wrote[614], "The Bishops of Rome may be in an error, but they cannot
long remain, in it, if they adhere to the universal Church." He was
persuaded that we run no danger in embracing a doctrine taught by the
Greek and Latin Churches[615]: "For, says he, the points in which these
two Churches agree have been decided by the Apostles or by general
Councils." He maintains that expressions tho' new, ought to be received
in Theology[616], when they are supported by the authority of General
Councils. This was in opposition to the Protestants, who maintained that
the term transubstantiation ought to be rejected on account of its
novelty. He is positive that such as depart from what was practised by
the whole Church, and confirmed by Councils[617], are guilty of a most
insolent folly, as St. Augustine said. He acknowledged the utility of
tradition. Had he lived in the time of the Apostles he would have
believed, he tells us, what they said, as well as what they wrote[618].
He was persuaded that the goodness of God[619] had not permitted the
doctrine of the universal Church to be corrupted, though the manners of
the Pastors of the Church might be reprehensible. He entertained the
same opinion, he tells us[620], concerning the authority of the Fathers
as the illustrious Father Petavius in the Prolegomena prefixed to his
most useful body of Divinity.
The works of the Apostolical Fathers were, next to the Scriptures,
Grotius's favourite study. When he heard that the Epistle of St.
Clement, which had been long lost to the world, was published in England
by Junius[621], from a Manuscript brought from Egypt, and written about
the time of the Council of Nice, he expressed his satisfaction to
Descordes[622], in a letter from Hamburg, dated June 1, 1633. "You gave
me great pleasure by informing me of the discovery of the Epistle of St.
Clement of Rome. No pains should be spared to recover those Fragments,
which partake much of the nature of the apostolical Writings: and they
ought not to be wholly rejected on account of interpolations: we must do
with them as with metals, separate the dross from the pure metal. Would
to God that Father Sirmond, or some one of his society like him, would
give us the Epistle of Barnabas, from which there are some quotations in
Clement of Alexandria. I remember to have heard Father Sirmond himself
say that the Jesuits have this letter."
St. Clement's Epistle was not sent to Grotius till after his departure
from Hamburg, and arrival at Francfort[623]. He examined it immediately,
and wrote his thoughts of it, July 17, to the famous Jerom Bignon,
Advocate-General: After reading it over and over, he remained satisfied
that it was the same which Photius had seen, and which St. Jerom,
Clement of Alexandria, and before them St. Irenæus, had; and which was
written in the end of Nero's reign, or some years before that of
Vespasian; and that it was most authentic, without the least
interpolation. As to the second Epistle, ascribed to St. Clement, he did
not think it written by that Pope: but at the same time did not question
its being a work of the first Century. Grotius agrees in this with the
most learned Critics even among the Roman Catholics[624].
He obtained a sight of St. Barnabas's[625] Epistle, of which he was so
desirous; but he had not the satisfaction to see it printed. Usher
undertook to publish it in 1643; but before it was finished a fire
consumed at Oxford what was already printed[626]. Two years after,
Father Menard's edition appeared: but this was the year of Grotius's
death. To return to his opinion concerning the points controverted
between the Roman Catholics and Protestants: he speaks with great
contempt of the inadmissibility[627] of grace. His treatise _Of faith
and works_ is written against this error. He maintains that it is the
most pernicious system that can be introduced; that it is not to be
found in any of the Fathers; and was not so much as tolerated in ancient
times.
He proves that fasting was very early observed in the Church, as we may
be convinced by reading St. Irenæus[628]; that Lent was always observed
by the ancient Church; that the sign of the Cross has something
respectable in it, and was used in the first ages, as Tertullian, and
others after him, observe; that Virginity[629] is a more perfect state
than marriage, as the Fathers taught; that the Romish Church preserved
the ancient discipline of the Western Church with regard to the celibacy
of the Priests; that Jesus Christ himself taught[630] that such as
lived in celibacy were more proper for the ecclesiastical functions;
that the African Church agreed in this point with that of Rome; and
that, besides, the Romish Church did not refuse to communicate with
Churches which permitted Priests to marry. Of all the religious orders
he approved most of the congregation of the Fathers of the Oratory, and
the institution of the Jesuits, because the first retired when they
pleased; and the others might leave the society with permission of their
Superiors.
In fine, he speaks of the Council of Trent with great respect. "Those,
he says[631], who shall read its Decrees with a mind disposed to peace,
will find that every thing is wisely explained in them, and agreeable to
what is taught by the Scriptures and the ancient Fathers, as may be seen
by the passages cited in the margin."
Such as were displeased with these pacific sentiments, objected to him
that he had formerly thought otherwise. Laurentius wrote a piece on this
subject, which is mentioned by Grotius in a letter to his brother[632],
"Laurentius, says he, objects to me that what I have formerly written
contradicts my later works: however, if they be examined by the true
rules of criticism, no such contradiction will be found. Farther, if, as
I have advanced in years, conversation with able men, and a more perfect
examination, have made me change my sentiments, I ought not on that
account to be accused of inconstancy, no more than St. Augustin, who
retracted many things." He again touches on this point in his _Votum pro
pace_[633]. "If in my youth, says he, having less knowledge than now,
the prejudices of education, or a blind attachment to authors of same,
carried me too great lengths, shall I not be permitted at present, when
I am old, to adopt more reasonable sentiments, after long enquiry and a
renunciation of all party spirit?"
It is not surprising that after such a declaration the zealous Clergy
sought to render him odious. They printed a book against him, under the
title of _Grotius papista_[634]. It is certain that he gave the
preference to the Roman Catholic religion above all the others, and it
has even been reported that he promised to M. Bignon, before leaving
Paris, to declare himself openly a Roman Catholic[635]. It has also been
said that M. Arnaud asserted, that he was informed by a man of honour,
who had it from M. Bignon, that Grotius, on setting out for Sweden,
declared to this last Gentleman, that as soon as he came back he would
make profession of the Roman Catholic Religion. The Jesuits have
published a Flemish book under the title of the _Testament of
Grotius_[636], in which they advance that he was ready to turn Roman
Catholic: the Author of _Vindiciæ Grotianæ_ has pretended to confute
this assertion by some passages in Grotius's earlier works: but his
reasoning must appear absurd, since it was only in the latter part of
his life that he preferred the Romish Religion. A Protestant, who could
not deny that Grotius gave the preference to the Roman Catholic
religion, has ventured to advance, that it was perhaps with a view to be
made a Cardinal: this wretched conjecture is Osiander's; but besides
that Grotius had a wife of whom he was very fond, he was a man incapable
of embracing an opinion from motives of interest.
It is very certain that Grotius was most intimate with Father Petau, who
cultivated his friendship (as this learned Jesuit tells us himself in
one of his letters) in hopes of bringing him to an open profession of
the Roman Catholic faith. This gave M. Varlois occasion to say, in his
elogium of Father Petau[637], "What did he not do to gain over the
illustrious Grotius to the Catholic Religion? He did not dislike us, he
was even almost one of us, since he publicly declared his acceptance of
the doctrine of the Council of Trent. One thing only was wanting to him,
to resort to our Churches, which he only deferred till he could bring
many with him to the unity of the Catholic faith." Father Briet says
much the same in his _Annals of the World_ for the year 1645. "This year
died Hugo Grotius, the honour and glory of men of learning: his
intention was to die a Catholic, but he wanted time; for, as he assured
me, he believed as we do."
We read in the _Menagiana_[638], that when Grotius's death was known at
Paris, Father Petau, persuaded that he was a Catholic at heart, said
mass for his soul: it was even reported at that time, if we may believe
the compiler of those Anecdotes, that Grotius wanted to declare himself
before his journey to Sweden, but was advised by Father Petau to go
there first, and return afterwards to Paris to settle, and fulfil his
resolution. It is improbable that such a zealous Catholic as Father
Petau would advise Grotius to defer for a moment the edification of all
the Catholics by his return to the Church; but it is certain that Father
Petau said mass for his friend. The tradition of this fact is preferred
among the Jesuits, and there are people of credit alive who remember to
have heard it affirmed for certain by Father Harduin and M. Huet Bishop
of Avranches[639].
As Grotius's religion was a problem to many, Menage wrote an Epigram on
this occasion, the sense of which is, that as many different sects
claimed his religion, as there were towns which contended for the birth
of Homer:
Smyrna, Rhodes, Colophon, Salamis, Argos, Athenæ,
Siderei certant vatis de patriâ Homeri:
Grotiadæ certant de religione Socinus,
Arrius, Arminius, Calvinus, Roma, Lutherus.
FOOTNOTES:
[602] Ep. 966. p. 434.
[603] Ep. 489. p. 894.
[604] Ep. 622. p. 943.
[605] Via ad pacem, p. 623, art. xx.
[606] Animad. in animad. ad. ar. 19. p. 645.
[607] P. 705.
[608] Via ad pacem, p. 626.
[609] Votum pro pace, p. 916.
[610] Animad. in animad. p. 646.
[611] Via ad pacem, p. 626. Animad. in anim. p. 646
[612] Ep. 622. p. 943.
[613] Votum pro pace, p. 727.
[614] Ep. 613. p. 940.
[615] Ep. 668. p. 957.
[616] Via ad pacem art. 1. p. 615.
[617] Art. 7. p. 617.
[618] Via ad pacem, p. 628. Anim. in anim. p. 647. Votum pro pace, p.
724.
[619] Anim. in anim. p. 642.
[620] Votum pro pace, p. 681.
[621] Tillem. t. 2. p. 158.
[622] Ep. 318. p. 113.
[623] Ep. 357. p. 124.
[624] Tillemont, t. 2. n. 13. p. 567.
[625] Ep. 391. p. 866.
[626] Fabric. Bib. Græc. l. 4. p. 174. tom. 3.
[627] Commen. ad loca de Antichrist. Anim. in anim. p. 649.
[628] Commen. ad loca de Antichrist. Via ad pacem, p. 617.
[629] Votum pro pace, p. 750.
[630] Matt. xix. 12. 1 Cor. vii.
[631] Votum pro pace, p. 682.
[632] Ep. 647. p. 951.
[633] P. 702.
[634] Ep. 615. p. 944.
[635] Sent. des Theolog. de Hollande, p. 393. Menagiana, t. 2. p. 298.
[636] Vin. Grot. p. 506.
[637] Vin. Grot. p. 505.
[638] Tom. 4. p. 180.
[639] See Vie du P. Petau, Niceron, t. 37. p. 159.
XXIII. That which contributed to the removal of Grotius's prejudices
against the Catholic Church was undoubtedly the project he had formed of
reconciling all the different parties which divide Christendom. He saw
well the necessity of having the Catholics on his side; and he flattered
himself that having gained them, he would easily bring over the rest. M.
Huet did not think such a project absolutely chimerical[640]: "The
religious differences, says he, which have long disturbed the peace of
Christians, are not impossible to be accommodated. If the parties would
set about it sincerely, without obstinacy or private interest, they
would soon find ways of accommodation; but some of all parties are so
warm, that they censure such of their own party as seek to accommodate
differences, with no less severity than they do their adversaries. With
what presumptuous rigour did Rivetus the Minister treat Grotius for
proposing the means of peace? Grotius, in a modest answer, humbles his
pride without naming him; humorously pointing him out by that title
taken from Catullus[641], _Adversus quemdam opaca quem facit bonum
barba_."
