenced, and I received sanction to form a 19th Brigade
of Infantry from the Line of Communication battalions.
At this time I received some interesting reports as to the work of the
French cavalry in Belgium. Their _morale_ was high and they were very
efficient. They were opposed by two divisions of German cavalry whose
patrols, they said, showed great want of dash and initiative, and were
not well supported. They formed the opinion that the German horse did
not care about trying conclusions mounted, but endeavoured
to draw the French under the fire of artillery and jaeger battalions,
the last-named always accompanying a German Cavalry Division.
At 5.30 a.m. on the 21st I received a visit from General de
Morionville, Chief of the Staff to His Majesty the King of the
Belgians, who, with a small staff, was proceeding to Joffre's
Headquarters. The General showed signs of the terrible ordeal through
which he and his gallant army had passed since the enemy had so
grossly violated Belgian territory. He confirmed all the reports we
had received concerning the situation generally, and added that the
unsupported condition of the Belgian Army rendered their position very
precarious, and that the King had, therefore, determined to effect a
retirement on Antwerp, where they would be prepared to attack the
flank of the enemy's columns as they advanced. He told me he hoped to
arrive at a complete understanding with the French Commander-in-Chief.
On this day, August 21st, the Belgians evacuated Brussels and were
retiring on Antwerp, and I received the following message from the
Government:--
"The Belgian Government desire to assure the British and French
Governments of the unreserved support of the Belgian Army on the left
flank of the Allied Armies with the whole of its troops and all
available resources, wherever their line of communications with the
base at Antwerp, where all their ammunition and food supplies are
kept, is not in danger of being severed by large hostile forces.
"Within the above-mentioned limits the Allied Armies may continue to
rely on the co-operation of the Belgian troops.
"Since the commencement of hostilities the Field Army has been holding
the line Tirlemont--Jodoigne--Hammemille--Louvain, where, up
to the 18th August, it has been standing by, hoping for the active
co-operation of the Allied Army.
"On August 18th it was decided that the Belgian Army, consisting of
50,000 Infantry rifles, 276 guns, and 4,100 Cavalry should retreat on
the Dyle. This step was taken owing to the fact that the support of
the Allies had not yet been effective, and, moreover, that the Belgian
forces were menaced by three Army Corps and three Cavalry Divisions
(the greater part of the First Army of the Meuse), who threatened to
cut their communications with their base.
"The rearguard of the 1st Division of the Army having been forced to
retire after a fierce engagement lasting five or six hours on August
18th, and the Commander of the Division having stated that his troops
were not in a fit state to withstand a long engagement owing to the
loss of officers and the weariness of the men; and, moreover, as the
Commander of the 3rd Division of the Army, which was so sorely tried
at Liege, had similarly come to the conclusion, on August 19th, that
the defence of the Dyle was becoming very dangerous, more especially
in view of the turning movement of the 2nd Army Corps and 2nd Cavalry
Division, it was definitely decided to retreat under the protection of
the forts at Antwerp.
"The general idea is now that the Field Army, in part or as a whole,
should issue from Antwerp as soon as circumstances seem to favour such
a movement.
"In this event, the Army will try to co-operate in its movements with
the Allies as circumstances may dictate."
Exhaustive reconnaissances and intelligence reports admitted of no
doubt that the enemy was taking the fullest advantage of his violation
of Belgian territory, and that he was protected to the right
of his advance, at least as far west as Soignies and Nivelles, whence
he was moving direct upon the British and 5th French Armies.
In further proof that, at this time, no idea of retreat was in the
minds of the leaders of the Allied Armies, I received late on Friday,
the 21st, General Lanrezac's orders to his troops. All his corps were
in position south of the Sambre, and he was only waiting the
development of a move by the 3rd and 4th French Armies from the line
Mezieres--Longwy to begin his own advance.
As regards our own troops, on the evening of the 21st, the cavalry,
under Allenby, were holding the line of the Conde Canal with four
brigades. Two brigades of horse artillery were in reserve at
Harmignies. The 5th Cavalry Brigade, under Chetwode, composed of the
Scots Greys, 12th Lancers, and 20th Hussars, were at Binche, in touch
with the French.
