When it was known in Europe that Grotius had no longer any connexion
with the Court of France, the greatest Princes sought to draw to them a
Man who to the most profound learning and knowledge of public Law joined
the strictest probity.
In 1629 he was invited into Poland, as we learn from a letter to
Vossius, dated November 29 that year[190]. Three years after, December
30, 1632, Ruarus wrote to Grotius from Dantzick, "You have a very great
name at our Court, and the good odour of it has induced the King to
order Savasi, who goes as his Ambassador to Holland and England, to
advise with you. He has not done it, according to what the Secretary of
the embassy tells me; and I am ignorant of his reason: but this I know,
that many are labouring to bring you here with a pension from the King.
I know not what will become of this affair; but I believe it would be
pushed more briskly, if those who concern themselves in it were not
persuaded that you would decline the proposal." Grotius[191] answered,
that he would readily have waited on Savasi if he had sent him his
compliments; and that he guessed what it was that hindered him. "When
your King, he adds, shall be disposed to employ me, and I know in what
business, I shall not be long in taking my resolution." In the beginning
of the year[192] 1632 he was flattered with the hopes of being employed
by England.
Christiern IV. King of Denmark loaded him with civilities when he was at
Hamburg; and Vossius, who was well informed of every thing that related
to his friend's affairs, writes to Meric Casaubon, Oct. 25, 1633, that
the King of Denmark offered Grotius a considerable pension if he would
enter into his service. Henry Ernestus informed Vossius, that Grotius
had seen that Prince at Gluckstad, and was extremely well received by
him: this he had from Grotius himself. He concludes his letter with an
invective against the Dutch, who were so void of common sense, as to
refuse the services of so great a man.
It is said that even the King of Spain[193] had thoughts of taking him
into his service: but this Prince's court suited him ill for many
reasons easy to be imagined; one of which was that his going to Spain
would be matter of triumph to his enemies, who would represent it, with
some degree of probability, as a proof of what they had formerly
asserted, that Grotius was a private Pensioner of Spain.
The Duke of Holstein and several other[194] Princes made him likewise
advantageous proposals. It was reported that the famous Walstein
intended to take him into his service. Ruarus[195] wrote about it to
Grotius, and tells him he could scarce give credit to this news, from a
persuasion that Grotius would not employ his pen in writing things of
which no doubt he partly disapproved.
His remaining so long without coming to a resolution proceeded, it is
probable, from his unwillingness to attach himself to any Prince, till
he despaired of a reconciliation with his Country; of which he was so
desirous, that above two years and a half after he had been so
shamefully driven out, he had still thoughts of it. March 8, 1634[196],
he writes to his brother, "It is of great importance to me that my
affair may be no longer protracted, and that I know speedily whether I
can see my Country again, or must relinquish it for ever." A fortnight
after he writes to him[197], "I expect your letters with impatience, to
know what I have to hope for from my Countrymen. I have been too long
under uncertainty, and I am afraid of losing in the mean time the
opportunities which offer elsewhere. I would not however have any thing
asked in my name directly or indirectly; but if they make any proposal
of their own accord, I shall be glad to know it."
He ought to have determined himself long before. Convinced at last that
he must lay aside all thoughts of returning into Holland, he yielded to
the pressing instances of the High Chancellor of Sweden, who wanted to
employ him in affairs of importance. Grotius gave the preference more
readily to this Minister, the greatest man perhaps of his age, because
he followed Gustavus's plan, for whom Grotius had a singular veneration:
in January, 1628[198], he speaks of him as a Prince whose greatness of
soul and knowledge in civil and military matters placed him above every
other. March 12, in the same year, he writes to his brother[199], that
on every occasion he would do all in his power to serve such a virtuous
Monarch. On the 28th of April following, he congratulates
Camerarius[200], whose father was Ambassador from Sweden, on his serving
a Prince who merited every commendation. "The whole universe will not
furnish his equal in virtue[201]. Men of the greatest merit in this
country think the brilliancy of this Prince's actions and virtues must
strike even envy dumb. Happy are they who are under the protection of so
great a King. He proves the possibility of what appeared incredible in
the great men of antiquity: he is a witness who gives evidence in their
favour: he will serve for a master to posterity; and the best lessons in
the art of war will be taken from his history. He is no less eminent as
a warrior, than as a statesman[202]; and in him is found all that makes
a great King. He is the wisest Monarch now reigning, and knows how to
improve every opportunity to the best advantage, not only when the
injustice of his enemies obliges him to have recourse to arms, but also
when he is allowed to enjoy the blessings of peace." The Letters, in
which he expresses his profound esteem for the Great Gustavus, were all
written before the month of June, 1630, whilst he resided at Paris and
had no thought of entering into the Swedish service.
Gustavus had sent to Paris Benedict Oxenstiern, a relation of the High
Chancellor, to bring to a final conclusion the treaty between France and
Sweden. This Minister made acquaintance with Grotius, and in a short
time conceived such a high esteem for him, that he resolved to employ
his credit to draw him to his Master's court. A report of this spread in
Holland; and William Grotius wrote about it to his brother, who made
answer, Feb. 6, 1632, That these reports were without foundation; that,
besides, he had an aversion to following an army. It was said that King
Gustavus intended to employ him at the Court of France; and he answered
his brother on this subject, Feb. 18, 1632, That if this Monarch would
nominate him his Ambassador, with a proper salary for the decent support
of that dignity, the proposal would merit his regard.
This Prince, who was certainly the greatest Captain of his age, had at
the same time an affection for men of learning. The reading of the
treatise _Of the Rights of War and Peace_ gave him the highest opinion
of its author, whom he regarded as an original genius[203]; and he was
persuaded that one who wrote so well on the Law of Nations must be an
able Statesman. He resolved to gain him, and to employ him in some
embassy. The High Chancellor of Sweden, who was of the same opinion with
his Master, was Grotius's patron at Court.
Gustavus, who looked upon Grotius as the first man of his age, was on
the point of shewing all Europe how much he esteemed him, when he was
unhappily slain, on the 6th of November, 1632[204], in a famous battle
against the Imperialists, in which the Swedes gained a signal victory.
Some time before, this great Prince[205], as if he had had a foreboding
of his end being near, gave orders for several things to be done in case
of his death; among others that Grotius should be employed in the
Swedish Ministry. The High Chancellor Oxenstiern, who governed the
kingdom during the minority of Queen Christina, the daughter of Gustavus
Adolphus, thought it his duty and honour to conform to his Master's
intentions: he therefore pressed Grotius to come to him, promising him
an employment suited to his merit[206]. Grotius did not yield
immediately, not only because he had still hopes of being recalled to
Holland, but also because he was persuaded that one ought to deliberate
long before taking a resolution which cannot be altered. It may not be
improper to observe that the book _Of the Rights of War and Peace_ was
found in King Gustavus's tent after his death. Grotius also gives us an
anecdote concerning his entering into the Swedish service which deserves
to be mentioned, namely, that it was Marshal Bannier's brother, who gave
him the first hint of preferring Sweden to the other States, by whom he
was solicited.
FOOTNOTES:
[190] Ep. 250. p. 85.
[191] Ep. 336.
[192] Ep. 309. p. 845.
[193] Henry Dupuis. Grotii manes, p. 299. Niceron.
[194] Ep. Vossii, 257. p. 150.
[195] Ruari Ep. 36. p. 186.
[196] Ep. 326. p. 849.
[197] Ep. 326. p. 849.
[198] Ep. 163. p. 801.
[199] Ep. 170. p. 805.
[200] Ep. 173. p. 805.
[201] Ep. 184. p. 809. 212. p. 819.
[202] Ep. 215. p. 820. ep. 229. p. 824. & ep. 242. p. 829.
[203] Prefacio Man. Grotii Vir. Grot. p. 300.
[204] At Lutsen.
[205] Ep. Grotii, 87. p. 384.
[206] Ep. 344. p. 123. & 346. p. 124.
II. Grotius, on the invitation of the High Chancellor of Sweden, set out
for Franckfort on the Main where that Minister was. He had no notion
what they purposed to do with him; but he was quite easy with regard to
his settlement, being persuaded that a Minister of Oxenstiern's prudence
and credit would not engage him to take a wrong step: his only anxiety
was, lest the High Chancellor, whom he looked on as the greatest man of
his age[207], and fit to be compared with the most famous in antiquity,
should entertain too high an idea of his merit, from the advantageous
testimonies given of it, and lest he should be unable to answer the
hopes that Minister had conceived of him.
He arrived at Franckfort in May, 1634[208], and was received with the
greatest politeness by the High Chancellor, who did not however explain
his intentions: Grotius wrote to his brother, July 13, 1634, that the
Chancellor proceeded with great slowness in his affair; but that every
body assured him he was a man of his word: "If so, he adds, all will go
well." He wrote for his wife, and she arrived at Franckfort, with his
daughters and son Cornelius, in the beginning of August. The Chancellor
continued to heap civilities[209] on him without mentioning a word of
business: but ordered him to follow him to Mentz; and at length[210]
declared him Counsellor to the Queen of Sweden and her Ambassador at the
Court of France.
The authority of Oxenstiern was so great that this kind of nomination
needed not the Queen's confirmation: it was not till almost two years
after[211] that Christina ratified by her letters Grotius's embassy.
Before their arrival he enjoyed the same honours and prerogatives as if
the Queen herself had nominated him.
As soon as he could depend upon an establishment, he purposed to make it
known by some public act that he considered himself no longer as a
Dutchman. On the 13th of July, 1634[212], he sent his brother letters
for the Prince of Orange and the Dutch: but desired him to read them
first himself, and advise with the Counsellor Reigersberg and Beaumont
about them. "I have ceased, says he in another place[213], to be a
Dutchman since I entered into the service of Sweden; which I have
sufficiently intimated to the States of Holland. I have written to them,
but not as their subject. Thus the Spaniards used to act in such cases,
as Mariana informs us in several places of his History of Spain. When I
bad adieu to the United Provinces (he writes again[214]) I signified to
them that I was a member of another nation; that I should give myself
little trouble about what might be said or thought of it; and that I
reckoned never to see the Country again." We may judge by these
expressions that his patience was at length worn out.
He wrote to the City of Rotterdam, which had deferred nominating a
Pensionary since the sentence passed against Grotius, that they might
now chuse one, since they ought no longer to look on him as a Dutchman.
FOOTNOTES:
[207] Ep. 349. p. 125. & ep. 346. p. 124.
[208] Ep. 330. p. 849.
[209] Ep. 352. p. 127.
[210] Ep. 337. p. 851.
[211] Ep. 577. p. 227.
[212] Ep. 330. p. 849.
[213] Ep. 572. p. 958.
[214] Ep. 719. p. 970.
III. At the time that Grotius entered into the service of Sweden, the
affairs of that Crown were in a very bad situation. The death of the
Great Gustavus had made a strange change in them. He left at his death a
young Princess under age, whose right was even disputed. Ladislaus IV.
elected King of Poland on the death of his father Sigismond, set up a
claim to the Swedish crown, and had a party in the kingdom capable of
forming a dangerous faction. Sweden was unable singly to support the war
in Germany; and saw the allies, whom she had hitherto kept on her side
by her authority and the eclat of her victories, ready to fall off: the
weaker, in consternation at the death of their leader, wished for peace;
the more powerful, such as the Dukes of Pomerania, the Elector of
Brandenbourg, the Dukes of Meklenbourg, and some others, jealous of the
authority usurped by the Swedes in Germany, would acknowledge them only
as allies, and not as the head of the Protestant party. The Duke of
Brunswick was already levying men in his own name, and intended to form
a separate party composed of the Circle of Lower Saxony. The Elector of
Saxony carried his views still farther. He wanted to have the supreme
direction of affairs; and, if thwarted, there was reason to apprehend he
would soon relinquish the common cause. In this perilous situation the
Swedes, hardening themselves against danger, trusted to their courage
and address: and after nominating regents to govern the kingdom during
Queen Christina's minority, they committed the care of Sweden's
interests in Germany to Baron Oxenstiern the High Chancellor with an
almost absolute power.