M. Bayle differed from M. Huet concerning the attempt to unite the
different religions: he thinks it as great a chimera as the Philosophers
stone, or the quadrature of the circle. The truth is, to hope for
success in such a project, one must suppose in all men a sincere love of
truth, and a readiness to renounce their prejudices, good
understandings, and upright hearts.
In this undertaking one essential thing, which must not be forgot, is,
that if the Catholic Church, by a condescendance worthy of her charity
and her desire that all men should come to the knowledge of the truth,
should remit some point of her discipline, she cannot shew this
indulgence with regard to any tenet condemned by the Council of Trent,
without betraying her principles: there is therefore only one way of
reunion, namely, that those who separated from the Catholic Church
acknowledge that they have no argument that can justify their schism,
and humbly praying to be received into the bosom of their mother, seek
to obtain this favour by sacrificing their errors.
It was very common in the last age for men to busy themselves in finding
out ways of reconciliation between the Protestants and Roman Catholics:
the Reformed set about it; and I cannot forbear relating here the
extravagance of Cregutius, Minister of Montelemar, who in a small
treatise, which I have in Manuscript, on the question, Whether an union
with the Romish Church is to be hoped for or not? decides it in the
affirmative, provided (says he) the Church of Rome begin with renouncing
the doctrine of transubstantiation: of which he doth not despair.
Grotius with more good sense laboured from his youth in the grand
project of reconciling all the parties into which Christians are
divided. His good intentions were known to Europe before his escape from
Louvestein: Du Vair, Keeper of the Seals, complimented him on his
design. "God, says he, has ordered it so that you should owe your
deliverance entirely to him, to the end that being delivered from
worldly distractions, you may employ the rare talents with which he has
entrusted you, in promoting that work which is no doubt most agreeable
to him, namely the common peace of Christendom by a reunion of all the
members which have separated from their spiritual mother, in whom they
or their fathers were conceived. And for as much as it is the thing
which many men of honour expect[642] from you, I cannot forbear
rejoicing with them, and accelerating by my applause such a happy
course." Grotius's answer confirmed the Keeper of the Seals in the idea
he had entertained. "God is my witness, says he, how much I am afflicted
when I compare the first ages of the Church with our unhappy times, in
which the people, differing in articles of faith, have divided into
factions, and thereby given occasion to wars of which even the nations
of the heathen would have been ashamed. There are doubtless many good
men, who grieve to see such a great evil; and, preserving charity for
all Christians, ardently desire to see union restored; and are disposed
to procure this great blessing by following the Apostle's counsel, to
bear with the infirmities of others, and extend their patience and
candour to their utmost length: but those rigid notions, which a party
spirit has instilled into many, is a great obstacle to the obtaining of
this happiness. May God pour out a spirit of charity and meekness on the
heads of the Church, on Kings and Potentates, that, surmounting every
difficulty, they may without delay restore to the Church her primitive
beauty, and above all a solid peace, without prejudice to truth. Many
thousands, of whom I am one, pray without ceasing for the execution of
this pious design, and desire nothing more than to be employed in it."
Filled with this idea, he proposed to Lewis XIII, in his dedication _Of
the Rights of War and Peace_, to compose the differences of the
Churches, and direct the age in which he lived how to terminate them in
conformity to the sentiments of that time, when all allow that
Christianity was in its purity. He imagined the alliance between France
and England would facilitate the execution of a project worthy of such
mighty Kings: he had it so much at heart, that he thought himself
destined to labour in it from his mother's womb[643]. "It is a vocation,
says he to his brother, which God has given me.--I have many witnesses,
he writes to Duræus[644], who knew me in my native country, and can
attest not only how much I have desired, but also how much I have
laboured to lessen the disputes among Christians, in order to promote
gradually the restoration of unity. I might even appeal to yourself, in
relation to what has since been done both in Germany and Sweden.--I
shall never cease, he says to his brother[645], my utmost endeavours for
establishing peace among Christians; and if I should not succeed, it
will be honourable to die in such a pious enterprize."
He had the consolation to be seconded in his pacific projects by Duræus,
a Clergyman in Sweden, with whom he cultivated a correspondence for
advancing the coalition of Christians[646]. "What you labour in with so
much zeal is precisely what I have been employed about since I began to
have any relish for divine things. Experience teaches me how many
difficulties we must expect both from Statesmen and Divines bigotted to
their own opinions, and averse to those of others: but all these
obstacles ought not to prevent our undertaking such a good work: if we
do not succeed, we shall at least enjoy the satisfaction of having
entertained very sublime ideas. For my part, as I have done it already,
so I shall still continue to recommend to the High Chancellor your
piety, your learning, your good intentions, and your zeal, to which I
ardently wish success; and the accounts of your progress from time to
time will give me the greatest pleasure.--Duræus's enterprize is
attended with particular difficulties at this time, he writes to
Berneggerus[647]: but things as difficult have often had a happy issue:
besides, it affords much satisfaction to a man's conscience to have
attempted what is highly useful, even though he should fail of success."
Duræus meeting with great obstacles, Grotius consoles him on that head,
in a letter of the 21st of November, 1637. "What gives me hopes, he
says, is your constancy, and the countenance of the High Chancellor. I
have conferred on this subject with the two English Ambassadors, the
Earl of Leicester and Lord Scudamore: they are of my opinion, that the
present time, while Europe is engaged in war, is not favourable for
convoking a general assembly of Protestants."
Duræus's project regarding only a union among Protestants, Daillé and
the ablest men among the reformed Ministers approved of it, with some
limitations: there was, however, little prospect of success[648] on
account of the intollerant spirit of some turbulent Ministers, such as
Voetius.
Grotius had much higher views; he proposed nothing less[649] than to
reunite all Christians: in this, he said, he would not cease to labour;
and, that it would yield him pleasure to die so well employed[650]; that
he gave himself little pain about the hatred he might incur, for if men
gave way to this fear, never any vice would be corrected.
What encouraged him farther, in this idea, was the number of great men
who entertained it before him. "I am not the only one who hath conceived
this project, he writes to his brother[651]: Erasmus, Cassander,
Vecelius, and Casaubon had the same design. La Miletiere is employed at
present in it: Cardinal Richelieu declares that he will protect the
coalition; and he is such a happy man that he never undertook any thing
in which he did not succeed: and even if there were no hopes of success
at present, ought we not to sow the seed which may be useful to
posterity[652]? Even if we should only diminish the mutual hatred among
Christians, and render them more sociable, would not this be worth
purchasing at the price of some labour and reproaches?"
Arminius may likewise be numbered with those who were desirous of
reuniting Christians[653]. The method he proposed was to distinguish
fundamental points from such as were not, and leave men at liberty to
believe or disbelieve the latter. He communicated his project to
Casaubon, who highly approved it: but how shall men settle what articles
are fundamental? This question is a source of endless disputes. Besides,
they must be able to answer the Roman Catholic Divines, who, building on
the doctrine that has been always taught, justly pretend that whatever
has been decided to be part of that doctrine ought to be regarded as
fundamental. Men could not help approving Grotius's intention; but even
those, by whom he was held in the greatest esteem, had no confidence in
the success of his project. This made him write to Baron Oxenstiern on
the subject[654]. "Even if religious differences, he says, had not given
occasion to bloody wars, I should still think it the duty of Christians
to restore the unity; since, as the Apostle of the Gentiles tells us, we
ought to be all members of one body. But even those, who say they desire
it, doubt whether the thing be practicable. I know well that all schism,
the further it has extended, and the longer it has lasted, will be more
difficult to heal; so many being employed to throw oil on the flames:
however, there are examples of inveterate evils that have been cured in
the Church. After the Council of Chalcedon there was a very great schism
in the East, which continued an hundred years till the reign of
Justinian, by whose authority, Pope Vigilius listening at last to terms
of peace, an end was put to it. Charles V, Ferdinand, and Maximilian
thought that the schism between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants
of the Augsbourg confession was not incurable. Melancton and other
learned men, whose writings are still extant, were of the same opinion.
I have heard from great men, that Henry IV. of France said that he would
undertake to obtain, for the King of England and his Protestant allies,
such conditions of returning to the unity of the Church, as they could
not handsomely refuse; and that he purposed to send some of his Bishops
into England to confer on this subject with the Prelates of that
kingdom: but this project, which had been concerted with several great
men, was defeated by the King's death. I believe the chief difference
between the tenets of the Augsbourg confession and those of the Council
of Trent lies in the ambiguity of some expressions, which are understood
differently; but may be explained, by men of understanding and friends
to peace, in such manner, that no difference will remain but in those
things which may be left to the free discussions of the Learned, without
any injury to the peace of the Church. It is evident, from the examples
of the Maronites and Greeks, that those who communicate in both kinds,
and use a liturgy different from that of the Romish Church, provided it
be susceptible of a Catholic sense, even were it in the vulgar tongue,
may be received into the communion of the Apostolical See; and likewise
those Churches which allow the Priests to marry. What has been done in
Sweden and elsewhere, for the reformation of discipline, by suppressing
simony and superstition, ought not only to be retained; but there is
room to hope that when unity is restored other nations will follow this
example, there being many among them who ardently desire, that the
abuses which have crept in may be removed according to the ancient
Canons. It is very difficult to render the supremacy of the Bishop of
Rome useful, or at least not hurtful to the Church: but if one
considers, that the Kings and Bishops of the Romish religion are as much
concerned in this matter, as the Protestants, and reflects on the
precautions taken in it by France and Spain, he will not despair of
finding expedients for securing the authority of Kings, their right in
the election of Bishops and the prerogatives of the Primates,
Archbishops, and Bishops, agreeable to the Canons and the ancient Church
discipline. If the Christian world could have rest from war, the Kings
of the Romish communion, who are favourably disposed towards the
Protestants, might prepare matters at Rome in such manner as to give
hope of a happy issue. I grant that these things are attended with
difficulties; but so is every great, and useful, and glorious
undertaking; and in such a salutary work we may confide in the
Almighty's aid."
After this manner did Grotius write to the Swedish Plenipotentiary, in
the end of the year 1614, handling with greater delicacy, as he wrote to
Protestants, the nice article of the Pope's Supremacy, in favour of
which he had spoken more strongly in the pieces he had just published.
We learn from his first letters, that he communicated his pacific ideas
to his father, and that he was early sensible of the great difficulties
attending a reunion. He writes to his brother, Oct. 27, 1623[655],
"What my father writes, of restoring things to the condition they were
in before the Council of Trent, would be a great step; but
transubstantiation, and the adoration ordained by the Lateran Council,
and the invocation of Saints, which is received in all the liturgies,
will be great stumbling-blocks to tender consciences."
Some years after, he imagined that the shortest way to a coalition of
Christians would be to reduce the articles of faith to a small number.
"It were well, says he[656], if Christians would reflect how few the
points are, and how clearly expressed in Scripture, which constitute the
Rule of Faith laid down by St. Irenæus and Tertullian; and as it is not
allowed to doubt of these, the liberty left to men in others might
contribute to the peace of the Church."