Reconnoitring squadrons and patrols were pushed out towards Soignies
and Nivelles.
I visited Allenby's Headquarters in the afternoon of the 21st, and
discussed the situation with him. I told him on no account to commit
the cavalry to any engagement of importance, but to draw off towards
our left flank when pressed by the enemy's columns, and there remain
in readiness for action and reconnoitring well to the left.
The 1st Army Corps, under Sir Douglas Haig, was in cantonments to the
north of Maubeuge, between that place and Givry. The 2nd Corps, under
Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien, was to the north-west of Maubeuge, between
that place and Sars-la-Bruyere. The 19th Infantry Brigade was
concentrating at Valenciennes.
Turning to our Ally, the 6th and 7th French Reserve Divisions
were entrenching themselves on a line running from Dunkirk,
through Cambrai and La Capelle, to Hirson. The 5th French Army was on
our right, the 18th French Corps being in immediate touch with the
British Army. Three Divisions of French cavalry under General Sordet,
which had been operating in support of the Belgians, were falling back
behind the 18th Corps for rest and refit. The 3rd and 4th French
Armies, comprising 8-1/2 Corps, three Cavalry Divisions and some
reserve Divisions, were between Mezieres and Longwy. The French troops
further south had taken the offensive and marched into Alsace. Liege
still held out. Namur was intact. The Belgians seemed secure behind
the fortifications of Antwerp.
Before going further it would be as well to give some account of the
country in which the two opposing forces faced one another on the
night of Friday, August 21st, the area Conde--Cambrai--Le
Nouvion--Binche:--
_Distances._--Cambrai to Conde 24 miles.
Conde to Binche 26 miles.
Cambrai to Le Nouvion 26 miles.
Le Nouvion to Binche 31 miles.
This region forms part of the Belgian province of Hainault and the
French Departments of the Nord and the Aisne, lying approximately
between the upper valleys of the Rivers Scheldt and Sambre. Its
northern boundary is formed by the basin of the River Haine. This
river, formed from three streams which rise in the neighbourhood of
Binche, passes Mons and flows into the Scheldt at Conde after a course
of 30 miles. Close to its left bank, from Mons to Conde, a canal
connects the former place with the Scheldt. Prior to the construction
of this canal, the Haine was navigable by means of locks. Several
small parallel streams run into it from the south, along
sunken valleys in an undulating plateau, over which lie scattered the
various mines of the Berinage coalfield.
West of Mons the valley of the Haine forms a long, low plain, covered
with meadows, through which the river meanders in broad bends as far
as the Scheldt. Numerous water ditches, cut in the peaty soil and
marked out by poplars and willows, drain the land and render the
movement off the roads of any troops but infantry quite impracticable.
On the northern boundary of the valley of the Haine, a belt of sand
gives rise to a tract of rough uncultivated land which is in many
places covered with woods. On its southern boundary the ground rises
steeply on the east, and more gently on the west, to the
Franco-Belgian frontier, over a rocky subsoil in which the affluents
of the river have cut deep valleys.
The Mons-Conde Canal has a length of 16-1/4 miles, 12-1/4 of which are
in Belgian territory. It has a surface width of 64 feet and its
maximum depth is 7 feet. The canal is crossed by 18 bridges, all of
which, with the exception of the railway bridge east of St. Ghislain
and the railway bridge at Les Herbieres, are swing bridges. A metalled
towing-path runs along each bank.
The principal passages across the valley of the Haine are at Mons from
Brussels, at St. Ghislain from Ath, and near Pommeroeul from
Tournai.
The Scheldt, rising near Le Catelet at an altitude of 360 feet above
the sea, soon approaches the St. Quentin Canal and runs alongside it
as far as Cambrai, where the river and canal flow in one channel and
form a navigable connection between the Scheldt and the Somme. Below
Cambrai, the now canalised river flows on to Valenciennes,
receiving on the way on its left bank the Sensee river and canal, and
on its right bank the Ereclin, Selle, Ecaillon, and Rhonelle streams,
which flow down in parallel courses from the watershed close to the
left bank of the Sambre. From Valenciennes the Scheldt runs to Conde,
where, as stated above, it is joined by the Mons-Conde Canal and the
River Haine. Immediately afterwards it enters Belgian territory, where
it becomes the great river of the Flemish part of the country, just as
the Meuse may be said to be the great river of the Walloon portion.
