Grotius, notwithstanding his resolution to abstain from visiting
Cardinal Richelieu, often paid his court to the King, and was well
received. His Majesty returning to Paris after the campaign of 1636,
Grotius went on the 22d of November[321] to compliment him. The speech
he made was short, such as Kings love. It is in these terms he speaks of
it to the High Chancellor, to whom he sent it. He has preserved to us
the substance of his Majesty's answer. "The King, says he, answered me
with great goodness, that the success of the Swedes would always give
him much pleasure; that they began the year well, and the French
followed their example; that the Spaniards made great efforts, but were
nevertheless driven out of Picardy and Burgundy; that Cardinal Richelieu
deserved thanks for what he did in the recovery of Corbia, and that the
Marshal de Chatillon also behaved well: he concluded with complaining of
the Germans, who did not observe their treaties."
The divisions in the court being healed up for some time, by the
reconciliation of Gaston of France with the King, who was returned to
Paris, Grotius, at an audience of his Majesty on the 23d of February,
1637[322], complimented him on the restoration of peace in the Royal
Family. The King assured him that he and his brother were on the best
terms, and that this reunion gave him the highest satisfaction: he
promised to make very great efforts against the common enemy, and never
to separate his interests from those of Sweden. The Ambassador did not
fail to represent[323] in strong terms to his Majesty all the pains
taken by the High Chancellor to keep together the allies, who were
oppressed by such a burthensome war; and took occasion to beseech the
King to redouble his assistance, that they might extricate themselves
with honour from so great embarrassments.
The King going in August, 1637, to Chantilli, Grotius went thither[324]
to compliment him on the success of the Campaign; and at the same time
recommended to his Majesty the sending a reinforcement of men to the
Duke of Weymar, who had crossed the Rhine, that so he might be enabled
to make farther progress, and to keep the German allies of the two
crowns from joining with their enemies. He assured him recruits were
raising in Sweden for Marshal Bannier's army, that he might make an
invasion into Silesia or elsewhere; and that the Swedes had rejected all
the proposals of peace made to them, because they believed the intention
of the enemy was to sow division between them and the French. The King
answered, that he most sincerely wished the prosperity of the Queen his
sister; and that he would send the Duke of Weymar as many troops as the
state of his affairs would permit; adding, that the enemy laboured
chiefly to divide them, against which they could not be too much upon
their guard.
September 23, in the same year, 1637, Grotius[325], agreeable to the
orders received from the Queen of Sweden, demanded an audience of the
King, which he obtained at St. Maur. He represented to his Majesty, that
the Queen had nothing so much at heart as the success of the common
cause; and that she hoped her zeal would induce the King to make
powerful efforts to triumph over their enemies. He gave a particular
account of what the High Chancellor had done, and the marvelous
resistance of Marshal Bannier, besieged as it were by five armies,
against which, however, he could not make head much longer without
speedy and powerful succours. He assured him that Sweden was making
numerous levies, but would be obliged to keep a part of her troops at
home on account of the frequent broils she had with the Poles, the
Danes, and the Russians. He then enlarged on the interest which France
had in maintaining the Swedes in Germany; for no sooner would they quit
it, he said, than the Austrians would turn all their efforts against
France. He shewed, that, besides being in possession of the Imperial
crown, the house of Austria was very powerful by the hereditary
dominions of Hungary, Austria, Bohemia, Silesia, Moravia, Lusatia,
Tirol, Carinthia, Dalmatia, and Croatia, which furnished her with large
supplies of men and money; that the branch which ruled in Spain had
dominions in the four parts of the world; that the Emperor knew well
France was the greatest obstacle to his projects of ambition; that he
would leave nothing unattempted to destroy a power which gave him so
much umbrage; that the Emperors, even before the empire came into the
house of Austria, had always regarded the Kings of France as their
Rivals and Enemies; that this hatred and jealousy were much increased
since the Austrian family obtained the Imperial throne; that it was so
difficult to make any accommodation with them, they would not consent to
peace even if the King yielded up his late conquests, since they had the
assurance to claim the three bishoprics, and to demand that the kingdom
of Arles, comprehending the three best provinces of the kingdom, the
dutchy of Burgundy, Provence, and Dauphiny, should be re-annexed to the
empire. He represented the importance of making great efforts, and
carrying the war into the enemy's country before their armies should be
augmented. He beseeched his Majesty to make such a powerful diversion as
might oblige the Austrians to recall a part of the army sent against the
Swedes: and shewed that nothing was more easy, since the Duke of Weymar
had fortified himself beyond the Rhine; that it was only sending him a
powerful reinforcement, the princes and towns which groaned under the
Austrian yoke would then be seen joining themselves to the French and
Swedes; and that the Swedes, no longer so hard pressed, would return
into the heart of Germany or penetrate into the hereditary estates.
After this harangue, the Swedish Ambassador presented a letter from the
Queen, adding that her Swedish Majesty begged of the King to make speedy
efforts worthy of himself, and he might depend on the Queen's doing all
that could be expected from a steady and magnanimous Princess. He
concluded with complimenting his Majesty on the happy success of affairs
in Italy, the transactions on the Rhine, and the retaking of Capella.
The King sometimes interrupted him during this long Speech; but it was
only to approve of what he said, to confirm the facts, and acknowledge
that his reflections were most judicious. He assured him that he had
already sent succours to the Duke of Weymar, that he was resolved to
augment the troops of that Prince in order to enable the Swedes to enter
Germany; and that Marshal de Chatillon would have already been on the
banks of the Rhine if the siege of Ampvillers had not detained him. He
ended with protesting that it was his earnest desire to be more closely
united with the Queen his most gracious sister; which his future actions
would shew. Grotius gave an account of this audience in a letter to the
Queen of the 26th of September, 1637, a copy of which he sent to the
High Chancellor. By the letter that he wrote the same day to Oxenstiern
we are informed, that the Count de Berlise, Introductor of the
Ambassadors, came to him before he had this last audience of the King,
to know if he would not first have a conference with Chavigny, Secretary
of State for foreign affairs, agreeable to the usage of the Ministers
from England, Venice, and Savoy. Grotius replied, that he understood
from the English Ministers themselves they did not always observe this
custom; which Berlise acknowledged. The Ambassador added, that at
another time he would consider what would be most proper; but, on the
present occasion, having a letter from the Queen to the King, he thought
it his duty to give the first notice of it to his Majesty; that he was
afraid if he acted otherwise the King might be offended; but if, after
reading it, his Majesty were desirous he should confer with his
Ministers, he would not fail to wait upon them.
The Swedes being still very hard pressed in Germany, the Queen sent
fresh orders to her Ambassador at Paris to represent their situation to
the King. Grotius demanded an audience, which he obtained on the 1st of
October, 1637, at St. Germains. He assured his Majesty, that it was not
without reluctance he so frequently laid the necessities of the allies
before him, and the importance of their being assisted by France, but he
did it by express order; that he was particularly charged with two
things; first, to compliment his Majesty on the advantages gained in
Piccardy and Burgundy; and secondly to solicit him to send speedily a
powerful force over the Rhine. He added, that the Queen would not have
thought this request necessary, had she received the letters in which he
gave her a particular account of what passed at the last audience he had
of his Majesty. He beseeched the King to be pleased to give orders that
the promises, which he had graciously made, might be speedily executed.
He represented, that if succours were not immediately sent into Germany,
the Austrians, after vanquishing their enemies, would go and overpower
the Duchess of Savoy the King's sister, and penetrate into France. He
afterwards shewed that the Swedish army was in great danger of being
overwhelmed, if a powerful diversion were not speedily made. After this
speech, Grotius presented a letter from the Queen, of the 19th of
August, 1637. Lewis XIII. replied to the Swedish Ambassador, that he was
determined to fulfil his promises; that he had already sent some troops
to the Duke of Weymar; that he would speedily send him a farther
reinforcement, and employ all the forces of his kingdom in defence of
his sister the Duchess of Savoy.
The Duke of Weymar began the campaign of 1638 in a very brilliant
manner[326]: he gained a signal victory over the Imperialists on the 2d
of March; and, what was very remarkable, all the enemy's generals were
taken in this engagement, and among the rest the famous John de Vert,
whose name was become the terror of the Parisians. The King, on
receiving this important news, immediately sent notice of it to Grotius;
signifying that he knew no body would receive it with more pleasure.
March 16[327], he had an audience of the King, at which he thanked his
Majesty for sending him the first news of the victory gained in Germany,
and doing him the justice to believe that it would give him infinite
satisfaction: he added, that it was a happy prognostic for the rest of
the campaign: that God had confounded the pride of the Imperialists, who
publicly gave out that they intended to come to pillage Paris[328]. He
said he had certain advice by letters from the army, that the enemy's
generals had been at great pains to provide themselves with maps of
France, in order to examine at what part they could best enter it. He
pressed the King to put the Duke of Weymar in a condition, by sending
him immediately a considerable reinforcement, to make a proper advantage
of this happy beginning of the campaign; and concluded his compliment
with good wishes for the King's happiness and that of his posterity, of
which there began to be then some hope. People flattered themselves the
Queen was with child; and she was actually in the third month of her
pregnancy. The King received this compliment with great gaiety: he
promised to send immediately five or at least three thousand foot to the
Duke of Weymar, with some horse, under the command of the Count de
Guebriant. Grotius had a fresh audience of the King on the 19th of
April, 1638[329]. He represented to his Majesty, that though the Duke of
Weymar had begun the year well, he could not make great progress if an
additional force were not sent him: that by proceeding so slowly in this
measure, the enemy had got time to recruit their army: and if it were
not now taken with great expedition, they would lose the fruits of their
late advantages, and the affairs of the allies suffer much; that her
Swedish Majesty was in the same disposition with the King, and had no
other view than to procure an equitable, honourable, and lasting peace;
that the only way to obtain this great end was by making the most
powerful efforts: that the Queen, agreeable to his Majesty's desire,
would accept of the mediation of the Venetians, provided the republic
would treat her with due respect: that his most Christian Majesty being
of opinion that a long truce would lead to a peace, the Queen, who was
sensible of his great prudence, had given her Ambassador in France full
power to treat of this affair, and to draw up a plan of it in
conjunction with such persons as the King should nominate. After this
speech Grotius delivered to Lewis XIII. a letter from the Queen,
acquainting him at the same time, that had her Swedish Majesty been
informed of the Queen's pregnancy, she would undoubtedly have ordered
him to signify to the King her extreme satisfaction at such important
news; that he knew the Queen and all the Swedes passionately desired
that the posterity of St. Lewis, of Henry the Great, and Lewis the Just,
might long govern France; and that under them the kingdom might flourish
in piety, increase in power, and be established in justice. The King
received these good wishes with much satisfaction, and desired Grotius
to acquaint her Swedish Majesty that the Queen was certainly with child.