Afterwards he went much farther. "I could wish, he says to his
brother[657], Nov. 14. 1643, that Utengobard, when his health will
permit, would write something, if he has not done it already, on the
necessity of restoring the unity of the Church; and by what means it may
be done. Many think that the true way would be to distinguish between
what is necessary, and what is not; and to leave men at full liberty in
the latter: but it is as difficult to know what is necessary, as to know
what is true. The Scriptures, they say, are the rule: but interpreters
vary on the passages referred to. I know not, therefore, whether it
would not be best to adhere to the sentiments of the Catholic Church
concerning faith and good works: for I think they hold all that is
necessary to be believed in order to salvation. As to other articles
which have been determined by Councils, or received by the first
Christians, we must adopt the moderate interpretation, and such we shall
find on every point. If any one cannot prevail with himself to be silent
in relation to things, of which he has no certainty, but will disturb
the unity of the Church, instead of labouring to restore it, matters
will proceed from bad to worse."
Sometimes Grotius imagined he should succeed. Nov. 23, 1641, he writes
to Gerard Vossius[658], that Codurus, Justellus, and Melitiere, three of
the most learned Protestants, had thanked him for what he had written on
the Consultation of Cassander. "I perceive, says he to his brother, by
conversing with the men of most learning among the Reformed, and
explaining my sentiments to them, that they are of my opinion: their
number will increase if my treatises are dispersed; in which, I can
truly affirm, I have said nothing from a party spirit, but followed
truth as closely as I could."
He writes to his father[659], that he was not without hopes of some good
effect from his incessant labours to restore peace to Christendom. "That
day will at length shine forth, of which we now perceive the dawn: for
many great, pious, and learned men, of both parties, begin to see how
unreasonable it is to neglect the reformation of manners while we are
framing new tenets, and censuring old ones, which require only a good
comment. This excellent design I recommend to your prayers; it was you
gave me the first hint of it."
He writes to his brother[660], June 15, 1641, "I have received a visit
from some Catholic Counsellors of State, and Codurus the clergyman, who
expect the coalition will quickly take place, and pay great regard to my
opinion. May the God of peace direct the whole to the advancement of
truth and piety."
He received the agreeable account, that the pieces he had written to
promote the coalition were approved of in Denmark, Sweden, England,
Germany, and Poland.
He imagined several Catholics entered into his views. Divers doctors of
the Sorbonne, he said[661], thanked him for the remarks he wrote on the
Consultation of Cassander. "The ablest men among the Catholics think
what I have done, he tells his brother[662], is written with great
freedom and moderation, and approve of it."
"We ought not, he says in another letter[663], to regard only the
present age, but posterity also: yet I find some people who think they
shall live to see the union restored."
He imagined his manner of handling the controversy was approved of by
the ablest men of the Romish Communion, and even at Rome because there
were most great men in that city.
For some time he entertained hopes that Cardinal Richelieu would favour
him: Jan. 19, 1641, he writes thus to his brother[664]: "When my book is
published, many Protestants will see that the reconciliation of the
Churches is easier than they imagined: for the principal basis of the
Reformation may subsist with the Pope's consent, provided the affair be
managed with mildness and without giving him offence. I write this on
good grounds: Cardinal Richelieu thinks the thing will succeed: he has
said so to several."
Grotius had either been misinformed, or the Cardinal changed his
language: for the former writes to his brother[665], March 24, 1642, "As
Cardinal Richelieu speaks differently from what he did some time ago
about the peace of the churches, I am afraid this change conceals some
ill design against the Reformed."
Grotius, finding at length that the project of a coalition was
impracticable without the approbation of the Catholics, contracted an
intimacy with Father Petau, to whom he communicated all his works
relating to religion and the reconciliation of the churches. In a letter
of the 3d of December, 1640, he desires him to send him his remarks on
his works, "That, says he, by your assistance I may add, suppress, or
correct, as shall be most necessary for promoting truth and peace. Would
to God that I had as much genius and learning as some others: I would
accomplish what it is great barely to attempt."
He communicated to Father Petau the manuscript of his answer to
Rivetus[666], desiring him to point out what was not agreeable to truth,
or had not a tendency to promote peace. "I am resolved, says he, to
publish my answer as soon as I have your opinion, to which I pay great
regard."
Father Petau gives us the history of his acquaintance with Grotius, in
his XIIth letter[667]. "I had, says he, a great desire to see and
converse with him; we have been long together, and very intimate. He is,
as far as I can judge, a good man, and of great candour. I do not think
him far from becoming a Catholic, after, the example of Holstenius, as
you hoped: I shall neglect nothing in my power to reconcile him to
Christ, and put him in the way of salvation."
Father Petau mentions him again in another letter, written to Cardinal
Francis Barberinus[668]. His Eminence had applied to that learned Jesuit
for information in what state Grotius had left, at his death, his work
on the Antiquities of Sweden. Father Petau makes him this answer. "I had
some connection with Hugo Grotius, and I wish I could say he is now
happy. Our love to learning began our acquaintance, which I kept up in
hopes of being useful to him. Accordingly I saw him often, and he also
visited me, and wrote to me frequently." He concludes with assuring the
Cardinal, that he would enquire of his widow about his work relating to
Sweden.
Grotius's several attempts to restore the peace of Christendom made him
be looked upon as a good man by pacific people; but they occasioned him
much uneasiness from those, who, being obstinately attached to the
opinions of the first Reformers, regarded all that kept any measures
with the Romish Church as Apostates. He laid his account with
contradictions. Feb. 23, 1641, he writes to Israel Caski[669], "Those
who had the same design that I have were generally evil-treated by both
parties, and met with the fate of such as would separate combatants: but
the God of peace will judge them with justice. They have also on their
side pious and learned men, whose merit outweighs the number of the
others.--I believe, says he to his brother[670], my Remarks on Cassander
will please few, because there are not many skilled in the Scriptures
and Antiquity: most people are bigotted to their opinions. I except
against such Judges; I regard them not; nor have I any desire to know
what they say. I have granted nothing to the Roman Catholics, but what
antiquity gives them." The zealous Clergy, not content with writing
against him themselves, every where stirred him up enemies: he speaks in
his letters[671] of one Seyffectus of Ulm, who, instigated by Rivetus
and others of that party, wrote against him.
Several learned men, who had the highest esteem and the most perfect
friendship for Grotius, conceived a violent hatred to him on seeing him
lean towards the Catholics. He had been extremely intimate with
Salmasius: he had received letters from him filled with the most
expressive testimonies of friendship[672]; and Grotius had informed him
of the happy change of his fortune, because he looked upon him as one of
his best friends: they had long kept up a learned correspondence by
letters, in which we find a reciprocal esteem and the greatest
politeness; but when Grotius set up for a Mediator, Salmasius publicly
declared, that he disapproved of the way of reconciliation proposed by
Grotius[673]; and from that time his friendship changed into bitter
enmity.
Sarrau, Counsellor in the parliament of Rouen, who had been one of
Grotius's best friends, as we may see by the letters that passed between
them, withdrew his friendship when he thought him in the interest of the
Romish Church. May 31, 1641, he writes[674], "What is reported for
certain, that Grotius is gone over to the Popish party, is not true: but
with great concern we see him every day employed in something very like
it: he will not suffer us to rank him in any class of Protestants
whatever, because he has used them all too ill in his Treatises on
Antichrist and the Consultation of Cassander."
Sarrau also writes to Salmasius[675], that it was publicly said these
projects of reconciliation had set the High Chancellor and several other
Lords against Grotius. He flattered himself, however[676], that Sarrau
approved of his project: for he writes to his brother, William Grotius,
"Among some others of the Reformed, Sarrau, who was a Counsellor in the
parliament of Rouen, and is at present in that of Paris, praises my
design." But it is probable that Grotius took compliments for realities.
It is certain that Grotius's schemes displeased Sarrau, and that there
was a coldness between them, for the latter writes thus to Salmasius,
Feb. 10, 1644[677], "I am not reconciled to the Swedish Ambassador: if
I had an inclination to it I believe it might easily be done. The
alteration in our friendship does not proceed from my fault, but solely
from his plan of pacification, which I do not approve. I esteem him
highly, on account of the great services he has done to learning; and
shall even never cease to love him: but, far from commending or
approving his late pieces, I am greatly dissatisfied with them: however,
I would not have the many excellent things he has done slighted on that
account. Every one acknowledges you to be the first man in the republic
of letters; but it cannot be denied that he holds the second rank. You
have no superior, nor even any equal; suffer him to be after you the
first."
The celebrated Schurman, whose extensive knowledge had at that time
gained her a very high reputation, signifies to Rivetus, Jan. 20,
1643[678], the general discontent of the greater number of the Reformed
against Grotius. "Hitherto, says she, every one had a high idea of
Grotius's genius and erudition. But since he departed from sound reason,
changed the object of his studies, and insulted by gross invectives the
whole body of Protestants, and the principal authors of the reformation,
everyone seeks for Grotius in Grotius. Nothing can be more ridiculous or
foolish than to see a man, who neither agrees with others, nor with
himself, as you have well shewn, undertake, without our desire or
consent, to reconcile us with the Roman Catholics, and positively decide
that we may, and that we ought to come into his views."
Ruarus[679] had predicted to Grotius himself, that he would reap no
other fruit of his labours, than the hatred of both parties: but he was
at the same time persuaded that no worldly interest entered into
Grotius's views, more honest in this respect than the zealous protestant
clergy, who were ready to adopt the most gross and groundless calumnies,
provided they were levelled against Grotius.
So much contradiction chagrined him greatly, and altered his
temper[680]: by seeking to establish peace among men, he lost the
tranquility of his own mind, which he had preserved in his deepest
adversity. It is said he became suspicious, and peevish, and lost that
politeness towards his friends, which had so advantageously
distinguished him from other men of learning. It is even reported (but
by one of his enemies, indeed) that one day he abused M. du Puis in his
[Grotius's] own house, and turned him out of doors, for presuming to
contradict him[681]. Yet it is evident from his letters, that he was
most intimate with the two illustrious brothers, Mess. du Puis, and was
under high obligations to them. "You have always been my best friends
(he writes to them, Nov. 19, 1633[682]) and almost my only ones since
Rigaut went to Metz, Salmasius to Leyden, and Tilenus died."
A letter to his brother[683], Nov. 1, 1641, clearly shews the change of
his temper. Blondius having used Reigersberg, Grotius's friend and
relation, very ill, he writes to his brother William: "If Blondius
should speak to you, tell him I have a son here, who will send him a
challenge, for affronting the Senator Reigersberg." This menace, which
seemed to be an approbation of duelling, much surprised William Grotius,
who had read in the _Rights of War and Peace_[684], that this doctrine
was clearly condemned by the gospel. Grotius proves in another part of
the same book, "That honour being nothing but the opinion we have of
our distinguishing qualities, he who bears with a slight injury, thereby
discovers a patience above the common; and thus, instead of lessening
his honour, adds to it; and that if some people, from a wrong judgment,
bestow improper epithets on this virtue and turn it into ridicule; these
wrong judgments change not the nature of the thing, nor lessen its real
value. This has not only been acknowledged by the first Christians, but
by the ancient Philosophers, who, as we have elsewhere shewn, ascribed
an impatient resentment of insults to meanness of soul. Should any one
even publish things capable of hurting us with good men, that will not
authorise us to kill him. If there are authors who maintain the
contrary, it is an erroneous opinion which clasheth even with the
principles of natural law: for killing the person who attacks our
reputation is a bad way of defending it." Thus Grotius thought in his
best days. We have enlarged on this head, to shew into what
contradiction, and excess of weakness, great men may fall. William
Grotius was no doubt astonished at his brother's vivacity, and probably
gave him some check for it; for Grotius afterwards writes to him, "What
I wrote to you, relating to my son and Blondius, I did it not because I
approved of such things, but because that or something worse might
happen."