There are 14 locks between Cambrai and Conde, each providing a means
of passage over the river. The general breadth of the canalised river
is 55 feet and its maximum depth 7 feet. The towing-path follows
sometimes one bank and sometimes another. The principal points of
crossing of the Scheldt between Cambrai and Conde are at Cambrai,
Bouchain, Lourches, Denain, Bouvignies, Thiant, Trith, St. Legers,
Valenciennes, and Conde.
While the Scheldt as it grows older flows through country which is for
the most part little above sea level, in its upper reaches it cuts
through an upland plateau on its way to join the Belgian central
plains.
Rising near Fontenelle, 9 miles south-west of Avesnes, the Sambre
flows through Landrecies, where it becomes navigable, and where it is
connected with the Oise by the Sambre Canal. Flowing past Maubeuge it
enters Belgium below Jeumont and traverses thence, in a north-easterly
direction, one of the most important industrial districts of Belgium.
The country through which the river flows from its source to Charleroi
forms a plateau cut up by numerous dales and deep valleys.
Below Landrecies the depth of the river is from 6 to 7 feet,
while its breadth is 50 feet; it is nowhere fordable. A towing-path
runs in places on the left bank, in places on the right bank. Nine
locks regulate the depth of the canal between Landrecies and Jeumont,
and afford a means of passage for pedestrians. Communication is amply
supplied for wheeled traffic by 22 road and railway bridges, of which
the most important are those at Landrecies, Berlaimont, Hautmont,
Louvroil, Maubeuge, Jeumont, Erquelinnes, Merbes-le-Chateau and
Lobbes.
South of Landrecies important road bridges cross the Sambre Canal at
Catillon and near Oisy.
The principal tributaries of the Sambre, in the area under view, flow
into the river from the eastern foothills of the Ardennes; the streams
which join it on its left bank are few and insignificant. On the right
bank the Rivierette, the Helpe Mineure, the Helpe Majeure, the Tarsy
and the Solre, flowing in parallel courses in a north-westerly
direction, lie in deeply cut valleys which broaden out as they reach
the main stream. The high ground between these streams offers a
succession of defensive positions against an enemy advancing from the
north in a south-westerly direction.
The area under review may be divided into two portions. A northern or
industrial, with all the inconvenience to military operations
characteristic of such a district, and a southern or agricultural with
unlimited freedom of movement and view, resembling in many respects
the features of Salisbury Plain. The dividing line of these two
portions may be taken as a line running through Valenciennes and
Maubeuge.
With the exception of the thickly populated Berinage coalfield, west
and south of Mons, the country is open, arable, and undulating.
Extensive views are obtainable, the villages, though numerous, are
compact, and movement across country is easy.
A notable feature in the southern portions of the area is the Foret de
Mormal and in its neighbourhood the Bois l'Eveque.
The Foret de Mormal, which is 22,460 acres in extent, is situated on
the summit and slopes of the high ground bordering the left bank of
the Sambre between Landrecies and Boussieres. It is crossed by one
first-class road from Le Quesnoy to Avesnes, and several second-class
roads.
The forest is also traversed by two railways; that from Paris to
Maubeuge, which follows its southern boundary from Landrecies to
Sassegnies, and that from Valenciennes to Hirson, which runs from
north-west to south-east and joins the former line at Aulnoye. On
account of its thick undergrowth, its streams and marshy bottoms, the
forest is not passable for troops except by the above-mentioned roads.
Le Bois Levesque (1,805 acres), situated between Landrecies and Le
Cateau, may be considered as an extension of the Foret de Mormal, from
which it is only about 2-1/2 miles distant. It is traversed by the
railway line from Paris to Maubeuge, by the road from Landrecies to Le
Cateau, and the country road from Fontaine to Ors.
In conclusion, let us glance at the principal places of strategic
importance in this region which witnessed the opening stages of the
retreat from Mons.