He farther assured him that the Count de Guebriant was already on his
march to join the Duke of Weymar, and he was going to give orders for
sending an additional reinforcement, and seconding that Prince's
efforts. He desired him to press her Swedish Majesty to send numerous
recruits to her armies: adding, that he hoped the Venetians would do
nothing derogatory to the dignity of the crown of Sweden; that he would
attend to that point himself; and would nominate Chavigny to confer with
him in relation to the truce. Grotius also set forth on this occasion
what pains the High Chancellor had taken for the advancement of the
common cause; and the King did justice to the merit of that great
Minister. The Queen's pregnancy being declared at court, Grotius's lady
went to make her compliments: on the 8th of May, 1638[330], he himself
waited on her Majesty for the same end: he had demanded an audience for
this purpose as soon as it was publicly known that she was with child.
He told the Queen, that, being eager to express his joy, he could not
think of waiting for orders from his court, to make his compliment; that
well knowing the sentiments of the Queen his mistress he could affirm,
with great certainty, that her Majesty and all her subjects were filled
with the highest joy; that he had lately met with a Greek inscription in
honour of a Queen, containing a very short but very emphatical encomium:
it was said of this Princess, that she was the daughter, sister, wife,
and mother of a King, yet without any pride in so high elevation: that
this modesty was the more to be admired in the Queen of France, as she
was much above the Grecian Queen, and even all other Queens, since she
was the consort of a King, whose provinces and even towns were
equivalent to kingdoms; that she had a King for her father, and was
descended from Kings and Emperors who conquered and long possessed
kingdoms in the four parts of the world; in fine, that she was sister of
a most powerful King; that only one thing was wanting to her happiness,
to be mother not of a King, since France and all the friends of France
wished that the King might attain to the most advanced age, but of a
Prince capable of ruling over a great nation; that God had at length
granted her this felicity, and rendered her fruitful when it was no
longer expected, as happened formerly to an illustrious woman of the
same name mentioned in Scripture; that history sacred and prophane
informs us, that children born at a time when they are no longer
expected are designed by God for great things; that in reflecting on the
Queen's pregnancy he attended to what the Naturalists teach, that the
tumbling of the Dolphin [_Fr._ Dauphin] predicted the end of the
tempest, and fine weather; that there was reason to hope peace would
re-appear in the world at the birth of a Dauphin, which was so
passionately desired; and what increased this hope was, that at the time
her Majesty's pregnancy was declared he received orders to confer with
the French Ministers on the means of obtaining a peace, or at least a
truce, if the conclusion of a peace met with too many difficulties;
that he laboured in it with the more chearfulness, as he knew he would
be aided by the Queen's prayers, the efficacy of which was so great that
they could obtain of heaven things almost miraculous; that her Swedish
Majesty would shew that the Great Gustavus and she had never any other
intention, than to insure the quiet and tranquillity of Christendom;
that he earnestly wished the negotiation for a peace might turn out
well; that the Queen might have a happy delivery, and be the mother of a
Prince, whose glory and posterity would continually increase. The Queen
answered, that she did not doubt of the sincerity of her Swedish
Majesty's wishes; that she reciprocally desired the prosperity of that
Princess, and offered her all that was in her power.
In the beginning of June, 1638[331], Grotius waited on the King at St.
Germains: he first thanked his Majesty for intimating to him the Queen's
pregnancy; and afterwards enlarged on the praise of justice, and on the
title of Just which the King had merited by the laws he enacted,
particularly that for abolishing duels, and the protection granted to
foreign princes. He entered into a detail of the favours which the King
had received from Providence since his accession to the throne: the
extinction of the civil wars, the restoration of the royal authority,
the successes both by sea and land, the passage of the Alps forced, and
the frontiers of the kingdom enlarged. He added, that after such a
series of felicity, the only thing left to be desired was that his
Majesty's posterity might long reign in France; and for this her
Majesty's pregnancy entitled them to hope; that the Swedes entertained
the same sentiments, and flattered themselves a perfect harmony would
always subsist between the two kingdoms. He concluded with soliciting
the King to augment the Duke of Weymar's troops, against whom the
Imperialists made the greatest efforts; and to procure Marshal Horne's
liberty, who was made prisoner at the battle of Nordlinguen: he
represented that his Majesty might obtain it when he pleased, since he
had so great a number of the enemies generals in his power, and assured
him that the Queen his mistress would take it as a very high obligation.
The Ambassador presented afterwards letters from the Queen of the
twelfth of April, and concluded with observing, that he had reason to
think a considerable body of troops would be sent from Sweden into
Germany this same month of June. The King replied, that he had a great
friendship for the Queen of Sweden, and had already given proofs of his
good disposition towards her; that he had sent succours to the Duke of
Weymar, and would send still more considerable ones if necessary; that
as to the exchange of Marshal Horne, there was only John de Vert with
whom it could be made; and that General was not his prisoner, but the
Duke of Weymar's, to whom he had promised to deliver him on demand.
Grotius replied, that he did not doubt but the Duke of Weymar would shew
all possible deference to the King's inclination, if he should find his
Majesty disposed to procure Marshal Horne's discharge, and that the
Queen had written to the Duke on that subject.
Some days after this audience, Chavigny[332] informed the Swedish
Ambassador that John De Vert was the King's prisoner, though Lewis XIII.
had said the contrary.
Grotius had another audience of the King in the middle of July
1638[333]. He complimented his Majesty on the happy success of the
French arms on the frontiers of Spain, and exhorted him to set about the
recovery of Navarre, which belonged to him of right, and was unjustly
usurped by Spain; he also recommended to him the Duke of Weymar's
affairs, and gave reason to hope that something great would be done by
General Bannier, who had just received reinforcements from Sweden. At
this audience the Ambassador presented Crusius to the King as a Swedish
Nobleman who was returning to Stockholm, and would soon be employed in
public affairs, and might contribute to strengthen the union between the
two kingdoms. The King received him very graciously, and desired him to
make his compliments to the High Chancellor.
FOOTNOTES:
[321] Ep. 688. p. 281.
[322] Ep. 719. p. 303.
[323] Ep. 720. p. 303.
[324] Ep. 813. p. 354.
[325] Ep. 327. p. 363.
[326] Ep. 923. p. 408.
[327] Ep. 926. p. 410.
[328] Ep. 927. p. 411.
[329] Ep. 949. p. 421.
[330] Ep. 957. p. 426.
[331] Ep. 968. p. 434.
[332] Ep. 971. p. 495.
[333] Ep. 988. p. 447.
II. Grotius had always been attentive to cultivate the friendship of the
Prince of Condé: they visited one another often. The Swedish Ambassador
relates in one of his letters[334] that the Prince having been nominated
to command in Paris in the absence of the King and Cardinal Richelieu,
he waited on him in the beginning of February 1637: the Prince returned
his visit soon after. The conversation turned on the marriage of
Monsieur, which the King had hitherto considered as void, because it was
made without his consent. Gaston's constancy in persisting to keep his
wife had in the end obliged the King to approve of the match. The Prince
told Grotius that he had always thought this marriage valid, and did not
doubt but he was of the same mind. Grotius answered, that the opinion of
those who regarded such marriages as good, was without doubt most
generally received. They afterwards talked of Divinity: the Prince had
been well educated, and loved this kind of conversation. The grand
controversies concerning the Eucharist and the Pope's authority came
under consideration; but we know not the particulars.
FOOTNOTES:
[334] Ep. 714. p. 299.
III. The Pope, foreseeing that the conclusion of a peace was still very
distant, proposed a truce, in hopes that while it continued they might
labour more effectually in bringing about a peace. France[335] and
Sweden discovered no reluctance to suspend for some time the operations
of the war; and Grotius received orders, as we have already seen, to
confer with the French Ministry in order to settle the subsidies to be
given Sweden, and the conditions of the truce. Chavigny was nominated to
treat with the Swedish Ambassador on this matter. He visited Grotius on
the twenty-seventh of April, 1638[336], and the Swedish Minister telling
him, that he had full powers from the Queen to examine, in concert with
the Minister whom the King should nominate, what was necessary to obtain
an advantageous truce; Chavigny asked if he had also power to conclude
the truce. Grotius answered, if France and Sweden could agree, he had in
that case permission to sign the truce. Chavigny replied, that Cardinal
Richelieu had learnt from Schmalz, lately arrived from Sweden with
instructions for Grotius, that the Swedes wanted to have the same
subsidies during the truce as they had during the war; which appeared
very surprising; that he did not doubt but Grotius himself would think
the claim unreasonable, since the truce was to be of long continuance,
and the expence would be much less than in the time of war. Grotius
answered, that the truce would be attended with as much expence as the
war, since the Swedes could not keep the countries, of which they were
in possession, without great armies. Chavigny replied, that the number
of troops to be kept on foot during the truce might be settled: upon
which Grotius observed, that during the truce between the Spaniards and
the United Provinces the latter preserved the liberty of maintaining as
large garrisons as they thought necessary for their security; and that
the King, after the example of Henry the Great his father, furnished
them with the same succours during the peace as in time of war. Chavigny
maintained that the Swedes would have nothing to fear from their
enemies whilst the truce lasted, on account of the great number and
power of its guarantees: to which Grotius answered, that the countries
possessed by the Swedes were so distant from their allies, that if they
did not continue in arms to guard against any unlooked-for invasion,
those countries would be lost before they could receive assistance.
The King was gone to Chantilly, and from thence he was to proceed to
Compeigne. Chavigny, who was to follow him, but had not yet fixed the
time of his departure, told Grotius he would speak to Cardinal Richelieu
to know whether the conferences in relation to the truce were to begin
before he went to Chantilly, or after his return, and would signify to
him the Cardinal's intentions. Grotius answered, that he would bring
Schmalz with him, because he knew the sentiments of the Swedish
Ministry, and that he might make an exact report of what passed at his
return to that kingdom. Schmalz was present at this conversation: he was
Secretary of the High Chancellor and his confident: Grotius till now had
numbered him among his friends.
April 30, Chavigny sent to acquaint Grotius that if he pleased they
would hold a conference the next day. They accordingly met on the first
of May[337], 1638, at Chavigny's house. Grotius asked that Minister what
conditions of truce the King would have. Chavigny answered, that the
conditions were not yet agreed upon; that a truce had only been barely
proposed, and that his Majesty, as a good friend and faithful ally, was
willing the Queen of Sweden should be informed of it; that the custom in
truces was, that each one should keep the countries of which he had
possession; that it was proper the Princes who had been driven from
their estates should receive a decent pension during the truce, to be
paid by those who enjoyed their country; that it was the King's opinion
they ought not to be too hasty, but wait with patience for the proposals
of the mediators. Grotius said, if the King would signify on what
conditions he would agree to the truce, it would be highly agreeable to
the Swedish Ministry. Chavigny assured him that he had no instructions
on that head; but if he would acquaint him with the intentions of the
Swedes, he would lay them before the Cardinal. They entered on the
business. In the claims of the Swedes there were two articles which met
with much difficulty: they took it for granted that France should
continue the same subsidies whilst the truce lasted, and wanted not only
to keep that part of Pomerania which they had already, but that the
other should also be ceded to them. These proposals were put in writing.