FOOTNOTES:
[640] Huetiana, S. 16. p. 46.
[641] M. Huet is mistaken: it was not Rivetus whom Grotius meant by this
verse of Catullus, but Laet.
[642] See _Votum pro pace_, p. 744.
[643] Ep. 534. A matris visceribus.
[644] Ep. 1471. p. 666.
[645] Ep 383. p. 804.
[646] Ep. 801. p. 357.
[647] Ep. 835. p 367.
[648] Ep. 411. p. 871.
[649] Ep. 477. p. 890.
[650] Ep. 487. p. 894.
[651] Ep. 491. p. 895. & 1478. p. 668.
[652] Ep. 494. p. 896.
[653] Ep. præs. vir. p. 251.
[654] Ep. 1706. p. 736.
[655] Ep. 60. p. 772.
[656] Ep. 444. p. 165.
[657] Ep. 678. p. 960.
[658] Ep. 1538. p. 696. & 573. p. 926.
[659] Ep. 496. p. 897.
[660] Ep. 551. p. 922.
[661] Ep. 1533. p. 696.
[662] Ep. 528. p. 400.
[663] Ep. 610. p. 938.
[664] Ep. 530. p. 911.
[665] Ep. 592. p. 934.
[666] Ep. 1569. p. 708. See also Ep. 1576. p. 710.
[667] P. 284.
[668] L. 3. ep. 9. p. 278.
[669] Ep. 1478. p. 668.
[670] Ep. 595. p. 929.
[671] Ep. 637. p. 948.
[672] Ep. 260. p. 88. Ep. 265. p. 99. & 368. p. 134.
[673] Ep. 525. p. 908.
[674] Ep. 42. p. 41.
[675] Ep. 83. p. 84.
[676] Ep. 579. p. 930.
[677] Ep. 111. p. 110.
[678] Ep. p. 203.
[679] Cent. 2. p. 448.
[680] See a letter from Henry Villeneuve, p. 345, after the treatise _Of
the truth of the Christian religion_, by M. Le Clerc.
[681] Osiander. Vind. Grot. p. 464.
[682] Ep. 333. p. 119.
[683] Ep. 572. p. 928.
[684] L. 2. c. 1.
XXIV. The hatred, which his projects of reconciliation drew upon him,
contributed to the revival of the invidious accusation of Socinianism,
which had been formerly laid against him: they founded it on his silence
concerning the Trinity in his treatise _Of the truth of the Christian
religion_, on his praises of Crellius, his connection with the
Socinians, and, in fine, on his setting aside, or weakening several
passages which established Christ's divinity, particularly that in which
it is said, that Christ was before Abraham; Grotius explaining it with
the Socinians of Christ's existence in the eternal decrees of God.
It was not only his declared enemies, such as Desmarets, Osiander, and
many others, that wanted to make him pass for a Socinian: some
celebrated Roman Catholics, among whom we may number M. Bossuet,
maintained that he was a favourer of Socinianism.
It is true he did not always express himself with the greatest
exactness, and sometimes enlarged more on the necessity of good works,
than on that of regulating our faith according to the decisions of the
Church[685]: but besides that his expressions are susceptible of a
favourable sense, it is evident that there are several tenets, the
belief of which he thought necessary for salvation: this manifestly
appears from the detail he enters into concerning these doctrines in his
later works.
If even some mistakes have escaped him, of which the Socinians might
take advantage, these will not authorise us to accuse him of being a
favourer of that heresy. We know that never any carried a love to truth,
or an abhorrence of falsehood, farther than he did: now he always
expressed the greatest aversion to Socinianism: he writes to Gerard
Vossius[686], in 1613, that there was no body of any authority in the
republic, who held not Socinianism in abhorrence. He wrote against
Socinus the book entitled _A defence of the Catholic faith concerning
Christ's satisfaction against Faustus Socinus of Siena_, in which he
proves that there is nothing contrary to justice in Christ's suffering,
though innocent, for offenders; that even the Pagans believed that God
punished the crimes of the fathers on the sons; and that, in the early
ages of the world, the innocent children were often punished with the
guilty fathers. In fine, he shews that the opinion of Socinus is
repugnant to Scripture, which tells us that Christ's death has
reconciled us to God, according to the expressions of St. Paul, that he
died for us, and that by his death our sins are expiated.
He was very orthodox on the article of original sin; for, he says, the
only true opinion on this matter is that of the ancient Church, which is
well set forth by the Council of Trent.
The Socinians were far from thinking Grotius so favourable to them:
Ruarus writes to one of his friends, "You have reason to think, that
hitherto no body has written so learnedly against Socinus, as Grotius:
he was always much attached to the doctrine of Christ's divinity, even
in his earlier years." Grotius wrote to Walæus[687], in 1611, "I do not
look upon the Samosatenians, and others, like them, as Christians, nor
even as heretics; for their doctrine is repugnant to the belief of all
ages, and all nations. They retain Christianity in name, but destroy it
in fact. I therefore make no great difference between them and the
Mahometans, who even do not revile Christ." M. Bossuet, tho' far from
being prejudiced in favour of Grotius, allows however that he did not
deny the divinity of Christ, nor the efficacy of his sacrifice.
In several of his letters he clears himself from the charge of
Socinianism in such a manner as leaves us no room to doubt his regarding
it as a very dangerous heresy. "I give myself little trouble, he writes
to his brother[688], June 4, 1639, about the calumnies spread against me
by the worst of men, in relation to Socinianism. They may be easily
confuted before equitable judges by the writings which I have already
published, and by those I shall yet publish. I have defended the
sentiments of the ancient Church concerning the Trinity, Christ's
satisfaction, and future punishments, by Scripture and the consent of
antiquity; and have confuted the contrary opinions. Calvin might more
justly be[689] accused of Arianism, than I of Socinianism." Sorbiere,
who had been his Secretary; discovering a great propensity to some
opinions of Socinus, Grotius earnestly admonished him[690] to abstain
from such dangerous innovation.
One of the principal grounds on which they went, was, as we have already
seen, his silence concerning the Trinity, in his book _Of the truth of
the Christian religion_: but he has justified his method in such a
manner, that this objection cannot be sustained by an equitable judge:
he seems to have foreseen it; for, writing to his brother from his
prison at Louvestein whilst he was composing this treatise in Dutch
verse, "My intention, he says, is not to explain the doctrines of
Christianity, but to make the profane, the Pagans, Jews, and Mahometans
acknowledge the truth of the Christian religion, and afterwards have
recourse to our sacred books to be informed of its tenets. The Trinity,
and Christ's divinity could not be introduced into my arguments; for
these doctrines will never bring over unbelievers to the Christian
faith, and those who attempt to demonstrate them by other arguments than
such as are drawn from scripture, absolutely lose their labour: but the
authority of the scriptures being once established, these doctrines
ought to be held proved." He omitted therefore all mention of these
points, not because he disbelieved them, but because he judged it more
proper to prove first the divinity of the sacred books, and the mission
of Christ: and, as we have already observed, the same method has been
followed by the most successful writers on the Truth of Christianity.
He has been much reproached with his letter to Crellius. Grotius had
written against Socinus, and Crellius, to vindicate his master, answered
Grotius with a politeness and good-breeding seldom found in a polemical
divine. Grotius thought it his duty to reply to him, and the measures he
kept with this adversary were looked on by his enemies as a betraying of
the truth. Here follows the letter, which has been so much talked of. "I
was so far from being offended, most learned Crellius, with your book
against mine that I inwardly thanked you at that time, and now do it by
this letter, first, for treating me with so much civility, that the only
thing I have left to complain of is your complimenting me in some places
too much: next for informing me of many very useful and entertaining
things, and exciting me by your example, to examine thoroughly into the
sense of the sacred scriptures: you judge very rightly of me, that I
bear no ill-will to any one who differs from me, without prejudice to
religion; nor decline the friendship of any good man. I have found in
your book of the True Religion, which I have already gone through, and
shall read again, many judicious remarks: and I congratulate the present
age, that there are men in it who make religion consist, not so much in
subtle controversies as in amendment of life and a continual progress in
holiness. God grant that my writings may produce these sentiments in the
minds of my readers: I should then think my life not spent in vain. The
treatise on the truth of the Christian religion I wrote more for my own
satisfaction, than for the instruction of others. I don't see how it can
be useful, after so many other works on the same subject, but by its
brevity. If there be any thing in it that pleases you, or such as you,
it is a happiness beyond my expectation. My great aim, in the _Rights of
War and Peace_, was to suppress, as much as was in my power, that savage
barbarity unworthy not only of a Christian, but of a man, which, to the
misfortune of nations, is now too common, of beginning and carrying on
wars by caprice. I hear with pleasure that this work has got into the
hands of Princes: God grant they may retain what is good in it; for that
would be the most agreeable fruit I could reap from my labour. If ever
any occasion should offer of serving you, of your friends, be assured
that I shall be ready to give you proofs of my high esteem. Since I can
do no more, I sincerely pray that God would protect you, and those who
promote religion."
There is another letter from Grotius to Crellius, which has made much
noise. After thanking him for a book he had sent him, he adds, "I am
resolved to read your works again and again with care, having already
reaped much benefit from them. I have always loved peace, and love it
still; and am grieved to see so much enmity between those, who call
themselves Christians, for such trifling matters[691]."
Crellius having shewn these letters to several, the Socinians and
Grotius's enemies spread a report, that he favoured Socinianism: even
extracts of these letters were printed. He protested against the abuse
made of them, and maintained[692] that if people would candidly read his
works, they would easily be convinced of the injustice of ranking him
with Socinians.
It is certain, that, notwithstanding the terms which he makes use of in
writing to Crellius, he did not at bottom approve of his book: he writes
thus in confidence to his brother[693], "I have read Crellius's book: he
writes with candour, and doth not want learning; but I cannot see how he
will promote religion by departing from the Scripture manner of speaking
authorised by antiquity."
"If I have not answered Crellius, he says in another letter[694], it was
for prudential reasons, and even by the advice of the Protestants of
France, who think that the questions being unknown in this country,
ought not to be made public by a confutation. It is easy to refute them
with glory, though every one is not capable of it: but, it is still
better that they should remain unknown." He speaks, in the same letter,
of Socinus as a man very little versed in the sentiments of antiquity,
and whose errors he had confuted in many of his works. "Must I also
excuse myself, he asks, for not shutting my door against Martinus
Ruarus, who desired to see me? The time was not lost that I spent in
conversing with him, nor am I sorry for his visit. I acquainted him with
my reasons for enquiring into the opinions of the ancient Churches, and
for following them: I shewed him that the doctrine of satisfaction was
no ways contrary to reason, even in the judgment of the Jews, and
brought him some signal proofs of it. I did not conceal what violence it
was to the Scripture, and of how dangerous consequence, to deny the
eternity of hell torments; and I flatter myself I advanced more with
him, than those would have done who abound in reproaches; nor do I see
why I should abstain from writing to him, when I find the pillars of the
Greek Church corresponding by letters even with Pagans. For my part, I
am resolved and accustomed to preserve friendship for all men,
particularly Christians, although erring; and I shall never blush at
it."