In the beginning of the war, _Maubeuge_, with 20,000 inhabitants,
belonged to the second class of French fortresses, which possessed a
limited armament and which were destined to act as _points d'appui_
for mobile forces acting in their vicinity. The strategic value of
Maubeuge is due to the fact that the main lines from Paris
to Brussels _via_ Mons, and to northern Germany _via_ Charleroi and
Liege, pass through the town, while from it runs a line towards the
eastern frontier _via_ Hirson and Mezieres, with branch lines leading
to Laon and Chalons. It is also a junction of main roads from
Valenciennes, Mons, Charleroi, and Laon.
The fortress has a circumference of about 20 miles. The forts, which
lie in open country, are mostly small. Shortly before the outbreak of
the War the defences of Maubeuge had been strengthened to meet the
increased effect of high explosives, and various redoubts and
batteries had been constructed in addition to the above-mentioned
works.
_Mons_, the capital of Hainault, had a pre-war population of 28,000
inhabitants, and is situated on a sandhill overlooking the Trovillon.
It is the centre of the Berinage, the chief coal-mining district of
Belgium. Main roads from Brussels, Binche, Charleroi, Valenciennes and
Maubeuge have their meeting place here, while the railway from Paris
to Brussels passes through it. It is also the junction point of the
canal from Conde and the Canal Du Centre, which connects the former
with the Charleroi Canal and the Sambre.
The town of _Binche_ (12,000 inhabitants), lying 15 miles
east-south-east of Mons, is a centre of roads from Charleroi,
Brussels, Mons, Bavai, and Beaumont. Through it passes a double line
of railway coming from Maubeuge on its way to Brussels.
_Conde_, a small and old fortified town, owes its military value to
its position at the confluence of the Scheldt and the Haine, and to
its canal communications with Mons. A single railway line connects it
on the north with Tournai and on the south with Valenciennes. The
main road from Audenarde to Valenciennes and Cambrai passes here.
The strategetical importance of _Valenciennes_, a town of 32,000
inhabitants, is due to its being the meeting places of main roads from
Cambrai, Lille, Tournai, Conde and Mons. It is also the junction point
of the main lines from Paris _via_ Cambrai, Hirson, and the north. Its
position on the canalised Scheldt has been already referred to.
_Cambrai_ (28,000 inhabitants), lying on the right bank of the
Scheldt, which first becomes navigable here, is the centre of main
roads from Peronne, Bapaume, Arras, Douai, Valenciennes, Bavai and Le
Cateau. It is also important as being the junction point of railways
from Paris to Valenciennes and from Douai to St. Quentin.
_Le Cateau_, where, as I have already said, I established my first
General Headquarters in France, is situated on the Selle. Before the
War its population numbered 10,700 and it possessed important woollen
mills. It is the junction point of main roads connecting Valenciennes
with St. Quentin and Cambrai with Le Nouvion. It also stands on the
main line from Paris to Maubeuge, while single-line railways connect
it with Cambrai, Valenciennes, and Le Quesnoy.
Lastly, with regard to communications throughout the area, they were
good and ample. The principal roads from north to south are those from
Conde, through Valenciennes, to Cambrai, Le Cateau, and Landrecies,
and from Mons to Binche, to Le Cateau _via_ Bavai and to Landrecies
through Maubeuge. Numerous second-class roads afford good lateral
communications between the above-mentioned roads.
Such, then, was the region in which, on the night of Friday,
August 21st, the British Expeditionary Force found itself awaiting its
first great trial of strength with the enemy. That night we went to
sleep in high hopes. The mobilisation, transport, and concentration of
the British Army had been effected without a hitch. The troops had not
only been able to rest after their journey, but a few days had been
available for practice marches and for overhauling equipment. The
condition of the reservists, even those who had been longest away from
the colours, was excellent and constantly improving.
The highest spirit pervaded all ranks, and the army with one accord
longed to be at grips with the enemy. The cavalry had been pushed well
to the front, and such engagements as had taken place between
detachments of larger or smaller patrols had foreshadowed that moral
superiority of British over German which was afterwards so completely
established, and proved of such enormous value in the retreat, the
Battles of the Marne and the Aisne, and in the opening phases of the
first Battle of Ypres. The French troops had already secured minor
successes, and had penetrated into the enemy's territory. The Allied
Commanders were full of hope and confidence.