Chavigny promised to send them to the Cardinal, and to give a speedy
answer. May 18[338], Chavigny went to Grotius's house, who immediately
sent for Schmalz: the matter under consideration was the amount of the
subsidies: Chavigny said the Swedes asked too much for a time of truce;
that the King could only give three hundred thousand florins a year
whilst it lasted. Grotius maintained that the sum was too small in
proportion to the expence which the Swedes were obliged to be at; and
that in one word he could consent to no diminution of the subsidies.
Pomerania was next brought on the carpet. Chavigny pretended that the
King neither ought, nor could with decency propose to the enemy to yield
to Sweden what they still held in Pomerania. Grotius maintained that
Sweden's right to that province was not founded on force, but supported
by treaties made with the Duke and the people; that, besides, Sweden was
in no hurry about a truce; that it would even be burdensome to her if
she were not furnished with sufficient subsidies for paying her
garrisons; and if she were not left in the possession of all Pomerania.
He added, that to enable the Swedish Ministry to judge whether the truce
would be of advantage to the kingdom, they must first be made acquainted
with its conditions. The conference was concluded by a promise from
Chavigny that he would communicate the King's intentions to Grotius in
writing. Schmalz in the mean time did Grotius all the ill offices he
could: he wrote to Court that they could no longer refuse the instances
of France to recall the Ambassador: but it was from jealousy or hatred
that he acted in this manner; for at the same time that he was seeking
to hurt Grotius, the Count de Feuquieres waited on him from the
Cardinal, to tell him that they were extremely well pleased with him in
France, and that far from desiring he should be recalled, his Eminence
would solicit his stay at Paris.
Schmalz, displeased with Grotius's firmness[339], went privately and
told Chavigny, that the Ministry of Sweden had resolved to consent to a
considerable diminution of the subsidies: which he could prove by their
letters written in Swedish. Grotius was informed of this, and complained
to the High Chancellor; at the same time assuring him, that Schmalz had
presumed to vent the highest menaces against him and his wife, because
(says he) we oppose his unjust designs.
Chavigny falling ill, Desnoyers[340], Secretary at war, was appointed to
confer with Grotius: He came to his house, and after making him the King
and the Cardinal's compliments, delivered an answer to the memorial he
had given Chavigny; acquainting him that every thing was settled between
the Cardinal and Schmalz. On reading this answer, Grotius said, that
before he explained himself he must speak with Schmalz, who was joined
with him in this negotiation; and therefore it was improper for him to
act alone. Desnoyers being withdrawn, Grotius informed Schmalz of his
visit. Schmalz maintained that he had settled nothing, and had made
only a draught of a convention; which he at the same time pressed
Grotius to approve of, because, he said, it was agreeable to his Swedish
instructions, which empowered him to accept of two hundred thousand
florins. Grotius answered, that as this article was directly contrary to
his instructions, he would, give them the preference; especially as he
did not understand Swedish. The dispute grew warm[341]; Schmalz asserted
that he had full powers to act independently of Grotius not only in this
negotiation, but even in every affair which regarded his embassy: "If it
be so, the latter writes to the High Chancellor, the French will make a
jest of him and of me: they, will look on me as Ambassador only in name;
and on him as Ambassador in fact, though he has not the name: nay he
actually allows himself to be treated at home as if he were Ambassador,
and to be written to as if he had the title. It is indeed very hard that
I, who am advanced in years, should have disputes with a hot-headed
youth." This quarrel gave him great uneasiness: he writes to
Oxenstiern[342], "I beg it as a favour of your Sublimity, that if I can
be of any use to you, you would be pleased to protect me, as you have
done hitherto. I have had nothing in view in all I have done but the
welfare of Sweden; and it has cost me much pains to raise, by my words
and actions, the credit of a nation hitherto little known in this
country. If I cannot serve with utility, I had much rather return to the
condition of a private man, than be a burden to the kingdom, or
dishonour myself."
Schmalz lived on very ill terms with Crusius, a Swedish Lord, whom
Grotius, as we have just seen, had presented to the King.
Notwithstanding the grounds of complaint which the Ambassador had
against Schmalz, he thought the public service required him to reconcile
them, and for this end he often made them dine with him. One day, at
the Swedish Banker's, both rose from table after dinner heated with
wine, and came together to Grotius's: there was only his lady at home.
They quarrelled, and Schmalz had the impudence to call Crusius several
times a rascal; with the addition of some threatening gestures. Crusius,
highly provoked, gave him a box on the ear, and an English colonel in
company was so enraged against Schmalz, that had it not been for
Grotius's lady he would have run him through. Notwithstanding this gross
insult, Schmalz and Crusius[343] were reconciled at Grotius's house; but
Schmalz still continued his extravagancies. He had the indiscretion one
time to let his tongue loose against the Duke of Weymar: Baron Erlac,
who was attached to that Prince, was highly incensed, and the
consequences might have been very fatal. Grotius again employed his good
offices to pacify Erlac. But this wrought no change in Schmalz's
behaviour towards the Swedish Ambassador. In a letter of the sixteenth
of October, 1638[344], Grotius observes: "It is near two months since
Schmalz was to see me, though I have been ill; his reasons I neither
know nor enquire. I am conscious he has no subject of complaint against
me; but I have much to complain of him. He will return to you richer
than he came out: I do not envy him the money, which, it is said, he
received above two months ago from the French; being firmly resolved to
adhere to the rule I have laid down, and hitherto observed, to accept of
nothing from them." Schmalz continued to seek every opportunity of
injuring Grotius[345], who, he said, was a burden on Sweden; and
Grotius[346] was persuaded that Schmalz had betrayed the secret of
affairs to the French Ministry in order to prejudice him. Schmalz
returned to Sweden, where his misconduct being made manifest, he
incurred the displeasure of the Ministry[347]. He afterwards embraced
the Roman Catholic Religion, privately abjuring Lutheranism in Baron
Roste's chapel, the French Resident at Stockholm. The Regency hearing of
it, complained bitterly that the Resident should suffer it. Schmalz was
thrown into gaol under pretence of some malversation; but had the good
fortune to make his escape, and took refuge in Germany, entering into
the service of the Emperor.
To return to the truce. The negotiation not succeeding at Paris, it was
transferred to Hamburg, to be managed by D'Avaux and Salvius; but as it
was very coldly desired either by the French, the Swedes, or even by the
Imperialists, the conditions could not be settled, and the project was
dropt.
FOOTNOTES:
[335] Bougeant, l. 5. n. 33.
[336] Ep. 950. p. 421.
[337] Father Bougeant Hist. l. 5. n. 35, places this negotiation in
1639, in which he contradicts Grotius. See Ep 954. p. 424.
[338] Ep. 960. p. 428.
[339] Ep. 974. p. 438.
[340] Ep. 976. p. 439.
[341] Ep. 976. p. 440.
[342] Ep. 982. p. 444.
[343] Ep. 993. p. 450.
[344] Ep. 1046. p. 472.
[345] Ep. 1111. p. 500.
[346] Ep. 1237. p. 560.
[347] Ep. 1263. p. 573. & 1301. p. 590. Bougeant l. 6. n. 32.
IV. As Grotius was returning from the audience of the King, at which he
introduced Crusius, there happened a melancholy adventure which had like
to have cost them both their lives. In passing through a village where a
great crowd was assembled to see the execution of some highwaymen[348],
one of the Swedish Ambassador's domestics on horseback, to make the mob
give way for his master's coach, struck some of them with his whip: the
alarm was instantly given that they were persons come to rescue the
prisoners: upon which some shot were fired at the coach: the coachman
received two balls in his body, of which he died some days after: the
balls passed within two inches of the Ambassador's head. On calling out
who they were, the tumult ceased. The King being informed of this
outrage, ordered Count Brulon, one of the Introductors of Ambassadors,
to wait on Grotius, and assure him that he was extremely sorry for his
misfortune; and that as soon as the offenders were taken, they should
receive the punishment they merited. Count Berlise, the other
Introductor of Ambassadors, came also to visit Grotius, and acquaint
him that the King was greatly concerned at the danger he underwent, and
that his Majesty had ordered the Chancellor to prosecute the offenders
with the utmost rigour. Grotius answered, he was so far from being
animated by a spirit of revenge, that he intended to solicit a pardon
for the offenders; but that it was proper, however, the King should
publickly express his indignation, both for the safety of Ambassadors,
and from a regard to the Law of Nations.
In consequence of his Majesty's orders the Chancellor[349] sent to the
Swedish Ambassador's to take the depositions; and seven or eight persons
of the village where the crime was perpetrated were taken up and thrown
into prison at Paris. The Lady of the Manor came to Grotius, to solicit
for the prisoners: he told her she must have patience till the trials
were over, and then he would employ his interest in behalf of those who
should be found guilty. He informed the High Chancellor of all these
particulars; observing to him that he was very glad the King gave public
proofs that he had the safety of Ambassadors at heart; and that for his
part he would do all in his power to save the offenders from capital
punishment.
The most guilty had had the precaution to abscond[350]: these, for their
contempt of the court, were condemned to be broke on the wheel: but the
sentence was not made public, because the Judges imagined they might
suffer themselves to be taken if the affair seemed to be dropt. Some
Lords, however, who had got notice of the sentence[351], were preparing
to ask their forfeited effects: the Count de Berlise informed Grotius of
it, and the Ambassador desired him to beg the favour of the King not to
dispose of their effects, but to order them to be sequestrated, that he
might restore them to the owners, when the time of their pardon came.
"I have the honour to inform you of this, he writes to the High
Chancellor, that it may not be thought I wanted to take advantage of the
misfortune of these wretches, as some here are wicked enough to
believe."
The sentence was at length executed on them[352]: but it was only in
effigie; for none of the offenders had been taken. Grotius was then ill
of an ague[353], and postponed his application for their pardon till his
recovery. As soon as he could go abroad[354] he asked an audience; at
which, after thanking the King for doing justice on them, which proved
how much his Majesty had the respect due to Ambassadors at heart, he
entreated him to grant a pardon to the offenders, and not only spare
their lives, but also restore their effects; of which he claimed no
part, though the King had left them to his disposal. Lewis XIII. seeing
him earnest in his request, made answer, that he would give directions
to the Chancellor that their pardon should pass the seals. Grotius
promised to go to that Magistrate to solicit it; which he did
accordingly[355], and the Chancellor promised to finish the affair
agreeable to his desire.
FOOTNOTES:
[348] Ep. 988. p. 447.
[349] Ep. 993. p. 450.
[350] Ep. 438. p. 879.
[351] Ep. 1025. p. 462.
[352] Ep. 1028. p. 463.
[353] Ep. 1043. p. 470.
[354] Ep. 1038. p. 468.
[355] Ep. 1041. p. 469.