That great man supported this important charge in the most difficult
times with a firmness, address, and capacity, which justly made him be
looked upon as one of the ablest Ministers of Europe. He inspired those
who were wavering through fear with new Courage; brought back those who
on private views had detached themselves from the common cause; broke
the measures of the Duke of Brunswick; suspended the effects of the
Elector of Saxony's jealousy, and made all the allies sensible that they
could only find their true interest, their security, and safety, in
their union. By this means the bands which knit them together were
strengthened, and Sweden preserved the principal direction of affairs,
and almost as much authority as she had in the time of Gustavus. The
Swedes had lately lost the famous battle of Norlingen in September; and
Marshal Horne their General was made prisoner. This disaster was
followed by the peace of Prague, in which the Emperor Ferdinand II.
engaged the Electors of Saxony and Brandenbourg to unite against the
Swedes; and it would have been all over with them in Germany, had not a
power which hitherto faintly seconded them, brought them powerful
assistance. Lewis XIII. by the advice of his Prime Minister, sent
Cardinal De la Vallette at the head of an army into Germany; and
concluded a treaty with the Duke of Weimar, engaging to pay him a
subsidy of one million five hundred thousand Livres, and the sum of four
millions yearly for maintaining an army of eighteen thousand men, which
the Duke obliged himself to furnish, and command under the direction of
France.
Such is the exact portrait which Father Bougeant gives of the state of
Germany. Let us hear what a cotemporary author says of it[215]. "Fortune
smiled on the Imperialists on every side. There was nothing but conquest
and victories and a happy change of affairs: for in less than a month
the Swedes, who were become so powerful and formidable, were defeated,
and entirely dispersed in one battle, and an unheard-of victory gained
most gloriously with inconsiderable loss on the side of the
Imperialists. Bavaria was entirely delivered; the Swedes driven out of
Swabia, the dutchy of Wirtemberg conquered; and almost all Franconia:
the rivers Ocin and Iser remained free; the Lek, the Danube, the Necker,
and almost all the Main cleared, with the loss of so many towns and
provinces in such a short time, almost deprived the Swedes of a
retreat; Ulm and Nuremberg refusing them admittance, whereas formerly
they were welcome, and masters every where."
These descriptions agree with that given by Grotius. Sept. 20, 1634, he
writes to Du Maurier[216], "Had I come sooner to the High Chancellor, I
should have found the times more favourable; but as his great courage is
most conspicuous in adverse circumstances, it is proper we should
conform to the example of so great a leader. France is at present the
sole resource of Germany in her affliction: since the loss of Ratisbon
and Donavert, and the unfortunate battle of Norlinguen, the towns are
all frightened, and it is a great happiness that the conquerors have not
approached Franckfort: they have divided their army; the King of Hungary
has led one into Bohemia, and his brother is marched with the other
towards the United Provinces. France alone is able to restore our
affairs." The Swedes, in the consternation occasioned by the defeat at
Norlinguen, were threatened with seeing Franckfort, Mentz, Augsburg,
Nuremberg, and Ulm fall into the hands of the Imperialists; but by good
luck they did not take the advantage of their victory. Grotius assures
us the Swedes were obliged to the King of France for it, who kept the
projects of the enemy suspended by the apprehension of his declaring
war. Such was the situation of affairs when Grotius received orders to
repair to the French Court. It was the most important commission with
which a Minister could be charged, since the principal resource of the
Swedes and their allies was in the protection of France; and
Oxenstiern's nominating Grotius to be the Ambassador who was to
strengthen the union between Sweden and France is a demonstration of
that great man's particular esteem for him.
FOOTNOTES:
[215] Mercure François, an. 1634, p. 621.
[216] Ep. 354, p. 127 et 355. p. 128.
IV. In the beginning of the year 1635 Grotius set out from Mentz on his
embassy to France. He was obliged to go a great way about, to avoid
being surprised by the enemies parties. Beginning his journey in very
rainy weather, succeeded by a hard frost, he arrived at Metz much later
than he expected, and indisposed with a cholic occasioned by the great
cold; which obliged him to continue there some time till he recovered.
It was five days before he could write to the High Chancellor. January
30, as soon as his pain abated, he wrote to him that he hoped to be able
to continue his journey in two or three days, and that the vexation of
his mind at being hindered from getting so soon as he wished to the
place of his destination, was greater than the indisposition of his
body. He was extremely well received by the Commandants of Haguenau and
Saverne. At the former of those towns he met some waggons going to the
army with a million of money, which it was said would soon be followed
by other two.
He left Metz February 2[217], and was at Meaux the 7th, from whence he
went to St. Denis. On the 14th he wrote to the High Chancellor, that by
the advice of his friends he had given the introductors of Ambassadors
notice of his arrival, that they might pay him the usual honours; and
that he would write to the Queen of Sweden as soon as he had his
audience of the King[218]. Francis de Thou, hearing of his arrival, came
immediately to visit him.
Grotius was suffered to remain long at St. Denis: February 12, he wrote
to Oxenstiern[219] that Count Brulon, introductor of Ambassadors, had
been with him to acquaint him that the troubles of the Court had
hitherto prevented the appointing a day for his entry. In fact, the Duke
de Puy-Laurens, and some other Lords, accused of giving bad counsels to
Gaston of France Duke of Orleans, had been just arrested.
But Grotius suspected that his entry was deferred for other reasons;
that they waited for the answers of La Grange and Feuquieres, employed
by the Court of France in Germany, to know whether the High Chancellor
would conform to the intentions of the French Ministry, and in
consequence to proportion the honours to be paid Sweden's Ambassador to
Oxenstiern's compliance. Count Brulon assured Grotius that in two or
three days every obstruction to his entry would be removed, and in the
mean time gave him an invitation to see _incognito_ the ballets and
entertainments that were to be given the Sunday following, in the King's
apartments: which the Ambassador thought fit to decline. February
23[220] Count Brulon came to make Grotius another visit, and asked, who
sent him into France? Grotius answered, that he was the Queen of
Sweden's Ambassador, and was nominated to that employment by the High
Chancellor of Sweden, by virtue of the powers given to his Excellency.
Brulon said, that the King of Spain had formerly empowered the Duke of
Mentz to nominate Ambassadors; but they were never regarded as such.
Grotius replied, that was owing to the war, and a dislike to the duke of
Mentz; that when the truce between Spain and the United Provinces was
treating at the Hague, the Ambassadors sent thither by the Arch-Dukes
were received by the French and English Ministers as Ambassadors of the
King of Spain; and that if during the late war in Italy Cardinal
Richelieu, who had very extensive powers, had nominated Ambassadors,
they would have been every where received in the same manner as those
sent by the King; that the High Chancellor's powers could not be
disputed; that they were given him by the whole kingdom; that the King
of France had already treated as Ambassadors Ministers nominated by his
Excellency; and that the Ambassadors of the King of France, in the
treaty which they made with Oxenstiern, acknowledged this power. Brulon
declared, that the difficulty did not proceed from any aversion to
Grotius, whom the King highly esteemed. He repeated this so often, that
the Swedish Ambassador imagined they wanted to make him quit the service
of Sweden, and enter into that of France. The Count promised to return
in three or four days: he did not keep his word; he sent however to
acquaint Grotius that the Wednesday following, which was the last of
February, every thing would be ready for his entry; but that he must
first receive the King's commands who was at Chantilly.
Du Maurier, Son of the Ambassador to Holland, an intimate friend of
Grotius, pretends, in his _Memoirs_, that the Swedish Ambassador was
suffered to remain so long at St. Denis because Cardinal Richelieu, who
had a dislike to him, was vexed to see him nominated Ambassador to
France; that he wrote to Oxenstiern, asking him to appoint some other,
and that the High Chancellor paying no regard to the Cardinal's whim, he
was obliged to acknowledge Grotius's quality. The Letters of Grotius
rather contradict than confirm this anecdote, though Du Maurier assures
us Grotius was fully informed of this secret negotiation.
Grotius made his public entry into Paris on Friday the 2d of March,
1635. The Marshals D'Estres and St. Luc were nominated to attend him;
but, the latter falling ill, Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors,
supplied his place. They came in the King and Queen's coaches to take
him up. The coaches of the Venetian, Swiss, and Mantuan Ministers were
at this entry, together with those of the German powers allied to
Sweden. The Princes of the Blood did not send their coaches because they
were not at Paris; Gaston Duke of Orleans was at Angers; the Prince of
Condé had a cause depending at Rouen; and the Count De Soissons was at
Senlis with the Court.
Pau, Ambassador from Holland, greatly chagrined to see Grotius in such
an honourable place, was much embarrassed[221] in what manner to behave:
he wrote about it to the States-General, and in the mean time sent to
make him his compliments. The States-General answered, that they
intended their Ambassadors should shew the same regard to Grotius as to
the Ambassadors of powers in friendship with them. Pau, not satisfied
with this, wrote to the particular States of Holland. Grotius was
informed of it, and seemed little concerned, because, he said, they knew
little, were very inconstant, and took their resolutions on slight
grounds.
May 5, the Count de Nancei, Master of the Wardrobe, came to compliment
him on the part of the King. He told him that his nomination to the
French Embassy was most agreeable to his Majesty[222], who wished he
might long continue in that post. Count Brulon assured him that he had
orders to present his lady to the Queen, who remained at Paris, whenever
she pleased: but Grotius thought this ought to be deferred till he had
seen the King.
Grotius was carried to Court at Senlis on the sixth of March, by the
Duke De Mercoeur, whom he calls the most learned of all the
Princes[223]: on the death of his father he became Duke of Vendôme, and
in the end a Cardinal. The new Ambassador was extremely satisfied with
his reception: the King's guards were under arms[224]: Lewis XIII. spoke
much to him, and with so great goodness, that he conjectured from it he
should bring the affairs with which he was entrusted to the desired
conclusion. His Majesty gave him to understand by his gracious manner,
and by his[225] talk, that they could not have sent into France a
Minister so agreeable to him. He made him be covered in his presence,
and repeated his civilities on Grotius's presenting to him his son
Cornelius.
March 8, Grotius sent Queen Christina news of his entry and his audience
of the King: Next day he wrote to Salmasius: after acquainting him with
the agreeable revolution in his affairs, he adds, that the first
formalities of his embassy being over, he hoped to have leisure to
resume his studies. Salmasius had at that time the greatest esteem for
Grotius, and on hearing of his being nominated Ambassador to France,
took occasion to say that Grotius's friends were only sorry the affairs
of Sweden were not in such a good situation, as might render the embassy
of so great a man as agreeable as could be desired.
After having an audience of the King, Grotius made his visits to
Mademoiselle[226], the Prince of Condé, the Count of Soissons, the
Countess of Soissons the Count's mother, and to his lady the Princess of
Condé. The Prince[227] received him with the greatest politeness, spoke
to him of their old acquaintance, and next day returned his visit.
Cardinal Richelieu, before he would see him, wanted to know his
instructions relating to the treaty lately concluded between France and
several German Princes, with which the Swedes were dissatisfied. He went
to his Abbey of Royaumont till Grotius should see Boutillier,
Superintendant of the Finances, with whom he was to discuss the late
treaty; and as things passed at this conference the Cardinal was to talk
to the Swedish Ambassador.
FOOTNOTES:
[217] Ep. 360. p. 130 & 361. p. 610.
[218] Ep. 362. p. 130.
[219] Ep. 363. p. 131.
[220] Ep. 364. p. 132.