He advances almost the same reasons to clear himself from the charge of
Socinianism, in a long letter to Gerard Vossius[695], of which we shall
make no extract to avoid repetitions.
In fine, those who knew Grotius best have defended him on this head. The
celebrated Jerom Bignon, who lived in much intimacy with him, could not
bear to [696]hear him accused of Socinianism: he said he knew him
perfectly, and so far from being a Socinian, he had sometimes seen him
almost in a disposition to turn Roman Catholic. His intimate connection
with Father Petau, whose zeal for the orthodox faith was equal to his
profound learning, is a clear evidences that the Jesuit did not think
him a Socinian. No man was more exposed than Grotius to groundless
accusations. An anonymous piece was written against him, accusing him of
being a Semi-Pelagian: he did not think proper to publish a defence; but
he mentions this accusation in a letter to his brother[697] of the 29th
of May, 1618. "In my treatise _De ordinum Hollandiæ pietate_, I have
mentioned Semi-Pelagianism as a very grievous error. The sentiments of
the Remonstrants are very different from Semi-Pelagianism, for the
Priests of Marseilles, who were called Semi-Pelagians, or the remains of
the Pelagians, in speaking of the necessity of grace, denied that grace
preceded good motions in the foul, at least in some men: the
Remonstrants, on the contrary, maintain, that all that is spiritually
good in us, even the beginning of it flows from antecedent grace.
Consult the Synod of Orange, by which the Priests of Marseilles were
confuted. But those that believe predestination is a consequence of
prescience, or that grace is given to all men, or in fine that it may be
refilled, are certainly not Semi-Pelagians."
They carried their calumnies so far, as even to accuse him of Judaism.
We read in the _Patiniana_[698] that M. Bignon, Advocate-General,
affirmed that Grotius had acknowledged, if he would change his religion,
he would turn Jew. John Mallet, in his book _Of Atheism_[699] has not
only advanced that Grotius judaised in his Commentary on the Prophets,
but that if he had lived much longer he would have become a Turk.
Even the immortality of the soul, said others, he did not believe[700]:
this ridiculous tale is grounded on these words of the _Chevreana_[701]:
"Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, formerly told me, that having asked
the celebrated Grotius, whether the immortality of the soul could be
demonstrated, he answered, Not well, my Lord; not well."
It is universally known that these books in _Ana_ are of little
authority. We must be informed of all the circumstances of this
pretended conversation before we can determine Grotius's meaning: one
thing is certain, that he has proved the immortality of the soul by
arguments drawn from reason in his treatise _On the Truth of the
Christian Religion_[702].
FOOTNOTES:
[685] Theological works.
[686] Ep. 20. p. 7.
[687] Ep. 14. p. 5. See also Oper. Theol. t. 3. p. 99.
[688] Ep. 556. p. 883.
[689] Ep. 502. p. 884.
[690] Ep. 1564. p. 708.
[691] These expressions afterwards gave occasion to the accusations of
Socinianism brought against Grotius.
[692] Ep. 440. p. 880.
[693] Ep. 135. p. 794.
[694] Ep. 880. p. 387.
[695] Ep. 1096. p. 492.
[696] Menag. t. 2 p. 298.
[697] Ep. 19. p. 760.
[698] Patiniana, p. 18.
[699] Vind. Grot. p. 557.
[700] Animad. Phil. & Hist. Crenii, part. 10. p. 113.
[701] T. 1. p. 168.
[702] L. 1. S. 23.
XXV. If Grotius's merit stirred up envy, and if his projects of
reconciliation procured him hatred, the more irreconcilable as it was
founded on a religious pretext, he had also a great number of friends
and judicious persons for him, who did justice to his virtue and his
talents. We shall not enter into a detail of all the testimonies in his
favour, they would fill a large volume: we shall confine ourselves to
the Elogiums of those whose suffrages deserve most attention. We have
already seen, that even when a boy he was highly extolled by the
greatest men of his age. Isaac Pontanus, Meursius, James Gillot,
Barlæus, John Dousa, M. de Thou, the great Scaliger, Casaubon, Vossius,
Lipsius, Baudius, celebrated his childhood. He justified the great hopes
that were so early conceived of him, and the praises he received were an
additional motive to merit the public esteem. Baudius compared him to
Scaliger[703], who, he said, was his favourite author. This he wrote on
the third of March, 1606, when Grotius was yet much under age. In a
scazon, written in his praise, he calls him [704]a great, an admirable,
and an original man. "If any, says he in a letter dated October 8,
1607[705], can form a just notion of Grotius's merit, which exceeds all
that can be said of it, I am one; and I think him equal to any office.
Ignorant people, who judge of virtue by years and a long beard, may
object to him his youth; but in my opinion that makes for him, since in
his earliest youth he possesses the prudence and ripeness of
understanding of the most aged."
The celebrated Peyresc having made a journey into Holland in 1606, would
not leave the Hague[706] till he had made acquaintance with Grotius,
already famous for universal learning. "Though he was but very young,
says Gassendi[707], when Peyresc heard of his arrival at Paris, he said,
that France, by gaining Grotius, had a sufficient reparation for the
loss of Scaliger; and that if some others had been the ornament of the
age, he was the wonder of it; and it is with reason (adds M. Mesnage,
after relating this story of Peyresc) that we still consider Grotius as
a prodigy of learning, since he has made a greater proficiency in most
of the sciences, than many of those who have wholly applied to one of
them in particular."
In the funeral Elogium of Peyresc, delivered at Rome December 2, 1637,
mention is made of the learned men with whom he was connected. James
Bucard, who spoke it, distinguisheth Salmasius and Grotius from the
rest, styling them the Princes of literature and of the fine arts. We
cannot conceive a higher idea of Grotius than the celebrated Gerard
Vossius entertained, as appears from the beautiful poem written by him
in honour of his friend: we would give it at length if it were not too
long, but we cannot omit the last stanza:
_Felici omine dicte magne, quid te
Sol majus videt? ô decus tuorum,
Delfi gloria, Patrii Deique amores,
Splendor inclute, Belgices ocelle,
Orbis delicium, Deique amores!_
He never mentions Grotius without admiration. "He is, says he[708], one
of the greatest ornaments of our times, or rather the miracle, the
eternal honour, of Holland, and of his age." He wrote to Meursius[709],
"If we would do him justice, there is none we can place above him, nor
even any we can compare with him."
Utengobard, who had been his master, said, that to speak after Grotius,
was to expose one's self to be laughed at.
Balzac has employed his most eloquent phrases to express his thoughts of
Grotius: he writes to Mesnage, "Is it true, what you tell me, of the
Swedish Ambassador, and shall I be so happy to share in his esteem? I
tell it you as solemnly as if I were by the altar on which we swore to
be friends, that my ambition was dead, but you have revived it, and my
transports would be as great as yours, if my blood were as fine and
sparkling: who would not glory in the esteem of one whose birth our age
ought to be proud of? he is a modern whom the President Jeannin sets in
opposition to the greatest of the ancients." In another letter written
to Chapelain[710], he says: "Whatever comes from Grotius is a high
recommendation of him to me; and besides the solidity of his learning,
the strength of his reasoning, and the graces of his language, I
observe in it an air of probity, that one may put entire confidence in
him, excepting in what regards our Church, to which he is unhappily a
stranger."
Colomiez, in his _Bibliotheque choisie_[711], has collected some of the
Elogiums which had been then made of Grotius: "The President Jeannin,
says he, according to the relation of Balzac, opposes Grotius to the
greatest men of antiquity. Salmasius, in his notes on Solinus, styles
him _Virum excellentissimæ doctrinæ in omni genere litterarum_; Selden,
in his _Mare clausum, virum acuminis et omnigenæ doctrinæ præstantiâ
incomparabilem_; Gerard Vossius, in his Latin Poems, _Seculi nostri
grande ornamentum_; Pricæus, on the xivth of St. Matthew, _Virum
ingentem, quem non sine horrore mirati sumus_: In fine, M. Blondel, who
was not lavish of his praise, says of him in his _Sibyls_, that he was a
very great man, whether we consider the sublimity of his genius, the
universality of his learning, or the diversity of his writings; in fine,
says Colomiez[712], he appears a great critic in his _Martianus
Capella_, his _Aratus_, and his _Stobæus_; in his _Notes on Lucan_ and
_Tacitus_ a great historian, a great statesman, a great divine; but
however excellent these different works may be, we must however
acknowledge that Grotius's _Letters_ and _Poems_ much surpass them; and
that if he appeared great in those, in these he is incomparable. But
what astonishes me is, that he should have written so many letters, and
made so many verses, and all should be of equal strength, that is, that
all should partake of the powerful and divine genius which animated that
great man." Episcopius, who was regarded as an oracle by his party,
looked on Grotius as his oracle. "Your opinion, he writes to him[713],
shall be to me the decision of an oracle; for I know your love to truth
and friendship for me to be such, that in giving it you regard only
truth."
Christian Habsoeker and Philip Limborch speak of him with raptures in
the _Preface_ to the _Letters of illustrious men_: "At the name of the
incomparable Grotius, who is above all praise, and even all envy, we are
in a sort of transport. How shall we sufficiently praise the virtues of
that most illustrious hero, whom all true scholars regard as the most
learned of the Learned: we shall only relate the prophecy concerning him
in 1614 by Daniel Heinsius in some verses which ought to be put under
his picture."
Those lines are in fact the most complete Elogium that can be made of a
man.
_Depositum Coeli, quod jure Batavia mater
Horret, et baud credit se peperisse sibi;
Talem oculis, talem ore tulit se maximus Hugo:
Instar crede hominis, cætera crede Dei._
Heinsius and Grotius had been most intimate in their youth: the
divisions which happened in the Republic destroyed this close union:
Heinsius joined the Contra-Remonstrants, and was Secretary to the
Commissioners of the Synod of Dort. Grotius had reason to complain of
him on several occasions: nevertheless, talking with Cardinal Richelieu
about him, Grotius greatly commended his genius and learning. He gives
an account of this conversation to his brother; adding, "In this manner
I am wont to revenge myself on those who hate me." Cardinal Richelieu,
though not prejudiced in favour of Grotius, ranked him however among the
three first scholars of the age: the other two were Claudius Salmasius,
and Jerom Bignon. This famous Advocate-General said of Grotius[714],
that he was the most learned man who had appeared in the world since
Aristotle.
Foreigners who loved the sciences would not leave France without seeing
Grotius. John Christenius, who was at Paris in 1629, had more
satisfaction in seeing him, than in the whole kingdom beside: he writes
thus to John Kirkman, June 20, 1629. "The pleasure I have had, received
considerable addition not only from having seen, but also often
conversed with that great and eloquent man who has no fellow, I mean
Hugo Grotius; for whom I have the highest esteem, and have been for many
years of the same opinion with all who know that he possesses singly
what would be sufficient to entitle many to great praise. He is master
of all that is worth knowing in sacred and profane literature. Besides
the Eastern languages, there is no art nor science with which he is not
perfectly acquainted: this appears from his agreeable conversation: ask
him about any thing, he immediately gives you an exact answer, and in
such a manner as to excite the admiration of those who hear him. After
talking about the sciences, if you enquire of him what passes in this
part of the world, or the other, you will imagine you heard the answer
of an oracle who delivers what is most worthy to be known. His virtue is
above all I can say of it, and I want eloquence sufficiently to extol so
great a man."