V. It was on the first of October, 1638, that Grotius went to solicit
the King in favour of those who had insulted him: the Court was then in
great joy for the happy birth of the Dauphin[356], who came into the
world on the 5th of September. The Swedish Ambassador saw the King, the
Queen, and the Dauphin, and made them his compliments such as the
occasion required, though it was not the principal object of his journey
as he could not have received orders on the subject. He recommended to
the King the affairs of the Duke of Weymar, whom the Imperialists were
going to attack with a force infinitely superior. His Majesty promised
to augment that Prince's army as much as his other affairs would
permit. Grotius having represented of what advantage an extraordinary
gratification might be to the good of affairs in Germany, the King
exclaimed against the great expences with which he was overpowered, but
gave hopes that he would advance a sum of money beyond what he engaged
to furnish. November 10, 1638[357], Grotius had another audience of the
King, to entreat him not to abandon the Duke of Weymar in his present
extremity: he assured his Majesty that he had precise orders to
recommend to him the affairs of that Prince with the same zeal as those
of Sweden. The King contented himself with giving a vague answer, which
did not satisfy the Ambassador. December 4[358], he waited on the King
and Queen to compliment them, by order of the Queen of Sweden, on the
birth of the Dauphin. A letter written by him next day to Queen
Christina relates all that passed at these audiences. After observing
that he had publicly expressed his joy for the desired birth of the
young Prince by bonfires, entertainments, and distributions of wine to
all the neighbourhood, he tells her that he had seen the King, whom he
informed of the entertainments made in Sweden on occasion of the birth
of the Dauphin of France; that he observed to his Majesty, if it were
true, as the Ancients believed, that names were not given by chance, one
ought to prognosticate great things of the Dauphin [_Anglicè_ Dolphin];
that the signs which surrounded the Constellation bearing his name,
denote the most happy presages; that it was surrounded by the Eagle,
Pegasus, Sagittarius, Aquarius, and the Swan; that the Eagle denoted a
superior genius; Pegasus presaged that he would be powerful in cavalry,
Sagittarius in infantry, and Aquarius in naval force: the Swan signified
that his great actions would be celebrated by poets, historians, and
orators: that the nine stars in the sign of the Dolphin denoted,
according to astrologers, the nine Muses, who were to render the Prince
illustrious and receive lustre from him: that the Dolphin being near the
Equator, signified that the King's justice would be hereditary to his
son; that naturalists had remarked three properties in the Dolphin,
which ought to be considered as happy presages of what the Dauphin of
France would be: that it loved men; that it came quickly to maturity;
and had much activity.
Grotius, it is probable, had recourse to these unnatural and
consequently ridiculous allegories in compliance with the bad taste of
the age. It is to be presumed that such an elevated genius, who knew the
rules of eloquence, and disapproved of the wretched strain of the
advocates of that time, was not pleased with himself on this occasion.
He concluded his harangue with beseeching the King to be persuaded that
her Swedish Majesty would faithfully execute her treaties; that nothing
would be more agreeable to her, than to live in the best understanding
with the King, and to hear of the prosperity of his kingdom; and that
she would chearfully employ all her forces to encrease the power of
France. He afterwards excused the Queen for not sending an Ambassador
extraordinary to compliment the King, giving as a reason, that such a
commission could only be executed by one of the first Lords of the
Kingdom, who were all employed in the army, or in the ministry; and the
Queen presumed his Majesty would like better that they should discharge
their duty, than undertake so long a journey. The King seemed much
pleased with the conclusion of this compliment. He promised to be
constant in his friendship, and faithful in the execution of his
treaties, and to continue the war with the fame ardour as his good
sister.
Grotius afterwards waited on the Queen, to whom he said, that his
complimenting her so late on the part of the Queen of Sweden, was owing
to the distance of Stockholm: he observed to her that Gothland was a
province of Sweden, from which the Kings of Spain were not ashamed to
derive their origin: he expressed his joy at seeing on the throne of
France a Queen descended from the Goths, and who had brought forth a
Prince who by his mother belonged to that nation: he assured her that of
all the Princes who had borne the name of Deodatus, none deserved it so
well as the Dauphin, whom Providence had given to the prayers of the
kingdom almost against all hope; that he was born on the day of the Sun,
which presaged that by his heat and light he would confer happiness on
France, and the friends of France, among whom her Swedish Majesty held
the first rank; that he was born in Autumn, the season of the year
abounding most in fruit, which denoted that with him would be found the
fruit of all virtues. The Queen received the compliment with great
politeness, and made an offer of her services to her Swedish Majesty.
The important fortress of Brisac having been obliged to surrender to the
Duke of Weymar in the end of the year 1638[359], Grotius went to
compliment the King on that event: he first thanked him for sending
reinforcements to the Duke, and afterwards enlarged on the advantages of
taking Brisac, the conquest of which contributed to the security of
Burgundy and Champaigne, facilitated the preservation of Lorain, the
towns of Alsace, and the liberty of the Swiss, and, in fine, enabled
them to make farther progress in Germany: he concluded with beseeching
his Majesty to order the money promised, to be paid to the Swedes, that
they might put Marshal Bannier in a condition to accomplish what might
be of service to the King. Lewis assured him, that he would take care
the money should be remitted.
Grotius having asked an audience of the King in the month of March,
1639[360], Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors, waited on him to
know what he purposed to say to the King, under pretence that when his
Majesty was not previously apprised of certain affairs, he was too much
affected by them. Grotius answered, that he should say nothing
disagreeable to the King. Brulon wanting to enter into farther
particulars, the Ambassador told him, he would follow his orders. The
audience, however, was granted: he remonstrated to the King the
necessity of sending speedy succours to the Duke of Weymar to enable him
to penetrate into the heart of Germany, whilst Marshal Bannier did the
same on his side: and assured him, that the Queen was determined to
embark the recruits and provisions for that General's army as soon as
the season would permit. The King answered, that he had affairs in so
many places he could not do at once all that he desired.
Grotius ascribed the King's explaining himself so coldly to the offence
taken by Cardinal Richelieu at the Duke of Weymar. His Eminence wanted
to prevail with that Prince to come and pass the winter at Paris, in
order to enter into a closer connection with him, and to get from him
the possession of Brisac. The Duke, who was informed of his intentions,
chose rather to remain in Germany, than to be near an absolute Minister
whom it was dangerous to contradict. It is said that from this time the
Cardinal resolved to obstruct the progress of a Prince, whose ambition
and valour filled him with apprehensions. Grotius had a new audience of
the King in the middle of April following, to represent to him the
necessity of augmenting the army commanded by the Duke of Weymar, who
had sent Erlac to court to obtain speedy succours. The King promised
that Erlac should be satisfied.
FOOTNOTES:
[356] Ep. 1038. p. 468.
[357] Ep. 1064. p. 480.
[358] Ep. 1079. p. 485.
[359] Ep. 1090. p. 490. & 1093. p. 491.
[360] Ep. 1137. p. 514.
VI. These were only vague promises which the Ministry never intended to
fulfil. The Cardinal had made no secret[361] of his desire to gain the
Duke of Weymar by giving him his niece in marriage: the Prince's refusal
and his desire to keep Brisac had so much offended his Eminence, that he
even told Erlac that the Duke hearkened to bad counsels, and that his
behaviour to France was not such as gratitude and civility required. The
malevolence of the French Minister[362] chagrined the Duke so much that
he fell ill: it was only a slight indisposition, but, however, he did
not long survive it[363]: a violent fever seized him at Neubourg, which
on the fourth day cut off a Prince, whom Grotius calls the honour and
last resource of Germany[364]: the tenth of July, 1639, was the last of
this illustrious personage. It was at that time very doubtful[365]
whether he died of the plague, which prevailed in those parts, or of
poison. Grotius tells us[366], that the Duke himself thought they had
shortened his days: he even cites on this subject the Prince's funeral
oration delivered at Brisac, wherein the author was not afraid of
advancing this anecdote. Grotius was also persuaded[367] that the Prince
died by poison: he mentions it in a letter to the High Chancellor of the
10th of October, 1639. "The more I reflect on the Duke of Weymar's
death, the more I am persuaded that he had on his body no marks of the
plague, and that it was not in his house: accordingly the reports of his
being poisoned again prevail, and the suspicion falls upon the Geneva
physician, who was brought to remove his cholic."
As this Prince's victories made even his allies uneasy, they were
accused of contributing to his death. Cardinal Richelieu's enemies
spread the report, without ground, that it was he who caused the poison
to be given to the Duke, that he might get Brisac more easily; and the
Swedish historian[368] seems inclined to think he was poisoned, without
imputing it, however, to the Cardinal. "At the time of the Duke of
Weymar's death, says he, there was a grand negotiation on foot to know
whether Brisac should be yielded to France. Grotius pressed the Prince
to keep it; and the refusing to yield that place disgusted France. He
died soon after, not without suspicion of poison. The court of
Vienna[369], to whom his death was of great advantage, was also accused
of committing the crime: but these were all vague and ill-grounded
reports, which consequently merit little attention." The Duke of
Weymar's death[370] occasioned the greatest consternation among the
Swedes; the army was left without a leader, the towns without a master,
and for some time there was nothing but anarchy in the country where he
commanded. This Prince placed the greatest confidence in Grotius, who
had for him the most perfect esteem. When at Paris he was most intimate
with the Swedish Ambassador[371], and deposited with him some valuable
things which he would neither intrust to the King, nor to any of his
subjects.
FOOTNOTES:
[361] Grotii Ep. 1153. p. 524.
[362] Ep. 1140. p. 516.
[363] Ep. 1226. p. 548.
[364] Ep. 1207. p. 549. & 1224. p. 553.
[365] Ep. 1223 p. 557.
[366] Ep. 1254. p. 569.
[367] Ep. 1249. p. 566.
[368] Puffendorf, l. 11. § 39.
[369] Le Vassor, l. 45. p. 265, 266.
[370] Ep. 1216, p. 548.
[371] Ep. 876 p. 384.
VII. When the Duke of Weymar's death was publicly known, Charles Lewis,
Elector Palatine, son of the unfortunate King of Bohemia, purposed to
get the Weymarian army to acknowledge him for their General. This
negotiation could not be carried on without a large sum of money. The
Elector went to his uncle the King of England, from whom he got 25000 l.
sterling, with the promise of a larger sum in case of need. He might
have returned into Holland, and would in all probability have succeeded
in his project, but the King of England, it is said, advised him to act
in concert with France, whose interest was connected with his, and
without whose assistance he would have much difficulty to accomplish his
design. King Charles spoke of it to Bellievre[372] the French
Ambassador at London: he told him the Elector was determined to go to
France, and lodge with the Earl of Leicester, the English Ambassador at
Paris, that he might have an opportunity of conferring with the King.
Bellievre, who was informed of the intentions of the French Court, and
those of the Elector, represented to the King, that the Prince, before
he embarked for France, ought to get a passport from the Court,
otherwise he would be in danger of being arrested by the Governor of the
first town. Bellievre was desired to write to France about it: the
Ministry were in no hurry to give him an answer, because they disliked
the prince's project. The Elector in his impatience resolved to go over
_incognito_ to France. M. Pelisson assures us[373] it was Montreuil, one
of the first Academicians, at that time employed by France in England,
who gave the Court notice of the Elector's design. That Prince managed
his matters with so little address, that his journey was a secret to no
body. He went on board publicly[374], suffered the English ships to
salute him at his departure, and on landing him at Boulogn, the King his
uncle's ships, which escorted him, made a general discharge of their
great guns.