[221] Ep. 374. p. 137.
[222] Ep. 374. p. 137.
[223] Ep. 339. p. 851.
[224] Ep. 367. p. 134.
[225] Ep. 388. p. 142.
[226] Ep. 370. p. 135.
[227] Ep. 339. p. 851.
V. The subject of the dispute between France and Sweden was this: after
the unfortunate battle of Norlinguen, the Swedes and their allies being
reduced to the last extremity, judged the support of France must be
their principal resource. They made no doubt that such an able
statesman as Cardinal Richelieu would seize every opportunity to abase,
or at least embarrass the house of Austria, the eternal rival of France.
James Læfler and Philip Strect were sent in 1634, by the Protestant
Princes and States of the Circles and Electoral Provinces of Franconia,
Suabia, and the Rhine, to solicit succours from the King of France, and
prevail with him to declare war against the Emperor. They proposed that
the King should send an army to the Rhine, and advance a large sum of
money to enable the allies to recruit their army, which was almost
wholly destroyed. They treated with the Cardinal de Richelieu, who
endeavoured to avail himself of the situation of affairs and their
necessities, to make the most advantageous treaty he could for France.
He offered only five hundred thousand Livres, six thousand foot in six
weeks, and twelve thousand when they had put France in possession of
Benfield: but their powers did not extend to the cession of that place.
However they promised it without making any condition; and had not the
precaution to stipulate that France should furnish every year the same
subsidies which she engaged to give King Gustavus by a treaty which was
renewed at Hailbron. The Cardinal gave them hopes that France would
declare war against the Emperor; that after the declaration the King
would keep twelve thousand men in Germany, and a strong army on the
Rhine; advance immediately five hundred thousand Francs to be divided
among the army or the allies; nominate a Prince to command the army of
twelve thousand men, with a lieutenant under him as his collegue; and
have one to assist in his Majesty's name at the Councils of war.
After signing the treaty Læfler and Strect returned to Germany in
December 1634.
When a motion was made in the assembly of the Allies at Worms to ratify
this Treaty, the High Chancellor of Sweden opposed it. He maintained
that it was obscure and ambiguous, and discordant with the private
treaty made with Sweden. This Minister was chiefly chagrined at Sweden's
losing the principal direction of affairs in Germany by the nomination
of a German Prince to be Generalissimo of the allied army. He declared
that he thought himself obliged to propose his difficulties to the Queen
of Sweden: and besides would send an embassy to Paris on the subject.
This then was the business which Grotius had to manage at the Court of
France. The Commission was the more delicate as Cardinal Richelieu, a
positive man, absolutely required that the treaty made with the Envoys
of the German Princes should have its full effect.
It was to confer on this affair that Grotius made a visit to Boutillier,
Superintendant of the Finances. The Swedish Ambassador represented, that
the Treaty ought not to be in force till Sweden's ratification of it,
which could not be expected, as it made void the Treaty of Hailbron.
This was not what the Cardinal wanted: he commissioned Father Joseph to
employ all his address to bring Grotius into his measures. The Capuchin
was the Cardinal's confident, and it was then thought that he was
destined to succeed him in the Ministry in case of the Cardinal's death.
March 14, the Superintendant sent to acquaint Grotius that he purposed
to make him a visit with Father Joseph; but as the Father was taken ill
he asked him to go with him to the Convent of the Capuchins; that he
ought to have no reluctance to this, since the Cardinal himself had
lately visited Father Joseph there when he was ill. Grotius went to the
convent, and was conducted from thence to the Garden of the Thuilleries,
where he found Boutillier and Father Joseph. After the usual
compliments, the Capuchin shewed that the late treaty at Paris was made
in consequence of a full power given the Ministers of the German
Princes, and concluded and signed without any stipulation concerning
the necessity of ratifying it. Grotius replied, that the High Chancellor
himself had said the contrary; that the towns who approved of the treaty
owned the necessity of its being ratified; that a ratification was so
necessary to give a treaty the force of a law, that that which was
concluded at Ratisbon, in 1630, by Father Joseph himself, had not its
full execution because the King did not think proper to ratify it; that
the Swedes only asked what was just, and would consent that some
addition should be made to the treaty of Hailbron, if that were proper.
Grotius was asked, which article of the late treaty Sweden complained
of? he first mentioned that of the Subsidies, the disposition of which
was left to the four circles of Germany, though it was on the express
condition of receiving them that Sweden had engaged in the war: he
added, that it was unjust to take Benfield from the Swedes without
giving them an equivalent, since the Germans had given them that place
as a pledge. The two French Ministers, unable to make Grotius approve of
the treaty of Paris, had recourse to menaces and caresses: they imagined
that his instructions bore that he might ratify it provided it was not
till the last extremity. Grotius saw through their design, and told them
they deceived themselves. They said, they would write to Sweden to
complain of the High Chancellor; that the King would no longer treat
with Grotius as Ambassador; that orders would be sent to the Marquis de
Feuquieres to complain to Oxenstiern himself of his contempt of a signed
treaty, and want of due regard to the King. Grotius answered, that the
Marquis de Feuquieres had already made representations to the High
Chancellor, without effect, on this subject; that if France would not
have him for Ambassador, he would be employed elsewhere; that it would
be in vain to write to Sweden because Oxenstiern's reasons for not
ratifying the treaty of Paris would certainly be approved there. They
cooled a little; and gave him to understand, that an alteration might
be made in some of the articles, and that the King would consent that
the Swedes should not be excluded from the chief command, though the
treaty imported that a Prince should be General. Grotius shewed that
there were many other articles, which occasioned great difficulty both
by their ambiguity and their opposition to the interests of Sweden. The
two Ministers put themselves into a passion, and concluded with
complaining that they would inform the King and the Cardinal that they
could settle nothing with Grotius, and that the Swedes made a jest of
treaties. Father Joseph retiring, the conversation became milder with
the Superintendant: Grotius shewed that it was the promise of assistance
from France, which engaged Sweden in such a burthensome war; that the
High Chancellor had done essential services to the common cause; that if
the King should drop his alliance with the Swedes, they should be
obliged to take care of themselves; that France might give subsidies to
the Germans, but it was just that those promised to Sweden should be
exactly paid. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of this conference in
a letter of the 15th of March, 1635.
Cardinal Richelieu[228], to induce the Swedes to conform more to his
measures, spread a report, and even said himself often, that he was in
treaty with the Emperor, and the accommodation on the point of being
concluded: but Grotius, who knew the Cardinal's character, was not duped
by it; and wrote to the High Chancellor that it was only a stratagem of
that Minister, and the report ought to make no change in Sweden's
conduct.
On the 28th of March the Cardinal sending to acquaint Grotius[229] that
he wanted to confer with him, he immediately waited on his Eminence:
which shews the inaccuracy of Du Maurier, who assures us that Grotius
never saw Cardinal Richelieu whilst he was Minister from Sweden in
France, because his Eminence gave not the precedence to Ambassadors.
He complimented the Cardinal (with whom he found Father Joseph) in the
name of the Queen, the Regents of Sweden, and the High Chancellor, and
delivered to him his Letters of Credence. The treaty of Paris was soon
brought on the carpet: the Cardinal pretended that it ought to be
executed without any restriction; he said the King, by assisting the
Germans with men and money, sufficiently favoured the Swedes; adding,
that Sweden did not apply the subsidies granted by France to the uses
agreed on. Grotius made answer, that Læfler and Strect could not make a
treaty contrary to the interests of Sweden. Father Joseph added that the
King was informed that it was he (Grotius) who advised the High
Chancellor not to ratify the treaty of Paris, giving him hopes that he
through his friends would obtain one more advantageous. Grotius assured
him it was a falshood; and that what had been said of the misapplication
of the Subsidies was a gross calumny. The Cardinal interposing said that
he perceived Father Joseph and the Swedish Ambassador were not in good
understanding, and he would endeavour to reconcile them. Grotius sounded
high the wealth of France, as being more than sufficient to assist the
Germans without abandoning the Swedes, who had entered into the war
solely at her felicitation and on her promise of succours. The Cardinal,
without explaining himself what sum would be given, hinted that Sweden
must not expect for the future a Subsidy of a million. Father Joseph
pretended, that he knew from good hands the High Chancellor only wanted
that article changed which excluded the Swedes from the command in
chief, and that regard should be had to their interests in concluding a
peace. The Cardinal said the King would consent to this alteration; but
that he was surprised the High Chancellor, after giving so many
assurances of his satisfaction, should make new demands. Grotius still
insisted that it was but just to adhere to the treaty of Hailbron, and
that Sweden, which kept up armies and fleets, had a better claim to the
King's liberality, than several other Princes to whom the King
generously gave subsidies.
The Cardinal receiving notice that a Courier was just arrived with
Letters from the High Chancellor, ordered him to be brought in. He
presented Oxenstiern's Letters to the Cardinal, who, on reading them,
was much surprised to find the High Chancellor desirous of coming into
France to settle all difficulties in a conference. This journey was not
at all agreeable to the Cardinal: however, as it would have been
indecent and improper to oppose it, he answered that he would write
about it to the King, and he did not doubt but his Majesty would consent
to it; that it would give him the greatest pleasure to see Oxenstiern,
but if his errand was to set aside the treaty of Paris, he foresaw the
interview would do more harm than good; and that he would dispatch La
Grange to the High Chancellor to compliment him, and assure him he must
not think of concluding a treaty contrary to what had been agreed on
with Læfler and Strect.
FOOTNOTES:
[228] Ep. 375. p 137.
[229] Ep. 380. p. 139.
VI. The King being informed that Oxenstiern, to serve the common cause,
wanted to come to France, consented to it, and gave orders for his being
received with great magnificence: the Hotel for Ambassadors
Extraordinary at Paris was fitted up for him[230]. All business was
suspended till his arrival[231]: and the King went to Compeigne to be
nearer Flanders and Germany. The High Chancellor came thither. Grotius
had purposed to go to meet him as soon as he heard of his being on the
way; but Oxenstiern not giving him notice what rout he would take, nor
whether he would come directly to Paris, or alight at Compeigne, Grotius
remained in suspense till April 21, that a Courier[232] from the High
Chancellor brought him word that he had taken the road through the Three
Bishoprics and Champagne, and desired him to come to him. Grotius set
out immediately; and met him at Soissons, from whence they came to
Compeigne. The High Chancellor had two hundred men in his retinue. The
Count de Soissons was at first nominated to go to meet that
Minister[233]; it was however the Count D'Alais, Son of the Duke
D'Angoulême, who went with Count Brulon in the King's coach. They
proceeded the distance of three leagues, and on their coming up the High
Chancellor stept with them into his Majesty's coach. He was conducted to
the Hotel prepared for him, and splendidly entertained at the King's
expence. On the 26th of April, 1635, he came to Compeigne; and next day
had an audience of the King, who received him very graciously, and
expressed a high esteem for him. The visit lasted half an hour: the
Scots Colonels Hepburn and Leslie were present; and Grotius served as
Interpreter. He afterwards visited the Queen, and also Cardinal
Richelieu, who took the right hand of him; he offered it indeed to
Oxenstiern; but he in civility refused it. They were together at this
visit three hours, but said not a word of business; nothing passed but
compliments and mirth, says the _Mercure François_. Both spoke in Latin.