Sarrau[715], who had been prejudiced against Grotius since his leaving
the Protestants, ventures not however to decide whether Salmasius or
Grotius excelled in literature; and he hesitates to make the
determination, even in a letter written to Salmasius, wherein he appears
much dissatisfied with Grotius. "Whether the first place in literature
in this age be due to you or to him, posterity will judge more equitably
than this generation."
On hearing of Grotius's death, he writes to Salmasius in these
terms[716]: "Hugo Grotius was certainly a great man in name and in fact:
he was the star of our age. How great a loss has learning sustained!
Whilst books and sciences are held in honour his name will flourish. For
my part, whilst I live I shall glory in my intimacy with him. You now
reign singly (he concludes, addressing himself to Salmasius) I pray God
you may reign long." He calls him elsewhere[717] the Coryphæus of
learning sacred and prophane.
Queen Christina, hearing of his death, wrote to his widow to make her
compliments of condolence, and to get the manuscripts he left. "My
Ambassador, she says, may have acquainted you in part with my high
esteem for his admirable learning and the good services he did me: but
he could not express how dear I hold his memory, and the effects of his
great labours. If gold and silver could contribute any thing to the
redeeming such a valuable life, I would chearfully employ all I am
mistress of for that purpose." She concludes with asking his widow to
procure her all the manuscripts of this learned man, whose works had
always given her great pleasure: assuring her that they could not fall
into better hands, and that the author having been of use to her in his
life-time, it was just that she should not be deprived after his death
of the fruits of his illustrious labours.
Duncomius wrote to Gerard Vossius, February 2, 1646[718], "It is certain
and beyond dispute that Grotius was a very illustrious hero, _usque ad
stuporem ferè et miraculum_; that he joined science with wisdom; that he
was above all praise; and that he was deeply skilled in divine and human
learning."
Meric Casaubon, son of Isaac, had no less esteem for Grotius than his
illustrious father had had before him. In his preface to Hierocles's
book _Of providence and destiny_, "Hugo Grotius, he says, was a great,
an incomparable man: in him was seen what is very rare, a peaceable
spirit, with much judgment, and infinite erudition." Augustus
Buchner[719] calls Grotius the greatest ornament of his time, the oracle
of human wisdom, and the wonder of the age.
Lewis du Moulin comparing Grotius with Salmasius[720], allows Grotius
much more judgment, but gives to Salmasius a greater extent of
knowledge. In another place[721], where he censures Grotius for the part
he had acted with regard to religion, he bestows on him, after all, in
other respects the highest praises. "Neither the present nor the last
age, he says, hath produced a man superior to Grotius in judgment and
erudition. He was great in everything: a very great Divine, Lawyer,
Orator, Poet, Philosopher; his genius, far from being confined within
the limits of the bar, was scarce bounded by those of nature."
Guy Patin writes[722], February 24, 1662, "They have finished in
Holland, in nine volumes in folio, an edition of all the works of
Grotius, whom I formerly knew: he was the finest genius of his time; a
man of surprising knowledge, and perfect master of polite and useful
learning." "He and Salmasius were the greatest scholars or their time,"
he writes in another letter[723]. And in another place, "Peter Grotius,
says he[724], was son of the first man of his age."
"I would not mention the most learned and greatest man of this country,
says Wicquefort[725], were I not forced to it by the remarks published
at Brussels on what I have said of him in my Memoirs: it will be readily
conceived that I mean Hugo de Groot. I admire, with the rest of the
world, the genius, the probity, and the works of this great man; and
besides this there are particular considerations, which inspire me with
a veneration for his memory."
Morhof calls him the phoenix of his age[726]: Hofman gives him the same
commendation.
"He is the greatest of men, says Meibomius[727], the light and support
of letters; on whom we can bestow no praise but what will fall short of
his virtue and erudition. His uncommon penetration makes us compare him
to an eagle in the clouds," says Oldenburg.
In 1727 was printed at Hall in Saxony, under the false name of Delft, a
book entitled _Hugonis Grotii Belgarum Phoenicis manes ab iniquis
obtrectationibus vindicati_. The author, who was said to be M.
Lehman[728], speaks of Grotius as the greatest man Holland ever
produced, and fit to be compared with the most illustrious of other
Countries, and he flatters himself that the Dutch will in the issue
agree with all nations, that he was the greatest ornament of their
country. He gives his thoughts of Grotius in the following lines.
_Hic ille est Grotius, majus quo doctior orbis
Nil habuit; credo, nil habiturus erit:
Gallia quem stupuit, stupuit quem Suecia, verus
Qui Phoebus Delphis, orbe pharusque fuit._
Salmasius, who so unmercifully fell foul of Grotius's memory, had
formerly been one of his greatest admirers. Grotius gave him the title
of Most Eminent, which Pope Urbin VIII. had a very little time before
attributed to the Cardinals. Salmasius answers him[729] August 8, 1630.
"You not only offend the Cardinals, but, more than most eminent Grotius
(_super eminentissime_) you offend me, by giving me a title which you
much better deserve yourself."
These two Princes of Literature, as they were styled, had at this time a
great reciprocal esteem and friendship for each other. We learn from
Grotius's letters[730], that Salmasius, notwithstanding the advantageous
idea he entertained of his own knowledge, sometimes consulted him. He
changed all of a sudden: Grotius imagined[731] it was to make his court
to those in power in Holland; but Sarrau, who knew both, assures us[732]
that Salmasius's coldness wholly proceeded from the change of Grotius's
sentiments in religion. The news of Grotius's death was scarce spread
over Europe, when Salmasius poured out all his venom in a letter written
from Leyden, Nov. 20, 1645, to Sarrau[733].
"You think Grotius, says he, the first among the learned; for my part, I
give that rank to Vossius. I do not think it is necessary to wait for
the judgment of posterity, to know whose opinion is most just: it will
be sufficient to consult the learned in Italy, Germany, in this country,
and even in France: but till we have their suffrages let us go through
all the sciences, and examine the extent of Grotius's capacity. There is
no one whom I would desire to resemble less in divinity: he is every
where a Socinian, both in his treatise _On the Truth of the Christian
Religion,_ and his _Commentary on the Old and New Testament_. As to
Philosophy, he can scarce be compared with the moderately skilled. If we
consider him with regard to the art of Disputation, I have never seen a
person reason with less force, as is evident from his pieces which
Rivetus and Desmarets have answered. There are several who may be ranked
with him as to knowledge of polite learning, and even a great number
who excel him: not a few have had as much Greek and Latin, and many of
the learned have been more masters of the Oriental Languages. His
_Florum sparsio in jus Justinianeum_ shew his skill in the Law. A
Professor of Helmstat has undertaken to confute his book _Of the Rights
of War and Peace_, and has told some friends, whom I have seen, that he
would prove that every page contained gross blunders[734]. He was a
great Poet; but every one here prefers Barlæus; some even Heinsius. But
besides, when the point to be decided is priority in learning, poetry is
set aside by consent of all good judges. Vossius excels Grotius in every
thing. This is not only my opinion, but that of all the learned in
Italy, Germany, Poland, and Holland, as I have had an opportunity to
know by their letters, their writings, and their conversation. If we
compare their writings, which of Grotius's works can we prefer to those
of Vossius? Is it his _Notes on Martianus Capella_, written when he was
but a boy? Is it his _Aratus_? in which he has ostentatiously introduced
some Arabic terms, for he scarce knew the elements of that language, as
he acknowledged to me himself in some letters which I keep, written in
answer to my enquiry about some Arabic words that puzzled me. Will you
tell me of his _Notes on Lucan_? what Vossius has done on the fragments
of the ancient Tragic and Comic Writers appears to me of much greater
value. We know from other pieces what a poor critic Grotius was, though
a great man in some respects. As inconsiderable as I am, I would not
have my name prefixed to his _Commentary on the Old Testament_; for
nothing can be more childish, or unworthy a man of his great character,
than many of his notes. I shall take notice in another place of his
_Commentary on the New Testament_, and frankly declare what I think of
it. Such are my sentiments of the person who merits the first place in
literature. I have the suffrages of many of the learned in different
branches for me, and shall name them when you inform me who are of your
opinion."
This letter, in which hatred, jealousy, and partiality openly shew
themselves, rather hurt Salmasius than injured Grotius's character: the
contempt with which he speaks of the excellent treatise _Of the Rights
of War and Peace_, which is worth all that Salmasius ever wrote,
incensed the whole republic of letters against him. It has been observed
that all that was good in his pieces _On the power of Kings_, is taken
from Grotius, whom he hath not once named; and that when he departed
from him, he sinks much beneath Grotius. But such was Salmasius's
character: jealous of the reputation of those who might be put in the
scale against him, he had too high an opinion of himself, and too much
despised others, in the judgment of the wise Gronovius. Grotius's wife
being informed of the indiscreet stories published by Salmasius against
the memory of her husband, gave him to understand, that if he would not
forbear, the only answer she should make to his invectives would be the
publication of his former letters to Grotius, filled with elogiums. For
the rest, Salmasius's invectives injured only himself: and it was said
publicly, that he plucked the hairs of a dead lion.
Two medals were struck in honour of Grotius, which we find in the end of
the first volume of the _History of the United Provinces_ by Le Clerc,
one of his greatest admirers. The first has on one side the bust of that
great man, with his name, HUGO GROTIUS, which is to him instead of an
elogium: and on the other a chest, on which are the arms of Sweden and
France, to express his retreat into France, and his embassy from Sweden
at that Court: at the side of the chest is the castle of Louvestein, and
opposite to it a rising sun, with these words: MELIOR POST ASPERA FATA
RESURGO; I rise brighter after my misfortune. In the exergue is, _natus
1583, obiit 1645_. The second medal, larger than the first, also
represents Grotius on one side with the time of his birth and death.
HUGO GROTIUS NATUS 1583, 10 APRILIS, OBIIT 1645, 28 AUGUSTI: on the
reverse is this inscription in Dutch verse: _the Phoenix of his Country,
the Oracle of Delft, the great Genius, the Light which enlighteneth the
earth_.
FOOTNOTES:
[703] Ep. 22. p. 181.
[704] Vir magne, vir mirande, vir sine exemplo. Ep. 100. p. 474.
[705] Ep. 68. Cent. 2.
[706] Life, B. 2. p. 93.
[707] Life, B. 3. p. 182. Anti Baillet. c. 3.
[708] Popo Blanet, p. 746.
[709] Ep. 277.
[710] 2 Lettre du xxi. Livre, p. 831.
[711] Bibliotheque choisie, p. 461.
[712] P. 487.
[713] Ep. 13. Præs. vir. p. 23.
[714] Du Maurier, p. 393.
[715] Ep. Sar. p. 145.
[716] Ep. Sar. 128. p. 143.
[717] Ep. 21. p. 24.
[718] Ep. Vossi, 728. p. 38.
[719] Vind. Grot. p. 446.
[720] Crenii Anim. phil. et hist. Part 5. p. 95.
[721] In jugulo causa, c. 5. Crenius, Anim. phil. Part 5. p. 85.