After coming on shore[375] he set out with five of his servants for
Paris; and, changing his name, would not lodge with the Earl of
Leicester; but took the road to Lyons, where the King was, and travelled
very slowly. His design was to turn off to Switzerland, and proceed from
thence to the Weymarian army. The Cardinal, who was informed of his
rout, suffering him to advance into the heart of the kingdom, caused him
to be arrested at Moulins in the Bourbonoise. He denied at first that he
was the Elector Palatine; but was at last obliged to own it. [376]He was
confined in the citadel; where he was civilly treated, till orders
should be received from the King. He was from thence carried to
Vincennes[377], where he was permitted to see no body, and denied the
use of pen and ink. For six days he was not suffered to walk in the
garden. The Prince had two brothers at Paris, Maurice and Edward, who
came there to learn Riding and Fencing. They were narrowly watched, and
ordered not to leave Paris; and their Governor was charged to attend
them wherever they went. About a month after the Elector's confinement,
they were permitted to see him[378]; but it was in presence of
witnesses: the Elector was also suffered to walk sometimes in the garden
on condition that the guard went with him.
Cardinal Richelieu and the French Ministers, to justify this conduct,
gave out that it was not allowable for a foreign Prince to pass through
the kingdom without the King's permission; that the Elector's conduct
shewed that he had some bad design; that they knew he wanted to go to
Geneva, to proceed from thence to the Duke of Weymar's army, to seize
the towns of Alsace, and exchange them afterwards with the Emperor in
order to obtain restitution of the Palatinate; and that such a project
must be very prejudicial to France, to whom the conquest of Alsace had
cost so many men and so much money. This imprisonment made a great noise
in Europe: the Earl of Leicester, Ambassador from England, demanded the
Prince's release; and Christiern King of Denmark used some strong
expressions. The King of England wrote to the French King, that it was
he who sent his nephew into France to confer with his Majesty on the
state of his affairs; and that if the King would not give him an
audience he ought at least to send him back to England. This letter
having produced no effect, the English applied to the Queen of Sweden
to intercede for the discharge of the captive Elector; and the King
declared at last that he would let Grotius treat with the Ministry about
the accommodation of this affair. He drew up a plan, in concert with the
Earl of Leicester, for giving satisfaction to the Court of France that
the Prince might be set at liberty. The Elector was to give it under his
hand, that he never intended to negotiate with the Duke of Weymar's army
without the concurrence of the Queen of Sweden and the most Christian
King: and on making this declaration he was to remain at Paris, giving
his parole not to leave it without the King's permission; and the
English Ambassador was to be security for the observance of it.
Grotius, in communicating this project to Camerarius the Swedish
Ambassador in Holland, acquaints him that he was persuaded nothing could
have greater weight with the French Ministry than what he had suggested;
and that he expected letters from the Queen his mistress, who was much
affected with the Elector's misfortune. Chavigny made two visits on the
subject of this negotiation to Grotius, who communicated to him what he
had concerted with the English Ambassador.
As the French Ministry had need of Grotius in this affair[379], he was
now treated by them with more civility. Chavigny came to him, by order
of the King, about the middle of January, 1640[380], and told him that
his Majesty and the Cardinal esteemed him highly, and for the future
would treat him with friendship and candour; that if any thing had
happened formerly, which might displease him, it was wholly owing to
Father Joseph; and that Cardinal Richelieu was now sensible he had been
injustly blamed. Grotius returned his thanks for these civilities; he
assured Chavigny that the Ministry might expect from him all that could
be hoped for from an honest man; that he knew the disgusts he had
received proceeded from the Dutch, who, after having treated him
unjustly, still continued to persecute him; and that he had determined
to meddle no otherwise in their affairs than as they were connected with
those of Sweden. Chavigny commended this resolution; adding, that the
King intended to employ him in accommodating the affair of the Elector
Palatine; which might be accomplished, if the Prince would only declare,
that he had not proposed to himself any views on the Duke of Weymar's
army but with the King's consent, whom he designed to consult; and if he
would promise to carry on no intrigue for the future in that army
without the approbation of the Queen of Sweden and the French King; that
he might then be permitted to remain at Paris, after giving his parole,
and engaging the English Ambassador to give his, that he should not
leave it without the King's permission. Grotius answered he would be
always glad to serve the King. After this conversation Grotius visited
the Earl of Leicester, and communicated the project to him as his own;
for Chavigny had desired him not to speak of the conversation which they
had together: he assured the English Ambassador, that he knew for
certain if he approved of the proposal the Prince would not only obtain
his liberty, but might also hope to recover his dominions if his
Britannic Majesty would bestir himself for that purpose; and that he
hoped his mediation would not be less agreeable to the King of England,
than to the French King. The Earl of Leicester answered, that he had
orders to demand the Elector's discharge without any condition; that he
would write to England; and till he received an answer must exactly
follow his instructions. He asked Grotius to continue his good offices
in this affair, assuring him that they would be most agreeable to the
King of England. The Swedish Ambassador informed the High Chancellor of
these particulars, in a letter dated Jan. 22, 1640[381].
Chavigny soon returned to Grotius to know what had passed between him
and the English Ambassador: and on this occasion assured him of the
Cardinal's favourable disposition towards him. Some time after, a person
belonging to Chavigny brought Grotius some papers relating to the
accommodation of this affair; in which the Weymarian army was supposed
to belong to the King of France, because he alone paid it. Grotius, on
the contrary, was persuaded that that army belonged to Sweden and the
confederate Princes of Germany; and that the Duke of Weymar, as he
himself had several times said, received the French subsidies in quality
of ally of that crown, as the Landgrave did in his life-time. On reading
these papers he told the person who brought them, they would not please
the English; and asked permission to make some alteration in them.
Chavigny's Secretary answered, that he had orders to leave them with
him, that he might shew them to the Earl of Leicester. Grotius replied,
that he would first examine them farther, and see what was to be done.
Some days after, Chavigny sent another Secretary, asking him to confer
as soon as possible with the Earl of Leicester. Grotius answered, that
he had read the papers with attention; and finding in them some things
to the prejudice of Sweden, he would consult the Queen that he might do
nothing to the prejudice of her rights; that he was sorry the distance
would not permit him to receive her orders soon, but if the other
Ambassadors who had offered their good-offices in this affair could
obtain the Prince's liberty he would be well satisfied.
These papers differed in many places from what had been settled between
Chavigny and Grotius. They had agreed that the Elector, on coming out of
Vincennes, should remain at Paris: the new regulation obliged him to
follow the Court, that he might be more easily observed; besides, it
only made mention of the King of France, and said nothing of Sweden. The
French Ministry would absolutely[382] have the Weymarian Army to be the
King's; and that it was a high offence against him to attempt to get the
command of it without his consent. The Landgravine of Hesse[383], Amelia
Elizabeth of Hanau, whose uncommon merit and attachment to France had
gained her the greatest confederation at Court, wrote to the King in
favour of the captive Prince, assuring him, that all Germany was under
affliction on account of his situation. The Queen of Bohemia[384], the
Elector's mother, approved of the difficulties started by Grotius; and
Queen Christina ordered him to demand an audience of the King to present
a letter from her, dated Dec. 19, 1639[385]. It was some time before he
could obtain this audience, the King being ill of the gout. Some
imagined this was only a pretext, and that his Majesty refused to see
him because the Ministers were treating directly with the Elector, who
was to be set at liberty as soon as they could agree with him, without
its appearing to be done at the solicitation of any foreign Prince.
The 18th of February, 1640, was at last appointed for the audience:
Grotius told the King that by clemency men approached nearest to the
Divinity, and that it became no Prince so well as him who bore the title
of Most Christian King; that the Kings of France had always
distinguished themselves by this virtue, particularly Henry IV; and that
he himself had on several occasions given signal proofs of his clemency.
He afterwards set forth the ancient splendour of the Palatine house, the
most illustrious of the empire, whose heir was now in captivity, without
lands, without subjects, and reduced to seek shelter among strangers:
he shewed that his house was ever closely attached to France; that it
defended with all its forces the rights of Henry the Great to the Crown
when unjustly disputed; that the Austrians were always declared enemies
of this house, and now kept the second Prince of it in prison; that the
Courts of Vienna and Madrid ardently desired the continuation of the
Elector's captivity; that this Prince deserved the better treatment in
France, as during his minority he was ever an ally of the Crown of
Sweden, and those, who managed his affairs in his youth, conformed with
the greatest zeal and fidelity to all the desires of the King's
Ministers, and contributed much to the success of their demands in the
diets of Hailbron, Francfort, and Worms; that his Majesty, by setting
the Prince at liberty, would not only do a great pleasure to Germany,
but her Swedish Majesty would consider it as a high obligation, and take
every opportunity to express her gratitude. The King seemed to be
affected with this discourse. He said, Grotius was not ignorant of his
reasons for arresting the Elector Palatine; that the good of the common
cause induced him to do it; that he had always had the restoration of
the Palatine house much at heart, and caused it to be mentioned to the
King of England, whom this affair regarded more, and had made several
proposals on the subject to the Earl of Leicester. Grotius replied, that
it did not become him to enter into a dispute concerning the reasons
which determined so great a King to act as he had done; but if, without
breach of the respect due to his Majesty, he might be permitted to speak
his sentiments, he thought the best measure that could be taken was to
forget what was passed, and attend only to the advantage of the common
cause; adding, that some allowance must be made for the Prince's youth,
and it ought to be considered, that the bad situation of his affairs did
not permit him to engage in his service such as were most capable of
giving him good advice. The King said, he had heard what the Ambassador
represented, and that he was going to read the Queen of Sweden's
letters. The audience concluded with the Swedish Ambassador's instances,
that the King would remember clemency and goodness. Grotius acquainted
the Queen of Sweden with all these particulars, in a letter dated the 3d
of March, 1640[386].
As soon as it was known in France, that Grotius had received orders to
intercede for the Prince, he was confined more closely; so that those of
his family, who were at Paris, had no communication with him, as before;
hence it was concluded, that the French Ministers wanted to negotiate
directly with him, and prevent his holding any correspondence with such
as might divert him from giving the King the satisfaction he desired.
These suspicions were well grounded[387]: Chavigny was treating at
Vincennes with the Prince, who, tired of his confinement, signed the
declaration which the King wanted, namely, that he had no design to get
the command of the Weymarian troops contrary to his Majesty's
inclination, and would not leave France without his permission. The King
alone was mentioned in this writing, and no notice taken of the Swedes.
The Court being satisfied[388], Chavigny went on the 13th of March,
1640, at night, to Vincennes, and brought the Prince to the Earl of
Leicester's house; where he staid _incognito_ till the Hotel of the
Ambassadors Extraordinary, then occupied by Prince Casimir, should be
empty. In this manner the Prince recovered his liberty[389], which he
owed to the powerful solicitation of the Queen of Sweden, and the
good-offices of her Minister. Grotius informed the Queen, that the
Prince was come out of Vincennes, by a letter of the 7th of April,
1640[390]. He went to pay his compliments to his Highness, and gave him
all the honours due to an Elector, though he was not treated as such by
the French, because they were in negotiation with the Duke of Bavaria,
who was invested with the title of Elector, which the Palatine house
enjoyed before the troubles in Bohemia. But Sweden had still continued
to regard the Prince as if he had been in possession of his electorate.