Two days after, that is to say, on the 29th, the Cardinal returned the
High Chancellor's visit: his Eminence was booted as if he were returning
from the country, that this visit, says Puffendorf, might not be looked
upon as a debt. They conversed long together about business. Oxenstiern,
like an able Politician, made no mention of the treaty of Paris, nor of
that of Hailbron: he foresaw that it would draw on discussions which
might breed ill blood, and hurt the common cause: he only talked of a
treaty with Sweden. There was some alteration made in the old one; and
it was agreed that no peace or truce should be concluded with the
Austrians without the consent of the two Crowns. The same day, according
to the _Mercure François_, or on the 30th of April, according to
Puffendorf, the High Chancellor had his audience of leave of the King:
his Majesty took a diamond ring from his finger, valued at that time at
ten or twelve thousand crowns, which he gave him, together with a box
set with diamonds, in which was his Majesty's picture. All the time he
was at Compeigne, he was served by the officers of the King's kitchen
with so much splendor and magnificence, that he complained to Grotius of
the too great expence they were at on his account. He set out from
Compeigne on Monday the 30th of April for Paris. He wanted to be there
_incognito_; and lodged with Grotius[234]; but as soon as his arrival
took air, the crowd to see him was so great that they could scarce keep
them from forcing into Grotius's house. Had he been one descended from
heaven they could not have shewn more eagerness. He staid only two or
three days at Paris, during which he went to see the Church of Notre
Dame, the Louvre, the Palace of Luxembourg, and some of the fine Seats
near the City. He was so well satisfied with the manner in which Grotius
received him, that he made a considerable present to his lady. She would
have refused it, if she could have done it with a good grace. Grotius,
in returning his humble thanks for it to the High Chancellor, told him
that he owed all he had to his goodness, and that if he could have done
more, he would have thought himself sufficiently recompensed by the
honour of lodging so great a man. Oxenstiern went from Paris to embark
at Dieppe; and Grotius accompanied him a part of the way[235]. As soon
as the High Chancellor arrived at Dieppe, he wrote Grotius a very
obliging letter[236]. The Court had prepared vessels at Dieppe, on
board which Oxenstiern embarked for Holland, from whence he proceeded to
Lower Saxony.
This treaty occasioned a difference between the Duke of Weymar and the
High Chancellor[237]. The Marquis de Feuquieres insinuated to that
Prince, that Oxenstiern, in treating with France, had shewn no regard to
the interests of Germany. The fact was most false; for Grotius was a
witness that the High Chancellor had recommended the affairs of Germany
to the King with great warmth: it was agreed that neither peace nor
truce should be concluded but in concert with the Allies; and he had
ordered Grotius to solicit their affairs, who had in consequence pressed
the sending the promised succours. It was not probable that Feuquieres
should of himself venture to talk in this manner, which was enough to
ruin him: there was therefore reason to suspect that he did it by
private orders from the Cardinal, that the Duke of Weymar, distrusting
the Chancellor, might place his confidence in his Eminence. It is
certain, that notwithstanding what was agreed on at Compeigne, the
Cardinal had the treaty with Læfler and Strect still much at heart; and
Avaugour[238], the French Minister at Stockholm, was ordered to demand
its ratification. But he was answered, that those Ministers were not
sent by Sweden, and exceeded their powers, and that the affair was
referred to Oxenstiern. After such a formal denial, Avaugour was forced
to confine his demands to the ratification of the treaty of Compeigne.
FOOTNOTES:
[230] Ep. 383. p. 140.
[231] Ep. 390. p. 142. & ep. 391. p. 143.
[232] Ep. 393. p. 143 & ep. 396 p. 144.
[233] Ep. 387. p. 141.
[234] Ep. 400. p. 146.
[235] Ep. 344. p. 853.
[236] Ep. 408. p. 1, 8.
[237] Ep. 432. p. 159.
[238] Puffendorf, l. 8. n. 4.
VII. Grotius was not only fatigued and embarrassed with State affairs;
the reformed Ministers gave him uneasiness at a time when he imagined
they had room to be satisfied with him.
He was at a loss[239] at first how to act with regard to the celebration
of divine service. March 30, 1635, he wrote to his brother: "You have
reason to ask how I must act in the affair of religion; it greatly
embarrasses me. It would be an odious thing, and might displease the
High Chancellor, to introduce, by my own authority, a new reformed
Church: besides, those, to whom I might apply for a Minister, are of
different sentiments from me. What you propose, that I should hear the
Ministers of Charenton, since they receive the Lutherans into their
communion, is not amiss."
We have seen that Grotius, on his arrival at Paris after his escape from
Louvestein, had room to be dissatisfied with the reformed Ministers,
who, under pretence of his refusing to receive the Synod of Dort, and
his attachment to Arminianism, would not communicate with him. The happy
revolution in his fortune made one in their minds, as he writes to
Vossius[240]. Immediately on his arrival at Paris in quality of
Ambassador from Sweden, he was visited by six of the principal reformed
Ministers, among whom were Faucher, Aubertin, Daillé, and Drelincourt.
They were not much attached to the rigid sentiments on Predestination:
some even seemed to prefer Melancton's system to that of Calvin. Before
Grotius had determined in what manner he should act with the Ministers
of Charenton, Faucher, Mestrezat, and Daillé came on the 2d of August,
1635[241], to ask him to join their communion; which, they assured him,
discovered a greater disposition than ever towards an union among
Protestants, having lately resolved to admit Lutherans. "They hoped,
they said, that he looked on their Confession of Faith as consistent
with Christianity; that they had the same charitable sentiments
concerning that of the Arminians; that they had not forgot what he had
formerly said, writing against Sibrand, 'that he wondered whether the
Contra-Remonstrants would refuse to admit St. Chrysostom and Melancton
into their communion, if they should offer themselves;' that they had
read and approved of his Treatise on the Truth of the Christian
Religion, and what he had lately written, exhorting Christians to live
in peace; that they had written to Holland, to make no more difficulty
about admitting the Remonstrants into their communion; and that the
Dutch, become more moderate in process of time, would give attention to
their reasons." Grotius answered, that he was ready to give them public
proofs of his willingness to join in communion with them, and that it
was not his fault he had not done this sooner: adding, that if he should
go into any Country where the Lutherans, knowing his sentiments on the
Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, should be willing to receive him into
their communion, he would make no difficulty of joining with them: which
the Ministers approved of.
He had not yet determined to go to Charenton on the 23d of August, 1635.
"I weigh matters (he writes to his[242] brother) that I may do what is
most agreeable to God, useful to the Church, and advantageous to my
Family."
This affair seemed almost finished when the Ministers sent to tell
him[243] that they would willingly receive him, but not as Ambassador
from Sweden, because that kingdom was of a different persuasion. "I am
surprised (he writes to his brother) at the fickleness of people, who
invite the Lutherans to partake with them, and say they cannot receive
me in quality of Ambassador from Sweden, on account of their differing
in opinion from that kingdom." To go to sermon as a private man would
have been no great inconveniency to him[244], but he could not do this
without contradicting his principles, which made him look on the Swedes
as orthodox. He resolved therefore to have Divine Service celebrated
for the future in his own house.
It is evident from this recital, which is faithfully taken from
Grotius's letters, that Du Maurier is mistaken in saying[245], that the
Ministers of Charenton, when they knew that Grotius was Ambassador from
Sweden, deputed one of their number to invite him to their Church; and
he answered, that having neglected him when a Fugitive he would now
neglect them when Ambassador.
Not having been able to settle matters with the reformed Ministers, he
resolved to have Divine Service performed at home. The Lutherans
attended his Chapel as if he publicly professed their religion. He
writes to his brother, Dec. 28, 1635[246], "We celebrated at my house
the Feast of the Nativity: the Duke of Wirtemberg, the Count de
Suarsenbourg, and several Swedish and German Lords assisted at it."
George Calixtus, an eminent Lutheran Minister[247], procured him
Brandanus for his Chaplain. This man was a zealous Lutheran: Grotius
recommended moderation to him, and took him upon condition[248] that he
should be upon his guard in his Sermons, and never enter into
controversy in public, either with the Roman Catholics or the Reformed.
But his zeal carried him away; and seeing his Master's Chapel much
frequented, he took occasion to rail sometimes against the Papists and
even sometimes against the Reformed. Grotius was much offended at it,
not only because it was contrary to agreement, but also because, by
publicly attacking in his own house the established Church and the
others who were tolerated, he exposed himself to the hatred of the whole
kingdom. He several times intimated to Brandanus[249] to behave
otherwise; but his representations and orders having no effect, in
autumn, 1637, he forbad him his Chapel: he kept him however in his house
till the end of February following. To supply the place of Brandanus he
pitched upon Francis Dor, who had been deposed at Sedan for his
adherence to Arminianism, and since lived by keeping a boarding-school,
and teaching French to young Flemings and Germans on their travels in
France. It was some time before he could resolve[250] to quit this
manner of life; but at length accepted of Grotius's offer. They lived in
good understanding together, because their opinions were almost the
same.
FOOTNOTES:
[239] Ep. 340. p. 151.
[240] Ep. 378. p. 138.
[241] Ep. 350. p. 854.
[242] Ep. 354. p. 856.
[243] Ep. 358. p. 857.
[244] Ep. 360. p. 857.
[245] Memoirs, p. 414, 415.
[246] Ep. 363. p. 858.
[247] Ep. 674. p. 275.
[248] Ep. 410. p. 872.
[249] Ep. 840. p. 369.
[250] Ep. 423. p. 879.
VIII. Soon after Oxenstiern left the kingdom, the peace of Vervins was
broken, and the French and Spaniards began that long war which was not
ended till the Pyrenean treaty. The King went to Chateau-Thierry; and
the Cardinal followed him, though indisposed. Grotius went to Court on
the eve of Whitsunday, 1635[251], as well to solicit the affairs of
Sweden, as to attend to the interest of their allies. France was at this
time in great joy on account of the victory at Ardenne, gained by the
Marshals de Brezé and de Chatilon over Prince Thomas of Savoy. The
Marshal de la Force had also gained a great advantage over the Cravats
in Lorrain: which happy beginning raised the hopes of the French
exceedingly. It was at this point of time Grotius arrived at Court. He
went first to Cardinal Richelieu, who was three leagues from
Chateau-Thierry; but as that Minister had been blooded on Whitsunday, he
referred the Ambassador to Boutillier the Superintendant. They talked
about several things: the chief was the payment of the Subsidies.
Grotius after this conference sending to ask how the Cardinal did, his
Eminence desired him to wait on the King. Grotius accordingly went to
compliment his Majesty on the victory of Ardenne, and afterwards begged
that he would be pleased to give orders about the money which was
demanded by the Swedes. The King heard him with great goodness, and
desired him to give in a state of his demands to Boutillier. At taking
his leave, Grotius told his Majesty that he should think himself most
happy if he could do him any service, or promote the common cause. The
King answered, that he might be of great use in what concerned the
affairs of Holland. He afterwards related to him what had passed between
the Marshal de la Force and the Cravats; the news of which, he had just
received.
Grotius was preparing to visit the Superintendant again, when the
Cardinal sent to acquaint him, that he should be glad to see him.
Grotius went: he spoke to his Eminence of the sums due to Sweden before
the death of King Gustavus, and which Chavigni, Secretary of State for
foreign affairs, and Boutillier's son, promised the High Chancellor
should be paid. The Cardinal answered, that his bad state of health and
greater affairs had made him much a stranger to those particulars; and
that since the Superintendant and Bullion said they were ignorant of the
King's intentions on the subject, he must wait Chavigni's return, who
was expected at Court in a few days.
Grotius after this visit went to the Superintendant, with whom he left a
memorial of his demands as his Majesty had desired. Boutillier talked in
the same strain the Cardinal had done concerning the money due to the
Swedes.
Things being in this situation, Grotius returned to Paris, leaving his
Secretary at Court, who was to give him notice of Chavigni's return.