[722] Lett. 265.
[723] Lett. 545.
[724] Lett. 538.
[725] Amb. l. 1. p. 95.
[726] Polihist. l. 1. c. 24.
[727] Pope Blount, p. 946.
[728] Supplement de Moreri.
[729] Ep. 21. p. 45.
[730] Ep. 229. p. 78.
[731] Ep. 697. p. 964.
[732] Ep. Sarr. 165. Ep. 163. p. 168.
[733] In Crenii Anim. Phil. & Hist. t. 1. p. 23.
[734] See Book 3. § 9. p. 243.
XXVI. It remains that we should relate what we know of Grotius's family.
After his death, his wife communicated with the Church of England;
which, it is reported, she said she did in conformity to the dying
intentions of her husband. It is certain[735] that Grotius had a respect
for the Church of England; but it is difficult to believe, that he
should desire his wife to declare he died in the communion of that
Church: for, besides that this fact is not easy to be reconciled with
his later works, it has no foundation but a letter written June 23,
1707, which is supported only by a hearsay ill-circumstantiated.
Grotius's wife died at the Hague in the communion of the Remonstrants;
which, according to Le Clerc, was not contrary to her husband's last
orders, as the Remonstrants allowed of communion with the Church of
England.
Grotius had three sons and three daughters by his marriage. His eldest
son, Cornelius, studied in Holland under the direction of his
grandfather[736]. Grotius sent for him afterwards to Paris, where he
himself superintended his studies. He wrote to his brother, William
Grotius[737], Aug. 16, 1630, that Cornelius had learned the Hebrew
grammar; that he was studying the Greek and Logic; and had made himself
matter of the Art of Oratory, without neglecting Poetry, for which the
young Cornelius had a particular turn. Some very good verses, written by
him, are published in the poems of Vincent Fabricius. Grotius made him
read Vossius's pieces on rhetoric, which he thought could not be
excelled; he afterwards wanted Cornelius to study the Roman Law, and the
Laws of Holland: he also made him read Physics and Metaphysics; but his
progress in these sciences was inconsiderable, according to Du Maurier,
on account of his indolence and love of pleasure. Grotius sent him after
this to make his court to the High Chancellor, who passed the beginning
of the year 1636 at Straelsund: Oxenstiern received him very graciously,
and took him into his service as Latin Secretary[738]. Grotius was at
the height of his joy on seeing his son in a capacity of meriting the
esteem and protection of such a great man as Oxenstiern: he flattered
himself[739], that the honourable place, which his son held, would
induce him to shake off his indolence; and he made him frequent
remonstrances on this subject: but Cornelius's natural temper prevailed,
and he considered his employment as attended with too much trouble. He
imagined that a military life would suit him better[740], and wrote to
his father on that head. Grotius opposed this new turn for some time;
but his remonstrances producing no effect, he wrote to Muller[741],
April 4, 1638, that his son had preferred Mars to the Muses, and that he
had thought fit to yield to his choice, as war was also a road to glory;
and moreover the time, which Cornelius had spent in literature, would
not be absolutely lost for war. He added, that the Duke of Weymar being
the greatest and most experienced general of his age, he was very
desirous that his son should serve under such an able master; and that
he would send him with a reinforcement that was marching to that
Prince, who, he hoped, would assist him with his advice. Cornelius was
very well received by the Duke[742]; and for some time kept up an exact
correspondence with his father by letters, who complimented him on his
diligence in writing. The Duke of Weymar promised to advance him, if he
paid a proper regard to his father's counsels. Cornelius was by nature
so inconstant, that he soon took a dislike to the army: he had even
thoughts of returning to his father, who diverted him from it as a step
which would dishonour him.
On the Duke of Weymar's death, Reigersberg advised Cornelius to write
that Prince's history. Young Grotius mentioning this project to his
father, he pressed him to execute it, because it would give him an
opportunity of expressing his gratitude to a Prince who had laid him
under great obligations, and done such important services to Sweden.
Besides, this work would be of use to the author, by obliging him to
study the Art of War, in order to speak of it properly. Cornelius
contented himself with projecting this design[743]: he changed his
service, and entered into the Marshal de Chatillon's army, in which he
continued not long: he made the campaign of 1640, in quality of Cornet
in the Colonel's company of a German regiment of horse in the French
service. Soon after he got a company: however he wanted to serve in the
Valtoline[744]. He had not been long there before he took a fancy to
enter into the Venetians service; and, without consulting his father,
went to Venice to make his contract with them: but it is probable they
could not agree; for Grotius writes[745], July 16, 1644, "Cornelius will
return from the Antenorides without doing any thing." This fickleness of
temper much displeased Grotius[746], who in the latter part of his life
spoke of his son with great indifference.
In the sequel, when the States of Holland wanted to indemnify such as
were unjustly persecuted during the overgrown power of the
Stadtholders[747], they gave Cornelius Grotius a company in the guards;
to Peter, a troop of horse; and to Mombas, their brother-in-law, a
regiment; with leave to dispose of them, or sell them to the best
advantage: which was contrary to custom and law.
It was in 1633 that the States thus sought to repair the injuries which
Grotius had formerly suffered. Cornelius died unmarried. Peter,
Grotius's second son, was more like his father. In his infancy he was
very sickly: having received a hurt in his leg[748], the Surgeons and
Physicians treated it so ill, that he remained lame all his days. His
father, thinking his education would be cheaper in Holland than at
Paris, sent him to his native country. The young Grotius gave great
satisfaction to his parents, as we learn by a letter from Grotius to his
brother William[749], Oct. 4, 1630, "Your accounts of my son give me
great pleasure: if he goes on in the same manner, he will have reason to
be satisfied with me." Gerard Vossius directed his studies; and by a
letter[750] of thanks from Grotius to him, we learn that he was of an
indolent turn. "The exhortations you give Peter are worthy of the
friendship you have always entertained for me and mine. I cannot think
why my children should be so idle; perhaps it is because they see their
father's diligence has turned to so little account."
In 1634 Peter Grotius was sent to[751] Amsterdam to learn the use of the
globes and navigation: Grotius intended that he should afterwards serve
in some expedition at sea: he seems at this time to have designed him
for a Sailor. Peter had an inclination to learn Arabic under the learned
Golius at Leyden: but his Father would only suffer him to visit this
eminent professor, and consult him about the pronunciation of that
language, which he thought his son might learn without a master at his
leisure hours.
Grotius was desirous that his son should make a voyage to the
East-Indies[752], or, if that was too long a voyage, that he should go
to the Brasils, or some other part of America, to learn what was not to
be learnt at home, and might be of use to him afterwards.
Vossius, in the mean time, gave ample testimonials not only of Peter's
progress in the sciences, but also of his moral conduct. He wanted to
join, to the studies recommended to him by his father, that of Law; and
Grotius was not against it. He appears to have been somewhat uneasy
about what this youth would do: May 17, 1635, he writes to Vossius, "I
should be glad to know what my son's health will permit him to do, and
to what his inclination leads him: there are some things which will
prevent his being agreeable at court, or his undertaking long journies
by land. I am not against his trying the sea; but I would not force any
of my children against their inclination. The make of his body would
require a sedentary life; but I am afraid he has too much vivacity to
bear with it. I would beg of you to consult with himself and his friends
on this subject; and at the same time to give me your own opinion."
He writes again to Vossius some time after, that if his son had a
dislike to long voyages, he would nevertheless have him study Commerce
and Navigation rather than the quibbles of the Law: "Not but a general
knowledge of public law, and the laws of his own country, may be of use
to him whatever manner of life he chuses: but I would not have him make
it his principal study; and remember Horace's precept, to keep his eye
ever on the mark. If it is out of regard to me he wants to translate the
Tragedy of _Sophomphaneus_, he deserves to be commended, even if he
should make some mistakes: however I should not be sorry if it were done
by one more advanced in years, and better skilled in poetry."
This youth, uncertain what course to take, was in doubt whether he ought
not to seek his fortune in Sweden under the credit of his father's name.
Grotius, hearing of this design, writes to his brother[753], "If my son
thinks to raise himself in Sweden, I see no other way of doing it, than
by a perfect knowledge of Navigation and Commerce. The profession of a
Lawyer is not lucrative, nor doth it succeed with every one."
Vossius was still well pleased with him[754]. The ardour he discovered
for the study of the Law determined Grotius to propose to him a
translation of the Institutes of the Law of Holland into good Latin,
like that of the Digests; and he asked his brother, William Grotius, and
all his friends, to encourage and assist his Son in the execution of
this design, which might be useful to the public and to the author. He
wrote to Gerard Vossius[755] to the same effect. William Grotius
laboured with his nephew in this translation. Grotius, in returning him
his thanks for assisting his Son, desires him to make him read, as he
went on, what was contained in the Digests relating to the matter he was
translating.
In summer, 1636, Peter Grotius had an offer of going to the Brasils in
Count Nassau's retinue. Grotius approved of it, provided his Son might
have a creditable post, in which he might learn Navigation: he was the
more desirous that his Son might make this voyage, as the present state
of his affairs would not permit him to keep him in the way the latter
chose to live.
If this project did not succeed, Grotius wanted that his Son should pass
the winter at the Hague in the study of the Law, and come to France in
the spring, 1637, to take his degree in the university of Orleans; then
return to the Hague to study some time longer, and afterwards go to
Amsterdam to practise as an Advocate, this profession being there most
lucrative.
The voyage to the Brasils did not take place. Peter Grotius came to his
father in summer, 1637. He seems to have been well satisfied with him,
as we may judge by a letter written to his brother[756], Aug. 15, this
year. "Peter is arrived here: he is much indebted to you, to his
grandfather, and all his friends and relations, for instilling into him
such good principles. I am very well satisfied with his diligence." He
writes six months after[757], "I am only afraid for his ambition, which
is the vice of youth: he will live with more ease, and gain more as an
Advocate. I would beg of you, that as soon as he returns, which will be
immediately, you would put him upon studying the precedents in law. But
what is chiefly to be inculcated is diligence and love of labour." Peter
was preparing to return to Holland, when a Surgeon undertook to make him
walk without halting[758]. There were some hopes of his succeeding in
whole or in part; but the event did not correspond with the Surgeon's
promises, and Peter set out soon after for Holland, in the end of April,
1638. Grotius did not regret the time his Son had passed in France. "The
time Peter has been here, he says to his brother[759], was not lost
either for him or me: for he has learnt several useful things, and it
has been a great pleasure to me to communicate what I have learnt to one
of my children, or at least to have put him in a way of informing
himself. I recommend him to you, and would beg of you to give him such
exercises as may fit him to hold a distinguished rank amonst the Orators
and Advocates, that his merit may silently reproach the Dutch for what
they did against his Father. But, above all things, I would recommend to
you the cultivation of those sentiments of piety which I have instilled
into him, and to keep him from bad company."
Grotius wrote to Vossius[760], when his Son set out on his return to
Holland, begging of him to continue to watch over the studies of this
youth; and assuring him at the same time, that the friendship, which the
city of Amsterdam preserved for him, was the only reason which induced
him to consent that any part of him should live in a country where he
had been so ill-treated.