Grotius held a correspondence with him before this event: we have a
letter of that Ambassador, written on the 16th of November, 1638, to the
Elector Palatine, in which he allures him, that he had spoken to the
Most Christian King and his Ministers, and to the English Ambassador,
for the restoration of the Palatine house; and that he had also written
about it to the Queen of Sweden and the Grandees of the kingdom.
The Elector came to make Grotius a visit[391], and begged he would
recommend him to the favour of the Queen of Sweden. Grotius demanded an
audience of the King, to thank him for the regard he had shewn to the
Queen his Mistress's recommendation.
The Prince made his court so well to the King, and so managed the French
Ministry, that he at last got the title of Elector. He was extremely
well received at Court: but grew weary, however, of France, and was
desirous of obtaining full and entire liberty by the Queen of Sweden's
credit. He spoke of it to Grotius; who promised him his good-offices.
The uneasiness, which the protracting of this negotiation gave the
Prince, threw him into an ague. At length, after much ado, he obtained
full liberty. July 25, 1640, the King gave him permission to go where he
pleased, after giving assurances, that he would adhere to the writing
signed at Vincennes, by which he engaged to do nothing against the
interest of France. He came to acquaint Grotius with this agreeable
news; adding, that he was resolved to go to Holland, and continue there
till the troubles in Scotland were ended. It was not then foreseen that
they would last so long, and still less that they would bring the King
to the block.
FOOTNOTES:
[372] Ep. 1876. p. 578.
[373] Hist. de l'Acad. p. 162.
[374] Ep. Grot. 1629. p. 575.
[375] Ep. 1250. p. 576.
[376] Ep. 1271. p. 576.
[377] Puffendorf, l. 11. § 60.
[378] Ep. 1283. p. 581.
[379] Ep. 1311. p. 593.
[380] Puffendorf, l. 11. § 78.
[381] Ep. 1312. p. 594.
[382] Ep. 1313, p. 595.
[383] Ep. 1317. p. 596.
[384] Ep. 1320. p. 598.
[385] Ep. 1319. p. 597.
[386] Ep. 1328. p. 601.
[387] Ep. 1333 p. 613.
[388] Ep. 1337. p. 607. Puffendorf, l. 12. § 52.
[389] Ep. 1338. p. 607.
[390] Ep. 1344. p. 609.
[391] Ep. 1548. p. 611.
VIII. Grotius was at this time engaged in another very delicate
negotiation at the Court of France. Marshal Horn, the High Chancellor's
son-in-law, had been taken at the battle of Nordlinguen, and Sweden was
most desirous to recover her General. The famous John de Vert was at the
same time prisoner at Vincennes[392]: nothing seemed more natural or
easy than the exchange of these two great Captains: it was obstructed,
however, by two considerable difficulties. The Duke of Weymar pretended
that John de Vert was his Prisoner, and that he only sent him into
France to be kept there till he should redemand him. Besides, the French
Court were afraid that Marshal Horn's return would be rather hurtful,
than advantageous to the common cause: there was no longer any
employment for the Marshal in the army, and as he was supported by the
credit of his father-in-law, his return to it might occasion a dangerous
division, the consequences whereof were to be apprehended even by France
herself. Grotius[393] nevertheless was ordered to solicit the King in
favour of this exchange: he spoke of it first to Bullion[394], who
frankly promised to do all in his power for Sweden in the affair. He
afterwards spoke of it to the King at an audience in the beginning of
November, 1639; an account of which he sends to the Queen, in a letter
of the 9th of November. He tells her, that, having pressed the King to
procure the Marshal's liberty, Lewis discovered great readiness to do
it, and promised to propose it in council. The Ambassador, to engage the
King more warmly for this exchange, represented to his Majesty, that the
late Duke of Weymar designed the generals John de Vert and Enkefort to
be exchanged for Marshal Horn: that the Prince thought his glory
concerned in making this exchange; that he had mentioned it to the Queen
of Sweden; and often written to his Majesty about it, and several times
employed others to solicit it, and that he died in these sentiments.
Marshal Horn's liberty could not be obtained without the consent of
another Prince, the Duke of Bavaria, with whom he was a prisoner. That
Prince, being spoke to, readily gave his consent to the exchange.
Marshal Horn wrote this to Grotius, in a letter delivered to him by John
de Vert: and the Ambassador immediately wrote to the High Chancellor,
May 16, 1640, that he thought the Queen should make new instances by
letter to the King, and give him [Grotius] fresh orders on the subject.
The taking of Arras furnishing an occasion to compliment the King,
Grotius went to St. Germains in the beginning of November, 1640. He
expressed to his Majesty the joy he received by his happy return, his
good health, and the conquest of such a considerable town as the capital
of the Artois: he added his sincere wishes for the further increase of
the prosperity of France, and the happy delivery of the Queen, who was
then with child of the Duke of Anjou, afterwards Duke of Orleans. The
King seemed to be pleased with this compliment, and mentioned some of
the difficulties which attended the siege of Arras. Grotius afterwards
spoke to the King of Marshal Horn: he told his Majesty that he had
received letters from him, assuring that the Duke of Bavaria consented
to his being exchanged for John de Vert. The Ambassador added, that the
Duke of Weymar always desired the exchange: and that, if his Majesty
would do Sweden this pleasure, John de Vert might be sent to Benfeld,
and Marshal Horn to Landau, and both be afterwards set at liberty at
Basil. The King answered, that he would think seriously of it.
In fact, Chavigny came soon after to see Grotius, and told him that the
King, after reflecting on the proposals he had made to him concerning
Marshal Horn's release, had resolved to send John de Vert to Nancy as
soon as the troops were in winter quarters, that he might be sent back
with a more considerable escort; that he consented the Marshal should be
exchanged for John de Vert, on condition, however, that the treaty
between France and Sweden should be renewed. Chavigny added, that the
King, having learnt that Grotius complained of the Chancellor Seguier
for denying him the honours due to an Ambassador, had signified his
intentions, that he should be treated as the other Ambassadors of
crowned heads. Grotius having made a visit a little before[395] to the
Chancellor of France, he had neither advanced to meet him, according to
custom, nor given him the place that was due to him, nor re-conducted
him on coming away. The Ambassador complaining of it, Count Brulon came
and told him in presence of the Chancellor's servants, that if any
offence had been given him, it proceeded from inattention, and not from
design; for the King would have him treated with the same honours as
other Ambassadors of Kings. Grotius replied, that he expected to receive
the same treatment as the English Ambassador: on which Count Brulon
said, France gave to each power the honour due to its rank.
The exchange, however, was not executed. Grotius made a journey to
Rheims, where the King was, to speak to him of it[396]. The King gave
him the most positive promises, and engaged to give John de Vert his
liberty, if the Duke of Bavaria sent Marshal Horn to Landau. Grotius
wrote to the Court of Bavaria; John de Vert was conducted to Selesdad:
and at last the exchange was made at Strasbourg. Grotius wrote a
letter[397] of compliment on it to the Marshal, and desired him to come
and lodge with him, if he purposed to pass through Paris in his way to
Sweden.
FOOTNOTES:
[392] Bougeant, l. 6. § 14.
[393] Ep. 1259. p. 371.
[394] Ep. 1263. p. 573. 1276. p. 578.
[395] Ep. 1414. p. 645.
[396] Ep. 1512. p. 685. 1517. p. 687. 1523. p. 690 & 1532. p. 693
[397] Ep. 1565. p. 708.
IX. The renewal of the treaty of alliance between France and Sweden,
which was almost expired, was now on the carpet. This grand affair was
negotiating at Hamburg between Claude de Même count d'Avaux, and John
Adler Salvius, Vice-Chancellor of Sweden. Grotius[398], who was
attentive to give such counsels as might be useful to the crown of
Sweden, wrote to the High Chancellor on the 29th of September, 1640,
that if the subsidies made the only difficulty to the conclusion of the
treaty, he knew the Cardinal would augment them. And accordingly,
instead of a million, which France promised to Sweden by the last[399]
treaty, by this she gave her twelve hundred thousand Francs. The
negotiation meeting with many obstacles, it was drawn into a great
length and not concluded till the last of June, 1641.
In the beginning of November in the preceding year, Chavigny came to
acquaint Grotius, that the King was astonished that nothing was done in
the eight months that the renewal of the alliance had been negotiating
at Hamburg; that it would seem the regents of Sweden imagined by these
delays to obtain better conditions; but the King could add nothing to
the former subsidies by reason of his exorbitant expences both on his
own account and that of the allies; that he was desirous of being
speedily informed of the intentions of the Swedish Ministers; that the
renewal of the treaty would contribute to the obtaining a good peace;
that if they would not renew it, it was time the King should know it,
that he might take his measures; and that the peace was greatly retarded
by the hopes which the enemy entertained of a difference between France
and Sweden. He added, that if a separate treaty should be set on foot,
France could obtain better terms than Sweden. The whole drift of this
discourse was to let Grotius know they were not ignorant that he had
written to Sweden, advising the Regency to take advantage of the present
occasion to obtain more advantageous conditions from France; which would
be granted. The Swedish Ambassador answered Chavigny, that he had
received a letter from the Queen for his Majesty, which he purposed to
deliver immediately; that the war was very burdensome to the Swedes, who
had so many enemies to combat with, especially this year and last; and
that as to the renewal of the treaty, he had nothing to say to it; for
that affair did not concern him, but Salvius.
He demanded an audience; but it was denied on several pretexts[400];
because they wanted farther information of what was doing at Hamburg. It
was at last granted[401] on the 16th of November, 1640. He saw the Queen
first, whom he complimented on the birth of the Duke of Anjou: he
afterwards saw the King, and delivered to him the Queen's letters of the
10th of September. He congratulated him on the advantages gained last
campaign, and on the birth of a second son of France; and entreated his
Majesty to send a greater force into Germany as the only means to obtain
a glorious peace. The King promised it, and afterwards repeated to
Grotius what Chavigny had said; that the treaty of alliance would soon
expire; that he would be glad to renew it on the former conditions; but
that if her Swedish Majesty disliked them, he wished to know it
immediately, that he might regulate his measures accordingly. He often
repeated that it was not in his power to augment the subsidies, though
the Ambassador proved that he could never make a better use of his
money. Grotius informed the Queen of what passed at this audience by a
letter of the 17th of November, 1640, in which he assures her that the
true reason why the King deferred seeing him was his waiting for
Cardinal Richelieu, with whom he wanted to concert the answer he should
make. He acquainted this Princess at the same time, that it was from the
Superintendant's own friends he understood the Swedes might hope for an
increase of the subsidies on renewing the alliance.