The King drawing nearer Paris, Chavigni came back to that city. The
Swedish Ambassador[252] sent several times to demand an interview, which
he eluded; sometimes it was pretended he was gone out; at other times he
was busy: he once made a positive appointment with him; but when
Grotius came to his house, he was gone to wait upon the King at
Monceaux. At his return he appointed another meeting; Grotius did not
fail to be there: Chavigni assured him, that some pressing business
hindered him from conferring with him at that time. The Cardinal
returning very ill to Ruel, Chavigni went to see him; Grotius followed,
and pressed him so closely, he could not put him off. Bullion was
present: Chavigni pretended that there never had been any positive
promise to pay the arrears of the old subsidies; that he had only said
from the King, that as far as the situation of affairs would allow, his
Majesty would endeavour that the High Chancellor should have no reason
to complain. However Grotius recommended this affair to Bullion as being
just in itself; and Bullion answered, that he would give as much
attention to it as the state of the finances would permit. Grotius
shewed them his letters from Germany, informing him that the body of
twelve thousand men, which the King engaged to furnish, was in a very
bad condition, and that even the interest of France required that it
should be speedily completed. They made answer, that the King intended
it, and that this army would soon be increased to seventeen thousand
men.
Grotius's pressing solicitations were troublesome to Chavigni[253], and
we see that he was afraid of his visits. He sought pretences for delay,
and even often broke his appointments with so little decency, that
Grotius complained to the High Chancellor that Chavigni did not shew
proper respect to the dignity of an Ambassador from Sweden.
The King going to Fontainebleau in summer, 1635[254], and carrying
Boutillier with him, whose son was with the Duke of Orleans, Servin,
Secretary at War, remained at Paris. Grotius went to see him and was
received with great politeness and friendship.
He spoke to him of the subsidies; Servien promised his good offices.
Grotius also recommended to him the interests of the Duke of Weymar, who
was hard pressed by his enemies: and he received fair promises. Some
days after, Servien returned his visit[255]. July 20, 1635, Grotius went
to see the Cardinal at Ruel[256]; and spoke to him of the money owing to
Sweden. His Eminence owned it; but enlarged much on the great expence
France was put to for the allies; and wished the Swedish Ambassador
would confer on this and other matters with Father Joseph, who had an
apartment at Ruel near the Cardinal's. Grotius saw him, and received
much satisfaction. The Father said he had always disapproved of the
delays in the payment of the subsidies; that he would use his endeavours
to get the promises made to Sweden punctually performed, and to
perpetuate a good understanding between the two crowns, which would be
for the interest of both: he added, that the troops intended for
augmenting the army in Germany were already on their march.
Grotius met with the better reception as the French Court was under some
uneasiness lest the allies should make a separate peace. The Cardinal
gave some hints of what he apprehended on this subject: Grotius removed
his fears in relation to Sweden, and the Cardinal promised that France
would be faithful to her engagements. Grotius did not lose sight of the
affair of the subsidies[257]: he went several times to Bullion, on whom
it partly depended as belonging to his department: but Bullion always
refused to speak to him under pretence of indisposition or multiplicity
of business, which did not leave him master of his own time. Grotius
judging this behaviour equivalent to a positive denial, wrote to the
High Chancellor, that he thought his Excellency should write to the King
himself. The answers of the Ministry depended on the situation of
affairs[258]: when France had need of Oxenstiern they made fine promises
to Grotius, who was not duped by them. At last he saw Bullion[259], who,
after enlarging much on the King's great expence in maintaining an
hundred and fifty thousand men, promised to advance two hundred thousand
Francs; but never issued the order. Lewis XIII. making a progress
towards Lorain, Cardinal Richelieu was left at Paris with absolute
power. Grotius had an audience of him in September 1635. He found him in
a very bad humour. His Eminence said he was well assured the High
Chancellor was negotiating a separate treaty with the Elector of Saxony;
that it was vain to make alliances if they were not faithfully observed;
that for his part he was resolved to adhere to his engagements, and
chose rather to be deceived than to deceive. Grotius answered, that it
was true the Elector of Saxony had made proposals to the High
Chancellor, but his Excellency had written to the Elector himself, had
told his Envoys, and sent a deputation to inform him, that a separate
treaty would be injurious to France and the other allies of Sweden: The
Ambassador added, that he had orders to declare to his Eminence, that in
case Sweden should be abandoned by France, he must not be surprised if
the necessity of affairs should oblige the Swedish Ministers to have
recourse to expedients which were very far from their intention. The
Cardinal replied, that that was the usual style of such as depart from
their engagements and treat separately. Grotius assured him that there
was nothing yet done; that it were to be wished France would send a
Minister to Oxenstiern to act in concert with him; and that it was time
to pay the arrears which were still owing to Sweden notwithstanding the
frequent promises to the contrary, and whose payment Bullion always
deferred. The Cardinal made no answer to this article: he asked the
Ambassador whether he thought the High Chancellor had an inclination to
return to his own country. Grotius replied, that that illustrious
minister entertained no thoughts but what were honourable and great, and
that his principal object was to terminate with dignity the great
affairs with which he was entrusted. The Ambassador at the same time
took occasion to thank the Cardinal for the attention which the King and
his Eminence gave to what passed on the Rhine. The Cardinal intimating
that he heard the Princes in those parts had a great aversion to
Oxenstiern, Grotius replied, that it was impossible it should be
otherwise as things were situated; and that a Foreigner, however great
his prudence and modesty might be, would be always odious to Princes
whose authority and dignity he eclipsed. The end of the conference was
more calm: The Cardinal conducted Grotius to the door of the chamber,
excusing himself that his health did not permit him to go farther. A
month after this audience Grotius demanded another of his Eminence,
which he obtained, after asking it five days successively[260], at Ruel.
Grotius gave him to understand that the letters he received from Germany
ought to make them very uneasy. The Cardinal replied, that he
apprehended the bad state of affairs was exaggerated in order to excuse
a separate peace; but that no honourable or lasting one could be made
but in conjunction, as he desired. His Eminence grew more mild
afterwards, and promised that the Marquis de St. Chaumont should in a
little time set out for Germany with very ample powers to act in concert
with Oxenstiern for the good of the common cause. He desired the
Ambassador to see Bullion in relation to the subsidies. Father Joseph
was present at this audience. The Cardinal treated Grotius with more
respect than he had ever done: he waited on him a little beyond the
door of his Chamber, and gave him the upper hand.
Bullion being at Ruel, Grotius went to wait on him: he promised to give
two hundred thousand Francs, and even to add three hundred thousand more
as soon as the state of the King's affairs would permit it. The
Ambassador answered, that was putting off the payment to a long day.
Bullion represented that the King sent large sums into the Valtoline,
Italy, Germany, Lorain, Piccardy, and Flanders. All this was very true;
but the greatest part, Grotius said, remained in the hands of harpies.
He informed the Chancellor of these conferences in a letter dated at
Paris, October 12, 1635, which he concludes with saying that the
fidelity which he owed to the kingdom of Sweden and to his Excellency
obliged him to observe, that money was very scarce in France, and that
the way to derive advantage from the peace was to hasten its conclusion.
The Marquis de St. Chaumont, who was nominated to go to Germany, was not
liked by Grotius: he was a declared enemy of the Protestants[261], and
it has even been said that he was made choice of for the embassy into
Germany out of compliment to the Court of Rome, who complained loudly of
the protection given by France to Heretics. St. Chaumont's zeal, which
was to do him much honour at the Court of Rome, was no merit in Germany,
where it might even injure the common cause. He set out on his embassy
without having had any conference with the Swedish Ambassador[262], and
even without visiting him; which seemed contrary to custom and decency.
November 3, 1635, Grotius went to Ruel to see the Cardinal[263] whom he
found in a very bad humour. His Eminence thought Sweden wanted to make a
separate peace: he enlarged much on the respect due to the observance of
treaties, and that there could never be any necessity for acting
dishonourably; he added, that the design of Grotius's embassy was a very
bad one, and that he could only derive dishonour from it, since it had
led him first to make objections against the treaty of Paris, and
secondly to acknowledge that the Swedes would not abide by what they had
agreed on at Compeigne. Grotius answered, that the High Chancellor was
in the greatest dilemma, surrounded by enemies, and abandoned by his
allies; that he himself had long solicited the money promised, but could
never obtain payment; that the sending a French Minister into Germany,
so often demanded, was agreed to much later than the good of the common
cause required; and that the High Chancellor desired nothing more than
to remedy the unhappy situation of affairs. The Cardinal made no answer
concerning the remedy to be applied; and contented himself with saying
that these general discourses sufficiently shewed a formed design of
making a separate peace. He added, that all the Protestants were
treacherous; which was a reason not only for being on one's guard in
treating with them, but also for thinking their religion bad. Grotius
grew warm, and said, that he needed not produce former instances to
prove the integrity and sincerity of the Protestants, since the High
Chancellor and the Duke of Weymar had never departed from their
engagements. The Cardinal pretended that the peace which was just
concluded between Poland and Sweden, by the mediation of France, put the
Swedes in condition to continue the war against the Emperor. Grotius
answered, that it was not yet ratified; that, besides, the cession of
Prussia, stipulated by this treaty, was very disadvantageous to Sweden,
because that province not only covered the kingdom, but also yielded a
rich revenue. The Cardinal seemed to be in some emotion, and said that
it required a great command of temper to listen patiently to discourses
that bordered so near on ingratitude. Grotius assured him, that in all
he had advanced he exactly followed his instructions. The Cardinal
seemed displeased with those who had given them; and added that if the
High Chancellor was not content with the peace between Sweden and
Poland, it was from private views, because he lost the government of
Prussia. After this sharp conversation, the Cardinal appeared more calm;
and said, that he had nothing to do but hear what might be advanced, and
would not judge till he had seen what was done. Grotius answered, that
the High Chancellor would always act as a man of honour and a man of
courage.
November 5, Grotius had an audience of the King, who complained much,
that after having been at so great expence, to the prejudice of his own
affairs, on account of the Germans, they should break their treaties.
Grotius went to Ruel on the 14th of December[264], again to solicit the
payment of what was due to Sweden. He found there a courier from the
Marquis de St. Chaumont, who delivered to him some letters he had
brought with him from the High Chancellor. Grotius suspected that they
had been opened, for besides their being dirty, the Courier had been
arrived near a month; and he gave very bad reasons both for the
condition of the letters, and his not delivering them sooner; he said
they had fallen into the sea; that he had been at Paris, but could not
find Grotius's house; and that he had been since kept at Ruel. What made
Grotius easy, was that these letters were written with so much
circumspection, had they been intercepted, the reading of them would
rather have been advantageous than hurtful to Sweden. The French Court's
fears lest the Swedes should conclude a separate peace made the
Ministers promise him speedy payment of the arrears of the subsidies:
Bullion assured him that he would without delay advance three hundred
thousand Francs at several small payments (which Grotius disliked) and
that he had already given orders for paying other two hundred thousand
Francs: Servien promised that France would make greater efforts next
campaign, if Sweden would continue the war.
In the beginning of 1636[265] Grotius went to see the Cardinal, who
complained bitterly that Grotius had written to Holland that the affairs
of France were in a deplorable situation, and the French still on the
point of making their peace. Grotius assured him it was a pure calumny:
the Cardinal pretended that it was known to the French Ambassadors at
the Hague. Grotius assured him these false reports owed their rise to
the artifices of Pau and Aërsens his declared enemies, that Camerarius
the Swedish Ambassador in Holland, with whom he corresponded by letters,
would attest the contrary; that this report was probably occasioned by
an article inserted in the Brussels Gazette, that his letters had been
intercepted, representing France as in the greatest declension, of which
he had never had a thought; and that this was done with design to make
him lose the friendship of his patrons. He added, that he had forgot his
Country; that indeed he wished its preservation on account of the
friends and the small estate he had in it; but that he had given himself
entirely to Sweden, and was not so ignorant, not to know how much it
imported Sweden that whilst she was in arms the Dutch should continue
the war; nor so dishonest, to give counsels contrary to the interest of
Sweden and of the High Chancellor, to whom he owed every thing; and that
if his Eminence would put it in his power to do some service to France,
he would much more chearfully refute these calumnies by his actions,
than by his words. The Cardinal resumed an air of serenity, said several
obliging things, and assured him that for the future he would behave to
him with more openness. He reconducted him a pretty way, politely
excusing himself that he did not go farther lest he should be oppressed
by the croud that wanted to speak to him.