Vossius and William Grotius were highly satisfied with Peter Grotius,
and made great encomiums on him to his father, who wrote to his son,
commending his diligence in the study of the Law. He informed him at the
same time of a successful method of pleading, which he himself had
formerly used with advantage. We have spoken of it elsewhere[761]. He
was desirous of settling him as soon as possible at Amsterdam, that he
might learn navigation and commerce, the municipal laws of the town, and
whatever might contribute to raise his fortune. He wanted to accustom
him to a labour, by which he might live without his father's assistance.
"If he thinks, says Grotius to his brother[762], to make his fortune
with what money he will get from me, he is greatly deceived: let him do
as I did, and cut out a path for himself; otherwise he must not count
upon my liberality." April 21, 1640, he caused him to be chid[763] for
running about too much, and for his learning Italian and several things
for which he had little occasion. "That is not the way, says he, to
please me, nor to be useful to himself."
In fine, Peter Grotius began to plead at the Hague, in[764] spring 1640.
There was a prospect at that time of getting him made Pensionary of
Boisleduc: this design required some money, which Grotius refused not to
advance; but he could scarce believe that the Prince of Orange would
consent to have his son in this place, unless he abjured Arminianism.
Besides, Peter Grotius had so little experience in the law, that his
father did not yet think him capable of filling a place, the
difficulties of which he knew by experience: he would much rather have
had his son go to Amsterdam, to follow the bar, and seek some
advantageous match, that his children might one day enter into the
magistracy of a city, which alone kept alive expiring liberty.
Peter Grotius seems to have had a dislike to Amsterdam; for his father
writes thus to his brother William Grotius[765], March 9, 1641. "I have
consulted with my wife about Peter's affairs: we are of opinion that he
should go to Amsterdam, if he can be prevailed with; if not, you must
tell him to come here: he will serve me for Secretary, and I shall give
him lectures in law, which perhaps he would not have received from any
other. Let him bring with him what he has translated of the Institutes
of the Laws of Holland." Grotius soon changed his opinion; for he writes
to his brother[766], April 13, in the same year: "I would not have Peter
come here: therefore keep him with you."
The irresolution of Peter Grotius chagrined his father: "I am much
afraid, he writes to his brother[767], that he will some day smart for
his continual disobedience." Grotius told his son[768], that he must
expect no letters from him, unless he sent him the Latin translation of
the Institutes of the Laws of Holland, which he had long before enjoined
him to set about. Writing to his brother[769], he says, "I am much
afraid, that the counsels which Peter follows, and will follow
hereafter, are inconsistent with a good conscience. I am resolved to
refer the whole to God, and not intermeddle in it. I should be sorry to
have a repetition of the grief I suffer on his account."
Some time after, he was better satisfied with him, and wrote to his
brother William[770], Feb. 28, 1643, "I commend Peter highly for
applying to the bar: it is the way to acquire much useful knowledge, to
gain a character, and in time to lay up something, or to rise higher."
This is all that Grotius's letters inform us about his son: the sequel
of whose life is more interesting.
In 1652, he married, for love, an Attorney's daughter, rich and
handsome; but his mother and his other friends disliked the match. In
the year following, a powerful party wanted to get him made Greffier of
Amsterdam; but Veue Linchovius opposed him with great virulence and
violence; maintaining that such a place ought not to be given to the son
of an out-law, whose religious sentiments were erroneous. The
declamations of this hot-headed man preventing Grotius from being
nominated to the place, he bore the disappointment with great
tranquility. In 1655, he purposed to publish a complete edition of his
father's works, as appears by the privilege of the Emperor Ferdinand
III. dated Oct. 2, 1655, prefixed to his theological works. This
edition, which unfortunately he did not go on with, was to be in nine
volumes in folio. The first was to contain his _Annotations on the Old
Testament_; the second, the _Commentary on the New_; the third would
have comprehended his smaller theological pieces; the fourth, the
treatise _De Jure Belli & Pacis_, the _Apology_, and the work _De
Imperio summarum potestatum circa Sacra_; the fifth, _Law Tracts_; the
sixth, _Writings Historical_; the seventh, _Philological Works_; the
eighth, _Poetical Translations_, the _Anthologia, Stobæus_, and the
_Extracts from the Tragedies and Comedies_; and, lastly, the ninth, his
_Poems_ and _Letters_. It is probable, that this design was defeated by
Grotius's departure from Holland. It was not till long after, in 1679,
that the handsome edition of Grotius's theological works was published
in three volumes in folio, dedicated to King Charles II. of England by
Peter Grotius, Feb. 28, 1678. The bookseller promised, in an
advertisement prefixed to it, to print all Grotius's other works, even
those that had never been published; but he did not fulfil his
engagements.
Grotius's enemies still opposing his son's advancement, he entered into
the service of Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, to whom Hugo Grotius had
done singular service during his misfortunes. This Prince nominated him
his Agent at the Hague.
The ferment in mens minds having subsided, and the face of affairs being
changed in Holland, Peter Grotius was nominated Pensionary of Amsterdam
in 1660; which important place he filled for seven years with great
reputation. This office was the height of Hugo's wishes for his son. The
Count D'Estrade, at that time Ambassador from France in Holland, was
dissatisfied with the Pensionary of Amsterdam, who opposed the interest
of the French King, in resentment of that Prince's having driven Mombas,
Peter Grotius's brother-in-law, out of France. Feb. 1, 1633, he writes
to the King, "I have not been at Amsterdam, because the Pensionary M. de
Groot is brother-in-law to M. de Mombas, whom your Majesty ordered to
quit the kingdom for some affair in which you were dissatisfied with his
conduct: since that time M. de Groot has constantly opposed your
Majesty's interest at Amsterdam. He is a man of spirit and firmness; and
has much credit in that city. I shall neglect nothing to bring him back
to his former sentiments." The King answered him, May 23, 1633, that he
had had reason to be dissatisfied with Mombas's conduct; that if any
consideration could make him forget it, it would certainly be a regard
for M. de Groot, whose person, says the King, I esteem: In fact, Lewis
XIV, as he writes to his Ambassador, Sept. 22, 1665, dropt his
resentment against Mombas out of consideration for the Pensionary of
Amsterdam. After the conclusion of the triple alliance, the necessity of
regulating the subsidies with the northern powers induced the States of
Holland to send Grotius to Denmark and Sweden. He went first to
Copenhagen, and afterwards to Stockholm, where he assumed the quality of
Ambassador in ordinary. The States used only to keep a Minister of the
second rank at this Court; but it was thought proper, says Wicquefort,
to do something more than common for such an extraordinary person; and
he was ordered to make a splendid entry at the expence of the States.
The fourth volume of M. de Wit's _Letters and Negotiations_ concludes
with the correspondence of Peter Grotius with the Grand Pensionary
during his embassy at Stockholm. The Dutch Minister discovers in it
great knowledge of mankind. "The more I reflect, says he to M. de Wit,
Dec. 8, 1668, on the regency of Sweden, the more clearly I discover that
the most important affairs are not regulated agreeable to the public
interest, but according to that of the principal Ministers; and the
surest and easiest way to succeed, is to gain him who has the King's ear
rather than the King himself; because what is done for the good of the
nation obliges no one in particular, and procures glory, but no
acknowledgments. When I passed through Denmark, I perceived that more
might be done by means of M.G. with a hundred thousand crowns, than can
be done with the King with five times that sum."
The negotiations of Peter Grotius were in a promising way at the death
of William Borell the Dutch Ambassador at Paris. Grotius was nominated
by the States of Holland to succeed him, and at the same time the town
of Rotterdam chose him for their Pensionary. M. de Wit was of opinion
that Grotius ought to prefer the place of Pensionary: he wrote to his
friend, May 14, 1669, "Messieurs the Burgomasters and Counsellors of the
town of Rotterdam have unanimously made choice of you to be their
Counsellor Pensionary. I believe your nomination to the French embassy
will be set aside, if the Gentlemen of Rotterdam apply for that purpose
to their Noble and Great Mightinesses; and I imagine you will prefer
this honourable establishment in a post your father was undeservedly
turned out of, to a gilded exile, for such an embassy may be styled.
Other reasons will occur for your taking this step, without its being
necessary for me to mention them."
Grotius was greatly embarrassed: he writes to M. de Wit, May 22, 1669,
that his situation would not suffer him to give a positive answer; that
he had written to the Gentlemen of Rotterdam, acknowledging their great
civility and goodness in thinking of him; but that he had not declared
himself with regard to the accepting of the place.
Holland had occasion at this time for the ablest of her Ministers at the
Court of Lewis XIV. and Peter Grotius could not refuse to serve his
Country in such critical circumstances. The point was to bring about a
reconciliation between the United Provinces and the King, who resolved
to declare war against them, imagining he had great reason to complain
of their behaviour. Grotius was the only Minister who could succeed in
this negotiation, had a reconciliation been practicable, says
Wicquefort. The King, though highly incensed against Holland, shewed the
greatest respect to her Ambassador. War being declared in 1672, Peter
Grotius was again sent to the King, to try if an accommodation could be
accomplished: but the King had made too great preparations for war to
conclude a peace so soon.
Grotius returned to the Hague to serve the Republic in quality of Deputy
to the States-General; but in a short time experienced a cruel reverse
of fortune. Being involved in the disgrace of the De Wits, he was stript
of his dignities, and threatened with assassination; which determined
him to leave Holland: he went to Antwerp, where an attempt was made on
his life.
He retired to Liege, and afterwards to Aix-la-Chapelle, and Cologn. A
general peace was at this time negotiating; and Grotius having done
singular services to the Dutch Plenipotentiaries, he was permitted to
return to Holland, after being two years absent. He continued some time
undisturbed in the country; but Wicquefort, the Duke of Brunswick's
Minister at the Hague, being taken into custody, among his papers were
found several letters from Grotius, containing, it is said, some
indiscreet things concerning state affairs, and against the Republic's
Ministers. He was arrested and prosecuted. Of the fifteen judges
appointed to try him, nine declared him innocent. This was in November,
1676. Nicholas Heinsius, who was not prejudiced in his favour, writes to
Grævius on the 6th of December following: "There was certainly
imprudence and malice in what Grotius did; but I leave others to judge
whether he was guilty of high treason."
It is improbable his judges would have shewn him favour, had he been
convicted of a capital crime: he was known to be hated by the Prince of
Orange, whom the Dutch at that time sought very much to please.
Peter Grotius, thus escaping out of the hands of his enemies, retired
with his family to a country seat he had near Harlem, where he spent the
rest of his days in educating his children, and reading the best
authors. He died at the age of seventy. Some pretend, but without
foundation, that he was poisoned. Those who knew him particularly speak
of him as one of the best heads of his time. "Peter de Groot, son of the
great Grotius, was not so learned as his father, says Wicquefort; but I
may venture to assert he was as able a Minister. We can't say too much
of this man, who was above all praise. I write this after receiving the
news of his death. How much is Holland to be pitied for losing a man who
would have assisted in repairing the breaches made by the disorders
which have for some years prevailed in the state! He joined solidity of
judgment to the graces of wit, and must have possessed these qualities
in an eminent degree since they shone thro' such a disagreeable figure.
It may be said of M. de Groot, that never did such a deformed body lodge
such a fine and great soul: he had a surprising ready wit, his
conversation was delightful, his understanding clear and solid, and his
sentiments just and equitable: he possessed great knowledge of all sorts
of business, foreign and domestic, and especially of what the French
call the art of pleasing."