Salvius informed Grotius of the state of the negotiation[402], that they
might act in concert. The Vice-Chancellor was the _primum mobile_ of
this great affair: Grotius was subordinate to him, and did him great
service by the instructions which he sent him.
FOOTNOTES:
[398] Ep. 1420. p. 647.
[399] Bougeant. l. 6. n. 38.
[400] Ep. 1440. p. 653.
[401] Ep. 1442. p. 654.
[402] Ep. 1472. p. 666.
X. Cardinal Richelieu died the year after the renewal of the treaty of
alliance between France and Sweden, on the 4th of December, 1642. This
famous Minister was not much regretted by the Swedish Ambassador:
independent of the grounds of complaint which Grotius thought he had
against the Cardinal, it is not surprising that he should have no great
veneration for him; they were of too different sentiments to esteem, or
perhaps to do one another justice.
Lewis XIII. did not long survive his Prime Minister; the fourteenth of
May, 1643, was his last. Anne of Austria, his widow, was Regent of the
Kingdom during the minority of her son Lewis XIV. She told the Swedish
Ambassador by Chavigny, and repeated it herself, that the King's death
would make no change in the alliance between France and Sweden; that she
would follow the intentions of the late King in every thing, and observe
with the greatest fidelity the treaties made with the allies.
The Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Condé were of the same
sentiments[403]. Cardinal Mazarin soon gained all the Queen's
confidence, and the principal part in the Ministry: he pretended to
support the dignity of Cardinal with the same grandeur as his
predecessor: which made Grotius resolve[404] to wait for orders from
Sweden before he saw his Eminence. September 26, 1643, he writes to
Salvius[405], "I received with great pleasure your Excellency's letters.
I caused them to be delivered to Cardinal Mazarin, whom I have not seen,
nor will see, unless the Queen order it. He takes the precedence of the
Ambassadors of Kings; and though the title of Eminence be given him, he
refuses that of Excellence to Ambassadors." Sweden having declared war
against the King of Denmark[406], who had taken several Swedish ships
trading in the Sound, Grotius communicated the Queen of Sweden's motives
to the French Queen[407], without having orders for it, in an audience
which he had of her Majesty about the middle of April, 1644; acquainting
her that justice and necessity obliged Sweden to have recourse to arms
against the Danes; he also shewed her the declaration of war, which he
translated into Latin, and printed at Paris. Some time after, Christina
sent him orders to inform the Queen of France of the reasons which
obliged the Swedes to enter into a war with Denmark; which Grotius did
accordingly at an audience in the beginning of June, 1644.
FOOTNOTES:
[403] Ep. 1594. p. 743.
[404] Ep. 632. p. 946.
[405] Ep. 1611. p. 717.
[406] Bougeant, l. 8. p. 542.
[407] Ep. 1661. p. 721.
XI. It was the adventurer Cerisante who brought Grotius Queen
Christina's letters, ordering him to lay before the Queen of France
Sweden's grounds of complaint against Denmark. He had had interest to
get himself nominated Agent of the crown of Sweden at Paris, with orders
however to do nothing but in concert with the Ambassador[408]. Some
years before, the continual jars between Grotius and the French
Ministers made the Regents of Sweden[409] hesitate whether it would not
be proper to recall Grotius: he himself had wrote to the High
Chancellor[410], that, to obviate all difficulties raised against him,
it would perhaps be more proper to have only an Agent at Paris. It is
pretended that the inclination which he was suspected to have for the
Roman Catholics contributed to set the Swedes against him; and Crusius
wrote from Bremen, November 27, 1642[411], "It is publicly reported that
Grotius is become a Papist, and has lost all credit in Sweden." He was
not consulted in the nomination of Cerisante; accordingly it gave him
much uneasiness, which he did not dissemble[412]: he regarded this Agent
as a spy sent to observe his conduct, and his mission as a proof that
the Ministry were not satisfied with him: this greatly contributed to
increase the disgust he had taken to his embassy, which he had already
hinted in confidence to some of his friends. February 16, 1641, he wrote
a letter of compliment to Lewis Camerarius[413] on his being recalled
from his embassy to Holland, and assures him that it would give him
great pleasure to live in such quiet. He writes to his brother, November
1, 1641[414], "If they threatened to recall me from my embassy I should
not be sorry: it is not a lucrative thing. I am surfeited with honours;
old age comes on, and will soon demand ease." A year after, he writes to
him[415], "I am come to the age at which many wise men have voluntarily
renounced places of honour. I love quiet, and would be glad to devote
the remainder of my life to the service of God and of posterity. If I
had not some hope of contributing to a general peace, I should have
retired before now."
The headstrong and forward temper of the person who was appointed his
coadjutor crowned all his uneasiness. In effect, no body could be more
the reverse of Grotius than Cerisante. The Memoirs of the Duke of Guise
have placed this man in a very ridiculous light: his family indeed
complain that the duke of Guise did not do him justice; but we know from
others that he was as vain as he was inconsiderate. He was the son of
Duncan, Minister of Saumur, and being perfect master of the Belles
Lettres, he had been nominated Governor to the Marquis de Foix, who
afterwards made him Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment of Navarre; but a
quarrel with the Duke of Candale in the beginning of Anne of Austria's
regency obliged him to quit the kingdom. He retired into Sweden, in
hopes that the Queen, who loved men of wit, would make his fortune. He
was not disappointed: she gave him a commission to levy a regiment,
which he never raised; and sent him into France with the titles of
Colonel and Agent of Sweden.
He soon laid aside that regard for Grotius which was recommended to him;
and gave on all occasions proofs of his rash and vain-glorious humour.
Grotius tells us that he sent very false intelligence to Sweden, which
he affirmed that he had from the first hand: in short, he was guilty of
so many extravagancies, that Queen Christina, being informed how little
he was esteemed, and that she was in some sort censured on his account,
dismissed him her service; but it was not till after Grotius's departure
from Paris.
It will readily be judged that a man of this character could ill agree
with Grotius: accordingly they were soon at great variance. Their
misunderstanding was quickly known. Sarrau wrote to Salmasius, June 1,
1644[416], "Duncan the Swedish Agent at this Court gives the Ambassador
much uneasiness." Grotius's patience being therefore worn out, he wrote
to Sweden, desiring the Queen to recall him: his request was granted
with great readiness. As she did not dignify to him where he must
go[417], he wrote to Baron Oxenstiern, the Swedish Plenipotentiary to
the peace of Munster and Osnabrug, and son of the High Chancellor,
desiring him to inform him of the Queen's intentions, if he knew them;
or to advise him whither he ought to go, to Osnabrug or elsewhere; and
in fine, to send him a safe-conduct from the Ambassadors of the Emperor
and the King of Spain, and even, if he could, from the Elector of
Cologn. Grotius was strongly persuaded that they would employ him
elsewhere[418]. He demanded an audience of Queen Anne, whom he informed
of his being recalled. The Queen of Sweden wrote to the French Queen a
letter highly to Grotius's honour[419], in which she said that she would
never forget his great services. She wrote also to himself[420],
signifying to him her satisfaction with his fidelity and prudence, and
making him the fairest promises: which confutes what we find in the
_Menagiana_[421], that Queen Christina began her reign with recalling
Grotius; since it is beyond doubt that it was Grotius himself who asked
to be recalled. But we must not expect great exactness in this kind of
works, compiled for the most part by persons who relate ill what they
heard, and are not always acquainted with the matters of which they
write.
Before we consider Grotius returned to a private station, we shall
observe that he always supported with great firmness the rights and
honours belonging to the rank of Ambassador, not from vanity, but
because he thought it his duty to prevent a dignity conferred on him
from being depreciated. He imagined[422], that the Dutch, from ill-will
to him, had entered into a kind of conspiracy not to treat him as
Ambassador, and to make him be considered as a simple Resident[423];
and afterwards to make a crime of his weakness in giving up any part of
his right. They denied him the title of Excellency when speaking to him
of private business, under pretext that his embassy was not concerned:
but he shewed this to be a very bad reason, since the greatest Noblemen
in Sweden treated him as Ambassador even in private letters: he
therefore burnt all those letters which did not give him the proper
titles, without answering them; and even would not receive in his house
such persons as denied him the honours due to the Ambassadors of crowned
heads.
FOOTNOTES:
[408] Ep. 716. p. 970.
[409] Puffendorf, l. 13. n. 77.
[410] Ep. 690. p. 284.
[411] Inter Vossianas Ep. 656.
[412] Ep. 1689, p. 731.
[413] Ep. 1477. p. 668.
[414] Ep. 572. p. 928.
[415] Ep. 620. p. 942.
[416] Ep. 83. p. 84. Sarravii.
[417] Ep. 1743. p. 746.
[418] Ep. 1745. p. 746.
[419] Ep. 1757. p. 749.
[420] Ep. 1753. p. 748.
[421] Tom. 2. p. 298.
[422] Ep. 532. p. 912.
[423] Ep. 542. p. 918.
XII. When the news of Grotius's recall was known at Paris, it was
publicly said that he was going to Sweden to complain of his collegue.
Sarrau writes thus to Salmasius, March 15, 1645[424]. "Grotius is
preparing to set out for Sweden after Easter, to complain of the injury
done to him by appointing for his successor a young man who was his
rival. He must however obey; and return into a private station: but this
Colossus, though thrown down, will be always great; this statue will
still be very high without its base." Whilst Grotius waited for Baron
Oxenstiern's answer, he wrote to Spiringius, the Swedish Agent in
Holland, asking him, in case he should not receive a favourable letter
from Osnabrug, to send him a ship of war to some French port, on board
of which he might embark for Gottenburg; or, if that could not be done,
to obtain a passport to go from Holland to Gottenburg; but on condition
that no mention should be made of what passed in his youth; otherwise,
he declared, he would take another rout. It is probable he obtained such
a passport as he desired; for embarking at Dieppe[425], he went to
Holland, where he was extremely well received. The Burgomasters of
Amsterdam paid him all honour, and he was entertained at the public
expence. He had also reason to be satisfied with the town of Rotterdam:
not but there were at this time some mean souls in Holland, who wanted
to make the States of Holland, then assembled, deny him a passage
through the Province: but this shameful step served only to draw upon
them the public indignation. The City of Amsterdam fitted out a vessel
to carry him to Hamburg, where he was May 16, 1645, on which day he
writes to his brother[426] that the wind had been against them; that he
had been eight days by the way; and that Schrasvius, the Dutch Resident
at Hamburg, came to visit him, and had a conversation with him full of
friendship. He was resolved to set out next day for Lubeck, and hoped to
find at that town, or at least at Wismar, a vessel that might carry him
to Calmar, where he believed the High Chancellor to be with the French
and Dutch Ambassadors. In this letter he asked his brother to give him
only the title of Counsellor to her Swedish Majesty. He speaks much of
the honourable reception which the Magistrates of Lubeck gave him[427].