[266]The Duke of Parma arriving about this time at Paris to negotiate
with the Court of France, great difficulties arose with regard to the
ceremonial. The Pope's Nuncios, Mazarin, and Bolognetti, and the other
Ambassadors, would not visit him because they could not agree about the
manner in which he should receive them: the English and Swedish
Ambassadors did not even send their Coaches to meet him, because they
knew that those of the Nuncios would take the precedence. The Duke of
Weymar came to Paris in spring 1636. Grotius[267], who was extremely
circumspect, was in doubt whether he should pay him the first visit: and
before he determined, he wanted to see what the English Ambassador would
do. The Duke sent him his compliments, and the Ambassadors coming to an
agreement to wait first on that Prince[268], Grotius went to see him,
and was extremely well received: the Duke returned his visit. As it was
through the mediation of the Count d'Avaux that the truce of twenty-six
years between Sweden and Poland was concluded, Queen Christina[269]
ordered her Ambassador to return her thanks to the King of France.
Grotius obtained an audience, April 17, 1636, at Chantilly, and gave an
account of what passed at it in a letter to her Majesty, dated April
24[270]. Having presented to the King the Queen of Sweden's letter, his
Majesty assured him, that he interested himself most sincerely in her
Majesty's health and prosperity; that she might depend upon the
constancy of these his sentiments; that he had had the conclusion of the
war between Sweden and Poland the more at heart, as he hoped her Swedish
Majesty, having no longer any differences with the Poles, would give all
her attention to the affairs of Germany; that he already saw with
pleasure his hopes had not been without foundation: that he would write
to his Ministers to know how the payment of the subsidies stood; that he
had always had a good opinion of D'Avaux and therefore employed him in
affairs of importance, and intended to make farther use of his service.
Grotius sent the High Chancellor[271] a copy of this letter to the
Queen. He used to send her Majesty the substance of any affair of
importance without descending to particulars, as Oxenstiern[272] had
recommended to him.
He had an audience of Cardinal Richelieu[273] in the beginning of May,
1636: The affairs of the allies were in a good situation. His Eminence
greatly extolled the High Chancellor: he said what he had done was not
inferior to the exploits of the great Gustavus; that it was a kind of
miracle that the Swedes, after being betrayed by their friends, and
forced into a corner of Germany, should have been able in such a short
time to penetrate into the heart of the Empire. He assured Grotius, that
a part of the money due had been paid by St. Chaumont, and that in a
little time there would not be one sol owing. Afterwards embracing the
Swedish Ambassador with great cordiality, he begged of him in the name
of polite learning, which they both professed to cultivate, to do all in
his power for the advantage of the common cause, especially with the
English: and, to efface the remembrance of the ill treatment Grotius had
received, he told him with a smile, that the French were often fools in
the opinion of other nations, but they soon recovered their right
senses. This change in the Cardinal proceeded from the Queen of Sweden's
approving Oxenstiern's nomination of Grotius to be Ambassador in France;
from the confidence which the High Chancellor placed in him; from Pau's
having lost his authority in Holland; and from the Prince of Orange's
having spoken of him in terms of friendship. The Cardinal magnified the
preparations made by France at sea, from which great things, he said,
might be expected if the English would join: he wanted they should be
given to understand that the French and Swedes would undertake to obtain
the restitution of the Palatinate to Prince Charles Lewis the King of
England's nephew, if the English would unite their forces with those of
France and Sweden. He added that it was unjust in the English to claim
the Empire of the sea, but that it would be improper for some time
openly to dispute their pretensions, for fear of preventing their
joining in the treaty, or on the other hand to acknowledge directly the
right they assumed.
This was all that passed directly between Cardinal Richelieu and
Grotius: they never conferred together afterwards. The Swedish
Ambassador thought he should derogate from his dignity by visiting a
Minister, who, because he was invested with the Purple, refused to give
the upper hand to Ambassadors. He resolved therefore to see his Eminence
no more, but to treat with the other Ministers.
The English were the first who disputed the privileges of the
Cardinalship. Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary from England to
France[274], would not see Cardinal Richelieu: he sent to tell him that
he was expressly ordered to visit no one who assumed in his own house
the precedency of the Ambassadors of Kings. The English had been induced
to take this step by the representation of the Protestants, that to
suffer a Cardinal to take the upper hand of an Ambassador was to
acknowledge the Pope's dignity. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of
this by a letter of the fourth of September, 1635, where he adds, "I say
not this as if I thought the English ought to be imitated in every
thing, but that we may avoid whatever might expose us to contempt: than
which nothing, I am persuaded, can be of more prejudice to the interests
of kings and kingdoms."
He continued, however, to see the Cardinal till the arrival of the Earl
of Leicester, who came to Paris in spring 1636, as Ambassador
Extraordinary from the King of England, with orders not to visit the
Cardinal, because the British Court thought it indecent that Ambassadors
should yield the precedence to Cardinals; and that it was even contrary
to the ceremonial of the Court of Spain. "I commend, says Grotius
writing to the High Chancellor[275], those who defend their rights: I
dare not however imitate them without orders." He thought it most proper
therefore not to visit the Cardinal till he knew the High Chancellor's
intentions. Receiving no orders to continue his visits to him[276], he
wholly left them off; and the Queen's Ministry thinking the crown of
Sweden at least equal in dignity to that of England, approved of his
conduct. Count d'Avaux was ordered to use his endeavours with the
Swedish Ministry to write to Grotius that he should continue to visit
the Cardinal as formerly: D'Avaux spoke of it to Salvius, a
Privy-Councellor, and Chancellor of the Court, who was with him at
Hamburg negotiating a new treaty. Salvius answered, that Grotius had
received orders to conform to the Earl of Leicester's example; that it
would be absurd that the Minister of such a King as yielded not the
precedence to any other King, should yield it to a Minister; and, in
fine, that the dignity of Cardinal was unknown in Sweden.
Grotius informs us in several of his letters, that the English were the
first who refused to give the Cardinal the upper hand. He writes to the
High Chancellor, "[277]Chavigni asked, as by chance, whether I would see
the Cardinal? I answered, that since the English had ceased to visit
him, I was ordered not to see him. I have in fact letters on that
subject from Schmalz. I added, if the Earl of Leicester, who wished so
well to the common cause, and greatly desired the Cardinal's friendship,
should find an expedient to reconcile what is due to the dignity, of his
King to that of the Cardinal, it would be an example for me to follow:
but (continues Grotius) the Earl of Leicester has assured me that the
King will not change his resolution: and I dare make no innovation
without a new order." He writes to Muller[278], "I have no personal
dealings with the Cardinal: the Regents of the kingdom must send me
their orders if they would have me follow the example of the English. If
they think it improper, they need only speak, it is mine to obey. I have
no interest in the matter."
We have enlarged so much on this article, because Puffendorf, the author
of _Vindiciæ Grotianæ_, and Father Bougeant have pretended[279] that the
Earl of Leicester only followed Grotius's example, in refusing to give
the upper hand to Cardinal Richelieu; which they would not have advanced
had they read with attention the Ambassador's letters.
Grotius's steadiness in supporting the interest and dignity of the crown
of Sweden rendered him most odious to the court of France. The Marquis
de St. Chaumont was ordered to demand his recall. Oxenstiern, who knew
that it was his great zeal for the service of the Queen his mistress
that displeased the Cardinal, would not consent to it: he apprised
Grotius of what was plotting against him, and the Swedish ambassador
wrote him a long letter on this subject[280], in which he tells him that
St. Chamount's demand proved how greatly the Courtiers were changed
towards him, for he had been extremely well received by the King at his
last audience; Madam de Combalet, the Cardinal's niece, assured his wife
in presence of several persons, that the Cardinal had a high esteem for
him; and Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors, had asked him to wait
upon the King whenever he pleased, even if he had no business, his
Majesty would take it extremely well. Grotius was persuaded that the
ill-offices done him proceeded from Pau the Dutch Ambassador, and some
Frenchmen. Pau and his accomplices hoped by this persecution to force
Grotius to seek a reconciliation with the Dutch by some meanness. As to
the Frenchmen, their dislike to Grotius was occasioned by his opposition
to their design of abasing the crown of Sweden. "If the dignity of the
crown of Sweden is to receive any diminution, I would rather, he says,
it should be by another than by me." Father Joseph was one of the
greatest opposers of Grotius[281], who would not visit him because the
Capuchin had no title; and, besides, the English Ambassadors had
declared they would not see him. As often as they met, Grotius treated
him with civility; but the Monk, who had all the Cardinal's confidence,
wanted to be considered as a Minister.
The Count d'Avaux was also against Grotius. There having been some
interruption in the payment of the subsidies, the Count said
publicly[282] it was owing to the Swedish Ambassador in France, who did
not make his court to the first Minister, though he was known to possess
all the King's authority; and even refused him the honours paid by the
other Ambassadors.
Grotius, informed of the French Ministry's dislike to him, wrote to the
High Chancellor[283], praying him to consider whether it would not be
better that Sweden should have no Ambassador in France, but only an
Agent without a public character, to enquire into what passed, and hear
what was said to him. The Swedish Ministry judged that the more Cardinal
Richelieu desired Grotius's removal, the greater reason they had for
supporting him, since he displeased only by doing his duty too well.
Grotius was informed of their sentiments, and wrote to Salvius[284],
that the justice which the Regents of Sweden did him would serve to
confirm his steadiness. Father Joseph said[285] publicly, the French
Ministers desired Grotius's removal, because it was evident to them that
he opposed the success of the affairs of France. This being repeated to
Grotius, he answered, that it was of little importance to him whether he
served Sweden in France or in another kingdom, but that the French might
be persuaded if a successor were sent he would be of the same opinion.
He himself informed the High Chancellor of what was plotting against him
in France; and the Regents of Sweden, notwithstanding this violent
opposition, wrote to him that they were well satisfied with his good
services[286].
The Cardinal's tools endeavoured to render Sweden suspicious of him, by
insinuating that he was a Pensioner of France. His friends told him one
day his name was in the list of pensioners. He immediately informed the
Chancellor of it; adding, that he did not know whether it was done by
mistake or with a bad design; that having been formerly a Pensioner of
the King, his name might possibly have been copied from some old list;
but there was also reason to think it was done with a design to injure
him: he farther adds, "I can assure your Excellency, before God, that I
have not received a farthing from the Court of France since I have been
in the service of Sweden; and that I am determined to accept of only
what is usually given Ambassadors when they have their audience of
leave."
It is probable that his name was put in the list of Pensioners, because
the Ministry imagined if they could get him to accept of a pension, they
would more easily bring him to their ends. It is certain they offered
him one[287]; and when they saw that he absolutely refused it, as not
thinking he could with decency be a Minister of Sweden and a Pensioner
of France at the same time, they rightly judged that he would never
sacrifice the interest of the Crown of Sweden to the pretensions of the
French Ministers. They sometimes caressed him[288], however, because
they saw him powerfully protected. Feuquieres was ordered to tell him
they were very well satisfied with him: but he believed these
compliments were made, that, being less on his guard, they might have a
better opportunity to hurt him. "For (he writes to Oxenstiern[289]) I am
persuaded they would be glad to see me gone, because I absolutely refuse
the presents they offer me; and suffer not myself to be led by them like
some other Ambassadors. For this reason they put me in such a situation
that I must either sacrifice the dignity of the kingdom, or expose
myself to be hated. I will never do any thing against the honour of
Sweden; and I will shun, as much as I can, what may render me odious.