"You cannot believe, he writes to his brother, how many friends I have
found." He was in the end of March at Wismar[428], where Count Wrangel,
Admiral of the Swedish fleet, gave him a splendid entertainment, and
afterwards sent a man of war with him to Calmar[429]. The High
Chancellor was not there, but at Suderacher, four leagues distant,
negotiating a peace between Sweden and Denmark. Grotius wrote to him
immediately, and received a speedy answer: on the 8th of June the High
Chancellor sent a Gentleman with his coach to bring him to Suderacher,
where he remained a fortnight[430] with the Chancellor and, the other
Ambassadors, who treated him with great honours: returning to Calmar, he
went by land to Stockholm. Queen Christina was then at Upsal: but, as
soon as she heard of Grotius's arrival in her capital, she came back to
see so great a man: a desire to be acquainted with such as distinguished
themselves in the republic of letters is well known to have been one of
her favourite passions. On the morrow of his arrival[431], she gave him
a long audience, with which he appears, by a letter written to his
brother July 15, 1645, to be well satisfied. "I am now at Stockholm,
says he, and have seen the Queen. She makes me great promises. I do not
know yet what she will do with me. The Senators seem well satisfied with
all that I have done."
Christina gave him several audiences; made him dine with her; and he
appeared to be abundantly pleased with the honours he received: but as
he saw they were in no haste to do any thing for him, and only rewarded
him with compliments, he grew uneasy, and asked permission to retire. He
was confirmed in this resolution by finding the Court filled with
persons who had conceived a jealousy against him; besides, the air of
Sweden did not agree with him. The Queen several times refused to grant
him his dismission, and signified to him that if he would continue in
her service in quality of Counsellor of State, and bring his family into
Sweden, he should have no reason to repent it: but he excused himself on
account of his own health, which was much altered, and of his wife's
health, who could not bear the cold air of that kingdom. He asked a
passport, which they delayed granting. In the mean time he grew so
uneasy at Stockholm, that he resolved to be gone without a passport.
Leaving that city therefore, he went to a seaport two leagues distant,
in order to embark for Lubeck. The Queen being informed of his
departure, sent a Gentleman to inform him that she wanted to see him
once more; otherwise she should think that he was displeased with her:
he returned therefore to Stockholm, and explained himself to the Queen,
who seemed satisfied with his reasons, and made him a present in money
amounting to twelve or thirteen thousand Imperials[432], about ten
thousand French Crowns, adding to it some silver plate, that was not
finished sooner: which, he was assured, delayed the granting of his
passport. It was afterwards issued, and the Queen gave him a vessel, on
board which he embarked the 12th of August for Lubeck.
The _Menagiana_ contains an anecdote relating to the last audience that
Grotius had of Queen Christina, which we shall relate rather to throw
contempt on this kind of works, than to give weight to it. When Grotius,
it tells us, had his audience of leave of Queen Christina, she said some
sharp things to him; on which he immediately left her, saying only,
Madam, I remain your most humble servant. The Queen was afterwards vexed
at it, and could not help observing, that he ought not to have gone away
without taking leave of her. Marigny said to her, Madam, he did take
leave of you. You do not know what you say, replied the Queen; if he
had, I should have known it. Madam, added Marigny, what I say is true; I
was there; when they say in France, on going away, I remain your most
humble servant, it is taking leave of a person. The Queen sustained
this; and sending for Grotius, made him a present of copper to the
amount of forty thousand livres.
FOOTNOTES:
[424] Ep. Sarr. p. 116.
[425] Le Clerc, l. 12. t. 2. Latin Life of Grotius. Barleus, in
Vicquefort's Letters, Ep. 79. p. 416. Vind. Grotii, p. 472.
[426] Ep. 760. p. 749.
[427] Ep. 761. p. 749.
[428] Ep. 1762. p. 749.
[429] Ep. 1793. p. 749.
[430] Ep. 1764, p. 750.
[431] Ep. 1765. p. 750.
[432] Vind. Grot. p. 478.
XIII. Grotius's departure from Stockholm gave rise to several very
uncertain reports. Vondel, a famous Dutch Poet, and a friend of that
learned man, pretends that he designed to go to Osnabrug[433], where the
peace was negotiating; others assure[434], that he was desirous of
retiring to Holland, where the Republican party was beginning to gain
the ascendant. A modern author has advanced[435], that he resolved to go
into Poland, in hopes that the King would send him Ambassador to the
court of France: but it is more probable, that, disgusted with
negotiations and business, he only sought a place of retreat, where he
might complete his imaginary project of forming a coalition of
Christians, and prepare for his latter end.
The vessel was scarce sailed for Lubeck, when she was overtaken by a
violent storm, which obliged her to put in, on the 17th of August,
fourteen miles from Dantzick. Grotius set out in an open waggon for
Lubeck, and arrived at Rostock[436] on the 26th of August very ill.
Nobody knew him: his great weakness determined him to call a physician:
his name was Stochman, who, on feeling Grotius's pulse, said his
indisposition proceeded from weakness and fatigue; and that with rest
and some restoratives he might recover: but next day he changed his
tone; on seeing his weakness increase, with a cold sweat, and other
symptoms of nature being spent, he judged that his end was near. Grotius
then asked for a clergyman. John Quistorpius was brought, who, in a
letter to Calovius, gives us the particulars of Grotius's last moments.
We cannot do better than copy it.
"You are desirous of hearing from me how that Phoenix of Literature,
Hugo Grotius, behaved in his last moments, and I am going to tell you.
He embarked at Stockholm for Lubeck; and after having been tossed for
three days by a violent tempest, he was shipwrecked and got to shore on
the coast of Pomerania, from whence he came to our town of Rostock,
distant above sixty miles, in an open waggon, through wind and rain. He
lodged with Balleman; and sent for M. Stochman, the physician, who
observing that he was extremely weakened by years, by what he suffered
at sea, and the inconveniences attending the journey, judged that he
could not live long. The second day after Grotius's arrival in this
town, that is, on the 18th of August, O.S. he sent for me about nine at
night. I went, and found him almost at the point of death. I said there
was nothing I desired more than to have seen him in health, that I might
have the pleasure of his conversation. He answered, God had ordered it
otherwise. I desired him to prepare himself for a happier life, to
acknowledge that he was a sinner, and to repent of his faults: and
happening to mention the publican, who acknowledged that he was a
sinner, and asked God's mercy, he answered: _I am that publican._ I went
on, and told him, that he must have recourse to Jesus Christ, without
whom there is no salvation. He replied, _I place all my hope in Jesus
Christ._ I began to repeat aloud in German the prayer which begins _Herr
Jesu_[437]; he followed me, in a very low voice, with his hands clasped.
When I had done, I asked him, if he understood me. He answered, _I
understand you very well._ I continued to repeat to him those passages
of the word of God which are commonly offered to the remembrance of
dying persons, and asking him if he understood me, he answered, _I heard
your voice, but did not understand what you said._ These were his last
words: soon after he expired, just at midnight. His body was delivered
to the Physicians; who took out his bowels. I easily obtained leave to
bury them in our principal Church, which is dedicated to the Virgin."
Thus died this celebrated man, on the 28th of August at night, or rather
in the morning of the 29th, 1645. A number of falshoods were published
on occasion of his death. Du Maurier relates[438], that a Roman Catholic
Priest, and Ministers of different persuasions, hearing that Grotius was
dying, came to him to dispose him to die in their communion: that he
made them no answer, but, _I don't understand you_; and on their silence
said to them, _Exhort me to die like a Christian._
Quistorpius's relation, ill understood, has given rise to several
groundless stories. M. Arnaud[439] assures us that he had the
particulars of Grotius's death from one of his Secretaries, who told
him, that when he was at Rostock a Lutheran Minister came to see him in
his illness, and speaking to him of religion, Grotius answered, I don't
understand you; willing to let him know that his conversation was not
agreeable. M. Jurieu[440] maintains, that he died without making any
profession of religion, and that he answered those who exhorted him to
prepare for death in these words, I don't understand you: turning his
back to them.
If we may believe the _Menagiana_, the Minister who came to wait upon
him at his death, said to him what was very poor; and Grotius, to gain
time, and let him know that he could well dispense with his
exhortations, said to him, I am Grotius. To which the Minister answered,
What! are you the great Grotius? M. Le Clerc[441] mentions his having
seen in an English book that Grotius said when dying, "By undertaking
many things I have accomplished nothing."
Not even so much as the cause of his death has escaped without
misrepresentations. M. Le Clerc informs us, that some of his enemies
spread a report, that he was killed by lightning: and not long ago, he
adds, a learned man of my acquaintance asked me by letter if it was
true.
Patin[442] writes, that it was suspected he had been poisoned. "We hear,
says he, that Grotius is dead at Rostock, on his return from Sweden, of
a fever, not without suspicion of being poisoned by the Lutherans, on
account of what he says about Antichrist in favour of the Pope: but I do
not think that poisoning is used in that country."
They carried their wickedness to such a height as to accuse Queen
Christina of shortening that great man's days. The new Memoirs of the
Abbé d'Artigny[443] acquaint us, that Antony Argoud, Dean of the
Cathedral of Vienne, haranguing Queen Christina the 13th of August,
1656, pleased her so much, that she gave him broad hints that she would
do great things for him if he would attend her in quality of first
Chaplain. The Queen had in her retinue Lesseins, one of the Gentlemen of
the King's Bedchamber, who was ordered to accompany that Princess from
Marseilles to Lions. Argoud telling him of the Queen's proposals, he
diverted him from accepting them by painting out Christina as an
inconstant and capricious Princess. "He forgot nothing to set him
against her, even to telling him that Grotius would have been still
alive, if he had had nothing to fear from the jealousy of the Swedes;
but that the ill treatment of the Queen brought that great man to his
grave." It is very possible that not having been treated by the Queen so
well as he expected, it chagrined him much: but whatever is not
conformable to Quistorpius's letter, against which nothing solid can be
advanced, ought to be rejected as apocryphal. His corpse was carried to
Delft, and deposited in the tomb of his ancestors. He wrote this modest
Epitaph for himself[444]:
_Grotius hîc Hugo est, Batavûm captivus et exul,
Legatus regni, Suecia magna, tui._
Grotius had the precaution to make his will at Paris on the 27th of
March, 1645, a little before his departure. He had a very agreeable
person, a good complexion, an aquiline nose, sparkling eyes, a serene
and smiling countenance. He was not tall, but very strong, and well
built.
FOOTNOTES:
[433] Vind. Grot. p. 478.
[434] Menagiana.
[435] Hist. du Socinianisme, c. 42. p. 831.
[436] Observat. Hallen. 15. t. 7. p. 341.
[437] It is a prayer addressed to Jesus Christ, and suited to the
condition of a dying person who builds his hope on the Mediator. M. Le
Clerc has recited it at large in the Sentimens de quelques Theologiens
de Hollande, 17 Lettre, p. 397.
[438] Memoirs, p. 431.
[439] Sentimens des Theologiens de Hollande, p. 395.
[440] Esprit de M. Arnaud, t. 2. p. 308.
[441] Sentimens des Theologiens de Hollande, Lettre 17. p. 402.
[442] T. 1. Lettre 7.
[443] T. 1. p. 340.
[444] Ep. 536. p. 915.