Whatever I may do on such critical occasions, I shall be censured; but I
rely on the testimony of a good conscience."
They often threw difficulties in his way, hoping that the Regents of
Sweden, tired out with these disputes, would recall him. We are
assured[290], that when he went to see the Chancellor Seguier, one of
the Cardinal's creatures, Seguier seated himself in the higher place;
which obliged Grotius to take his chair himself to place it above the
Chancellor. Besides the vexation which they endeavoured to give him in
France, he met with some disgust even from the Swedes. It was intimated
to him at the Court of France, that the High Chancellor's nomination to
the embassy of Paris was not sufficient; it must be approved of by the
Regency of Sweden. This difficulty gave him uneasiness: he writes to
Schmalz, Feb. 28, 1636[291], "I know the High Chancellor has authority
enough to maintain me in the post to which he has raised me; but I think
I should be better able to defend the interest of the crown, if it were
made to appear that what the High Chancellor has done for me is approved
of in Sweden. He is mortal; and besides I find his power of sending
Ambassadors is sometimes called in question here." Grotius was soon
after satisfied, the Regency of Sweden confirming his nominations[292].
Having been some time without receiving letters from the Swedish
Ministers, it gave him much chagrin, because it disabled him from
serving them effectually: besides, he looked on it as a want of respect.
August 31, 1635, he wrote to the High Chancellor[293], "Since your
Sublimity set out for Hamburg, I have received no letter from you, nor
from any of your attendants: what grieves me is, that not knowing the
actual state of things, I scarce have assurance to speak to those to
whom I must recommend the affairs with which I am charged." Eight days
after, he renewed his complaint in a more bitter tone: "I have desired
nothing so much, says he, as to give proofs of my zeal and fidelity to
the kingdom of Sweden, and to your Sublimity, in this embassy: I have
not yet failed in my duty, and I hope I never shall fail; but it is
impossible for me to discharge it properly, if I am kept ignorant of
those things which an Ambassador ought to know. I have no accounts from
Sweden. If I have not received letters from your Sublimity since you
set out for Hamburg, I ascribe your silence to the multiplicity of your
affairs: but Schmalz has not written to me since; and for some time I
have had no letter from Camerarius or Grubbius. If they imagine my
enemies so powerful, that I ought to remain here Ambassador only in
name, without being let into affairs, and without doing any thing; that
will not suit me. I am not a man that would be chargeable or a dishonour
to those who nominated me to my employment. Besides, they are mistaken
if they think my enemies have so much credit in my native Country; and
those who know what passes there think as I do. I humbly beg you would
be pleased to indemnify me for the expences I have been obliged to be
at, and let me at liberty: wherever I go, it will be a sufficient
recommendation not to have displeased your Sublimity."
Whilst he was thus tormenting himself without much reason, he received
two letters from the High Chancellor which made him easy. He thanked him
for them, assuring him that he desired information of what passed, not
from any eager desire for news, but to enable him better to fulfil the
functions of his embassy. Oxenstiern fully satisfied him; and Grotius
was extremely pleased, in the end of 1635 and the beginning of 1636,
with the attention paid him by that great minister. Dec. 20, 1635[294],
he writes, "I cannot sufficiently thank your Sublimity for the care you
have taken of my private affairs and my dignity; it is my duty so to act
as not to appear unworthy such great and continual favours. God forbid
that I should want to penetrate into those things which prudence
requires to be buried in mystery; but as to public matters, I would not
be the last to know them, and to learn them from strangers." "It gives
me great satisfaction (he writes to Oxenstiern's Secretary[295]) that
the High Chancellor is pleased to remark that I discharge my embassy
with honour."
Besides the embarrassment which always attends difficult negotiations,
the trouble of contenting several masters, and the difficulty of
treating with Ministers to whom one is disagreeable, Grotius, who
thought it essential to an Ambassador to live with dignity, received
almost continual uneasiness from the ill payment of his appointments.
Sep. 14, 1635, he wrote to the High Chancellor[296], that the Treasurer
of Sweden refused to pay his quarter's salary; that the expences of his
journies were still unpaid, and that he had exhausted all his private
resources. He repeats in a letter of the 8th of November, 1635[297],
that he had received but one quarter, which was owing even before his
arrival at Paris; that there were two others due since: that he spared
no expence in order to live with more dignity; that his journies and the
furnishing of his house were very expensive; that he could borrow no
more, and what he had already borrowed, was done on very disadvantageous
terms. At the end of 1638 there were six quarters owing, amounting to
twelve thousand rixdollars, besides twelve hundred which he had laid out
for the service of Sweden. He was desirous of being permitted to pay
himself out of the subsidies given by France. He represented that his
expence was considerably increased by the high tax laid on all sorts of
goods, which made living so dear, that his salary was insufficient for
supporting his dignity. For two whole years he received no remittance,
and in the end of May, 1639[298], there were forty thousand francs owing
besides what he had laid out on several occasions. His salary was,
therefore, twenty thousand francs _per annum_. Salvius ordered one half
of what was owing him to be paid out of the subsidies received by
Sweden from France; but it was long before Grotius got the money: for on
the 9th of July, 1639[299], he pressed Salvius very warmly to order
immediate payment; and went so far as to tell him that if he still left
him in this perplexity, he would demand to be reimbursed and recalled.
It was in these critical circumstances that the French Ministry offered
him a supply, which he refused with great disinterestedness[300].
Living at Paris growing every day dearer, the Swedish Ambassador, not
knowing how to support his dignity, took a resolution to ask of the
Queen of Sweden, Jan. 21, 1640[301], that, as he was unable to make any
more advances, and his anxiety about this matter hindered him in some
measure from attending to her Majesty's more important concerns, he
might be permitted to pay himself out of the French subsidy. Without
waiting for an answer he took sixteen thousand rixdollars of it; and
wrote to the High Chancellor, April 14, 1640[302], that he was compelled
to this by necessity, and that it was no more than had been usually done
by the Ambassadors who resided in France. There is reason to think that
Oxenstiern, who had a friendship for the Ambassador, found no fault with
his boldness, as he did not venture on this step till all his resources
were exhausted.
FOOTNOTES:
[251] Ep. 413. p. 150.
[252] Ep. 419. p. 153.
[253] Ep. 426. p. 157.
[254] Ep. 434. p. 160.
[255] Ep. 436. p. 162.
[256] Ep. 437. p. 162.
[257] Ep. 438. p. 163.
[258] Ep. 468. p. 177.
[259] Ep. 475. p. 181.
[260] Ep. 491. p. 188.
[261] Ep. 475. p. 180. 492. p. 189. 504. p. 194. & 517. p. 200.
[262] Ep. 475. p. 180.
[263] Ep. 505. p. 194.
[264] Ep. 528. p. 204.
[265] Ep. 534. p. 208.
[266] Ep. 556. p. 219.
[267] Ep. 560. p. 221.
[268] Ep. 562. p. 222.
[269] Ep. 577. p. 227.
[270] Ep. 580. p. 228.
[271] Ep. 581. p. 229.
[272] Ep. 557. p. 210.
[273] Ep. 585. p. 231.
[274] Ep. 475. p. 180.
[275] Ep. 598. p. 239.
[276] Ep. 800. p. 347.
[277] Ep. 1135. p. 513.
[278] Ep. 226. p. 553.
[279] Puffendorf, l. 11. § 78. Vindiciæ Grotianæ, p. 396. Hist. des
guerres de Vestphalie, t. 1. l. 5. p. 362.
[280] Ep. 636. p. 256.
[281] Ep. 598. p. 235.
[282] Vin. Grot. p. 394.
[283] Ep. 690. p. 284. Vin. Grot. p. 378.
[284] Ep. 716. p. 301.
[285] Ep. 739. p. 313.
[286] Ep. 745. p. 317 & 754. p. 323.
[287] Ep. 636. p. 257. 1263. p. 575. & 1289. p. 583.
[288] Ep. 958. p. 428.
[289] Ep. 958. p. 428.
[290] Puffendorf, l. 11. § 78. Bougeant, l. 5. p. 362. See Ep. 1414. p.
645.
[291] Ep. 557 p. 219.
[292] Ep. 585. p. 231.
[293] Ep. 470. p. 178.
[294] Ep. 528. p. 204.
[295] Ep. 533. p. 207.
[296] Ep. 475. p. 181.
[297] Ep. 505. p. 195.
[298] Ep. 1177. p. 533. 1183. p. 536. & 1199. p. 542.
[299] Ep. 1203. p. 544.
[300] Ep. 1263. p. 573. & 1289. p. 583.
[301] Ep. 1308. p. 592.
[302] Ep. 1350. p. 612.
IX. The French Ministry carried their animosity against Grotius so far,
that, if we may believe the Swedish Historian[303], they instigated the
Venetian Ambassador to dispute with him for precedency at the public
entry of the Ambassador in ordinary from England. The French took the
part of the Venetians. Grotius imagined they did it to make their court
to the Pope. He wrote to the High Chancellor, that Father Joseph, who
had a great desire to be a Cardinal, always favoured such counsels as
might please the court of Rome. Besides, the Capuchin fought to make a
merit with the Cardinal of vexing Grotius, whom they both hated.
About a year after this dispute between the Venetian Ambassador and
Grotius, when they both were waiting in a hall for the King, the
Introductors of Ambassadors placed their seats in such manner, that the
Swedish Ambassador might be dissatisfied. They expected a quarrel, which
would have afforded them diversion. Grotius disappointed them by chusing
rather to stand, than take the seat intended for him. It was on this
occasion he wrote to the High Chancellor, desiring him to consider,
whether, to avoid all those difficulties, it would not be most expedient
to have only a Resident at Paris: but Oxenstiern thought his honour and
duty was the more concerned in protecting Grotius, as his strong
attachment to the honour and interest of his Masters was the reason of
his being harrassed.
FOOTNOTES:
[303] Puff. l. 8.
X. The war which was at this time ravaging Europe gave the greater
uneasiness to the Court of Rome, as there was ground to apprehend that
the success of the Swedes, who were the allies of France, might greatly
prejudice the Roman-Catholic Religion in Germany. Pope Urbin VIII.
ardently desired the re-establishment of Peace, and offered his
mediation for attaining that laudable end. The City of Cologn was chosen
for the place of holding the conferences. The Pope deputed Cardinal
Ginetti in quality of Legate and mediator between the Roman Catholic
Princes; and the Emperor and the King of Spain sent thither their
plenipotentiaries: all this was done without consulting the Dutch and
the Swedes. The great point was, to gain their consent, without which
nothing could be done. The Count de Berlise was ordered to talk with the
Swedish Ambassador on this head. Accordingly he made him a visit,
November 12, 1636[304], and after conversing some time asked Grotius
whether Sweden intended to send plenipotentiaries to Cologn. The
Ambassador made answer, he concluded from the High Chancellor's letters
that the President of the kingdom, to whom that matter had been
referred, would determine it; that the Pope's mediation would be
objected to; but that difficulty, however, might be got over; and then
Oxenstiern would chearfully come himself to Cologn, if business
permitted him, in order to act in concert with the French
Plenipotentiaries, who, he did not doubt, would be persons of the
greatest merit.
Grotius was of opinion that the Swedes ought not to accept of the Pope's
mediation, or send Ministers to Cologn. He wrote a letter about it to
the High Chancellor, Dec. 12, 1636[305], in which he acquaints him, that
talking with Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary from England, he
told his Lordship that he foresaw the Protestant Plenipotentiaries would
suffer many mortifications in a city where the Pope was held in so great
consideration, and the dignity of Cardinal so much respected.
The Venetian Ambassador, who, agreeably to the intention of his Masters,
ardently desired that the congress might take place, came to make
Grotius a visit: he told him that the Protestants apprehensions of ill
offices from the Pope were without foundation; that he knew from the
Nuncio that the Legate was ordered to concern himself only with the
affairs of the Roman Catholic Princes, and had no intention to
intermeddle with those of the Protestants: he added, that Pessaro, whom
the Republic of Venice had nominated her Plenipotentiary to the
Congress, was extremely well affected to the Swedes. Grotius could not
discover whether the Venetian came of himself, or was sent by the French
Ministry: he suspected that Cardinal Richelieu, who wanted him
[Grotius] out of the kingdom, wished he might go to Cologn.
The learned Godefroy[306], whom the Court of France nominated to
accompany and direct the Plenipotentiaries, had several conferences with
Grotius concerning the peace which they seemed desirous to conclude. The
Swedish Ambassador gave the High Chancellor an account of them in a
letter of the 22d of January, 1637. [307]He acquaints him that Godefroy
himself thought the Swedes ought not to send Plenipotentiaries to
Cologn. He gave for his reasons, that the whole town hated the Swedes;
that the Legates had such aversion to the Protestants, that at Vervins
the Legate declared he would withdraw rather than admit the English
Ministers to the conferences; and that the disputes, which would
infallibly arise between the Plenipotentiaries concerning precedency,
would serve only to sour their minds.
This discourse from one, who was only to speak agreeable to the
intentions of the French Ministry, made Grotius doubt whether Cardinal
Richelieu ever sincerely desired peace. Godefroy also insinuated that
the King of France ought to have the first place after the Emperor, in
political assemblies. Grotius would not allow this claim: he maintained
that the rank granted to Princes in Ecclesiastical Councils ought not to
serve for a rule in Congresses, because in the former regard was only
had to the time of their embracing Christianity; and that the Archbishop
of Upsal had proved at the Council of Basil that the Kingdom of Sweden,
on account of its antiquity and extent, the two most decisive arguments
that could be used in this matter, ought to take place of all others.
Godefroy opposing to them the French King's possession of the
precedency, Grotius, like a zealous Minister of Sweden, maintained, that
that title could only serve against such as had never disputed it; that
in former times the Kings of Sweden had no transactions of this kind but
in the North, where they never yielded the precedency to any person; and
that since they had affairs with France, they always treated upon an
equality. Such were Grotius's pretensions, the validity of which remain
to be proved.
The minds of the contending parties were not yet disposed to conform to
the good intentions of the Pope: and the congress of Cologn did not take
place because the Swedes positively refused to send thither
Plenipotentiaries[308].
FOOTNOTES:
[304] Ep. 632. p. 277 & 278.
[305] Ep. 690. p. 284.
[306] Ep. 699. p. 288.
[307] Ep. 709. p. 296.
[308] Ep. 389. p. 865
XI. Some time after, the Republic of Venice acted in conjunction with
the Pope in order to procure peace to Europe. She made an offer of her
mediation to the Swedes[309], and engaged to send an Ambassador to
Cologn, who would be less suspected of partiality than the Pope's
Legate. The Doge, writing on this subject to the Queen of Sweden, in the
titles given to her omitted that of _most powerful_: this gave great
offence to the Swedes[310]; and the Venetian Ambassador being informed
of it, came to visit Grotius in order to discuss the point. He told him
that the Republic had followed the ancient ceremonial in the titles
given to the Queen; that she gave the King of France only the title of
_most serene and most christian_, and to the King of Spain that of _most
serene and catholic_, without adding _most powerful_. Grotius answered,
that, without presuming to prescribe to the Senate, he would only
observe, that as the Kings of France and England gave the King of Sweden
the title of _most serene and most powerful_, it did not become any
other Prince, much less a Republic, to treat him with less distinction.
He added several facts tending to give a high idea of the dignity of the
Swedish nation. The Venetian promised to write about it to his Masters.
The Queen of Sweden[311] declared that she would accept of the mediation
of the Venetians provided the Republic gave her the honours that were
due to her. Christina had at length satisfaction[312], and the Venetian
Ambassador promised to conform to her intentions.
The name of this Venetian Minister was Corraro. Grotius had reason to be
dissatisfied with him[313]: he had been to visit him, and the Venetian
gave him not the title of Excellency, nor the precedency due to an
Ambassador of Sweden. Grotius determined to cease visiting him for some
time. One thing, however, embarrassed him: as the Republic of Venice was
to be mediator for a general peace it was necessary he should confer
with Corraro: for this reason he wrote to the High Chancellor to know,
whether, in consideration of the public good, he ought to dissemble his
grounds of complaint against the Venetian Ambassador. He had not time to
receive Oxenstiern's answer when Corraro came to visit him[314], and
gave him satisfaction; he assured him, that if he had given him any
offence, it was not from design, but through ignorance and want of
attention. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of this, adding that he
accepted of Corraro's excuses; that he would go to see him, and do all
in his power to gain his friendship. Accordingly he visited him some
days after, and no notice was taken of what had passed, the conversation
turning wholly on public affairs and the projects of a peace.
FOOTNOTES:
[309] Bougeant l. 4. n. 30. Puffendorf l. 10. n. 63.
[310] Grotii Ep. 851. p. 374.
[311] Ep. 949. p. 421.
[312] Ep. 1014. p. 457.
[313] Ep. 947. p. 419.
[314] Ep. 960. p. 429.
XII. There happened at this time a more considerable broil between the
English and Swedes at Paris. Pau the Dutch Ambassador in France being
recalled, Oostervich, Ambassador of the United Provinces at Venice, was
appointed to succeed him[315]. He had been formerly very intimate with
Grotius; and signified to him by their common friends that he intended
to renew their ancient friendship, and live with him in that good
understanding which ought to subsist between the Ministers of allied
powers. Grotius made a proper answer to these advances. Oostervich
preparing to make a public entry into Paris, informed the Swedish
Ambassador of it, February 16, 1637, by his Secretary, asking him at the
same time to send his coach to his entry on the second day following,
according to custom[316]. Grotius sent to make his compliments to the
Dutch Ambassador, and to tell him that he would not fail to send his
coach. He sent it accordingly. There were at that time at Paris an
Ambassador in ordinary and an Ambassador extraordinary from England, who
both sent their coaches, with a great number of their attendants. The
Swedes took the precedency of the English and kept it some time. They
quarrelled; and swords were drawn. The Swedes were worsted, for the
English were much more numerous. The Marshal de la Force, who conducted
the Dutch Ambassador, came to make up the quarrel. The Swedes maintained
that they ought to have the precedency of the English, because the
kingdom of Sweden was more ancient than that of England. The Marshal de
la Force pretended that this question had been decided in the reign of
Henry III. in favour of the English. The Swedes being unequally matched,
agreed to the Marshal's proposal, that the coach of the English
Ambassador in ordinary and that of Grotius should withdraw, without
prejudice to the rights of Sweden.
On the nineteenth of February the two Ambassadors from England sent to
Grotius, to know if it was by his order that his attendants had acted
and spoke in the dispute they had with the English. Grotius answered,
that he had ordered them to support the dignity of the kingdom of Sweden
the most ancient and extensive in Christendom; but that he had no
intention to offend the English; that in the treaties which Sweden made
with France there was always one copy in which Sweden was named first;
that if his people had transgressed in point of form, it was not by his
order; that the small number he sent to the entry, was a demonstration
he did not think the quarrel ought to be determined by strength; that as
to the accommodation, he had no power to make it, nor consequently given
any order on the subject: that he was desirous of maintaining the good
understanding between the two kingdoms, and to live well with the two
English Ambassadors. The Deputies, without making any reply to this
answer, civilly withdrew.
The quarrel was mentioned in the Gazette of France[317]; and Renaudot,
in the account he gave, named the English before the Swedes, and spoke
of the affair as accommodated. Grotius was very angry at this: he sent
to tell him, to name the Swedes first in another Gazette, and to retract
what he had said of the accommodation: Renaudot was even threatened,
that if he did not give this satisfaction to the Swedes, he would be
made to feel to his cost that Sweden was powerful enough to do herself
justice. The Gazetteer replied, that he was obliged to obey only the
King and the Cardinal.
This grand dispute did not hinder[318] the English Ambassador from
visiting Grotius on public business. The Earl of Leicester[319],
Ambassador extraordinary from England, had a long conference with him
concerning their quarrel: he pretended that what Grotius advanced in
favour of the precedency of the Swedes, was a thing unheard of. The
Ambassador from Sweden replied, that the same facts had been already
maintained in the Council of Basil; and took occasion to set forth the
extent and antiquity of the kingdom of Sweden. Leicester said, that they
had been of the same opinion formerly in France, since they decided
against the Swedes. Grotius answered, that he much questioned this
decision, and that at the time it was pretended to be made he did not
think there was any Ambassador in France from Sweden, which nation was
little known to those of the South: The English Ambassador wanted to
avail himself of the Pope's authority in favour of his nation: Grotius
rejected it. Leicester insisted that England had been converted to
Christianity before Sweden: Grotius replied, that this was a very bad
reason for precedency; and the employing it might be a prejudice to the
Christian religion by hindering the conversion of the Pagans and
Mahometans.
The King of England was not offended with Grotius on account of this
dispute; for after it happened Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary
from King Charles, told him from his Master, that he would be glad to
see him in England to restore the union between the English and Swedes.
The Earl of Leicester, who had the affair of the precedency much at
heart, had another conferrence on that subject with Grotius, of which
the latter gives an account to the High Chancellor, July 26, 1637. The
English Minister represented, that as the Danes and Norwegians, whose
kingdoms were very ancient, yielded the precedency to England, the
Swedes ought to follow their example. Grotius answered, that he did not
know how the Danes and Norwegians acted; but their conduct ought not to
prejudice the rights of Sweden. Leicester asked, how high the antiquity
of Sweden reached. Grotius answered, that it was older than the most
ancient annals; that, without going higher, it was sufficient to mention
the testimony of Tacitus, who speaks of the Swedish nation as very
powerful by sea and land. Leicester replied, that a long space of time
had elapsed since Tacitus wrote, in which no mention was made of the
Swedes. Grotius shewed him that in every age they were spoken of by the
Germans, French, and English; and that even if less frequent notice had
been taken of them, it would not be matter of surprise, since in those
times the Swedes had no disputes but with the Russians, the Sclavonians,
the Danes, and Norwegians; that their embracing Christianity late could
not prejudice the dignity of the kingdom, or the claims of the Swedes.
The Ambassador of Sweden afterwards asked Leicester what rank the
English pretended to give the Czar, to whom the Kings of Sweden would
never yield the precedency. He added, that many people were surprised
when the truce was negociating at Holland, that the French always
preceded the English, who contented themselves with a writing,
signifying that it was without prejudice to their rights. Leicester said
he did not see how it was possible to assemble a congress of ministers
of Princes who would all have the first place. Grotius made answer, that
several expedients might be found to save the claim of each.
This quarrel, from which a rupture between the two nations was
apprehended, had no bad consequence, and did not even lessen the
friendship which subsisted between the Ministers of the two kingdoms.
Lord Scudamore's lady being brought to bed at Paris, the lady of the
Swedish Ambassador stood godmother[320] to the child in the month of
March, 1638, that is, during the height of the quarrel.
FOOTNOTES:
[315] Ep. 718. p. 302.
[316] It is surprising that Father Bougeant, after reading the
DCCXVIIIth letter of Grotius, should contradict him so manifestly by
placing this quarrel in 1639. Hist. l. 5. n. 5.
[317] Ep. 719. p. 304.
[318] Ep. 722. p. 305.
[319] P. 306. & epist. 395. p. 866.
[320] Ep. 919. p. 406.